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Ganga

The Ganga River

Sacred Geography

The Ganga River, often referred to as the anglicized Ganges in the west, is a major watershed of the Indian Continent, with its origin in the Himalayan Mountains at Mount Kailasa, to its drainage at the Indian Ocean (Darian 1). The Ganga is formed near the town of Deoprayag where the Alakananda River joins with the Bhagirathi River, which has its source at Gangotri Glacier (Darian 7-9). The ice cave Gaumukh in the Uttaranchal state of India, close to the Gangotri Glacier, is a well known bathing source in the waterway (Backshall 1). There are many important tributaries as well as geographical sites such as Vasudhara Falls and Lake Manasarovar that are attributed to the Ganga River. Lake Manasarovar is the highest freshwater lake in the world and is a site of religious pilgrimage. It is believed that Lake Manasarovar is the summer refuge for swans, a wise and sacred animal. In the foothills of the Himalayan mountains is Hardwar, known as Gangadvara, “Door of the Ganges” which marks the rivers geographic entrance into the North Indian Plains (Eck 1996:137). Another notable landmark is Prayag where the formerly parallel flowing Yamuna that originates near the Bhagirathi and the underground mystical Sarasvati River also join the Ganga (Eck 1996:137). The Sarasvati is a mystical river mentioned in the Rg Veda which is tied to the Ganga (Darian 58). The location of the Sarasvati is unknown, and post-Vedic Hindu literature does not detail its disappearance. Descriptions of the Sarasvati from the Rg Veda have been applied to the Ganga (Darian 58-68). Near the mouth of the Ganga is the island of Sagar, considered sacred, and which is believed to be the entrance to the netherworlds (Eck 1996:145). The Ganga is referred to by different names including “Child of the Mountains” and the “River of Heaven” (Eck 1982:74,211).

Massive bas-relief depicting how the sage Bagiratha (upper left) performed austerities to lift a curse and cause the Ganga to flow; Mahabalipuram, India
Massive bas-relief depicting how the sage Bagiratha (upper left) performed austerities to lift a curse and cause the Ganga to flow; Mahabalipuram, India

As a Goddess:

In Hindu tradition, the Ganga is regarded as a goddess and is thus known as Ganga Mata, or “Mother Ganges” (Eck 1996:136). The Ganga embodies the sacred geography of India as she is the essential hub of India’s development, civilization and religious culture. The Ganga’s descent to earth is known as her avatarana, and her revered descent marks the return of life-giving water for cultivation of many of India’s primary resources (Eck 1996:137). Furthermore, the Ganga is worshipped as the embodiment of female energy known as sakti, and is also sacred for her mothering capacities (Eck 1982:72). Although Hindu goddesses often have an ambivalent nature, being both nurturing and destructive, the Ganga is worshipped primarily for the nourishment she provides while her potentially destructive nature is mostly overlooked. The entire length of the Ganga is considered sacred and is scattered with many auspicious crossings known as tirthas, which are the objectives of many pilgrimages (Eck 1996:137). In iconographic representation, the goddess Ganga is mostly depicted as a women atop her mount (vahana), a makara or crocodile. She holds a kumbha, the vase of plenty (Darian 114). The makara is an ambivalent creature. It may be regarded as an animal form of the God Soma, and is an emblem for the waters, plants and vegetal layer of life (Darian 114-115). However, the makara is also a symbol of the unknown ocean and an object of fear (Darian 114-115).

The Goddess Ganga atop her crocodile (makara) mount on a bas-relief carved on a column at Mahabalipuram, India
The Goddess Ganga atop her crocodile (makara) mount on a bas-relief carved on a column at Mahabalipuram, India

Myths on the Goddess:

There are many myths about the Ganga, who is considered consort to both Siva and Visnu (Eck 1996:137). In the mythology of the Devi Bhagavata and Brahmavaivarta Puranas, Ganga quarrels with Sarasvati, the other consort of Visnu, and both curse one another to become rivers. For this behavior, Visnu allows Ganga to become wife of Siva, who breaks her mighty torrent through his hair (Eck 1996:146). Siva, also known as Gangadhara, “Bearer of the Ganges,” is the companion of Ganga and they are often depicted in sculptures together as bride and groom (Eck 1996:147). This intimate union between Siva and Ganga often angers the other consort of Siva, Parvati, which causes great jealousy (Eck 1982:219). The Ramayana, Mahabharata, and other Hindu literature describe the myth of Ganga falling from heaven to revive the sixty thousand sons of King Sagara. Flowing from Siva’s hair and being caught by Bhagiratha led her to become the purifying water for Sagara’s sons (Eck 1996:145).

Festivals:

The festival of Ganga Dashara is celebrated on the tenth day of the month of Jyestha, when monsoon rains signal the descent of the Ganga from heaven to earth (Eck 1996:143). The Ganga Dashara is regarded as the birthday of the Ganga and bathing in the water is believed to destroy sins of ten lifetimes (Eck 1996:143-144). In one Vedic myth, Indra combats the serpent Vrtra that has trapped the celestial waters and by defeating Vrtra releases the sacred Ganga waters (Eck 1996:143).

The Sanctity of Water:

Water has been an important symbol of spirituality in India since the beginnings of the Indus Valley Civilization (2500 to 1500 BCE) (Darian 15). Ganga water is used in many ceremonies including daily rituals, death rituals, weddings and births. The sacred thread ceremony (upanayana) in Bengal requires the participant to consume only bread and Ganga water (Darian 14). The Ganga is considered to be flowing in three worlds; heaven, earth, and the netherworlds, often referred to us triloka-patha-gamini (Eck 1996:145). This has become important in death rites, as the Ganga is a place of crossing from the world of living to the dead. Cremated remains arrive daily in the city of Banaras where they are immersed in the Ganga, as those sanctified by Ganga water will reside in heaven (Parry 24). Furthermore, ritual cleansing has been historically important to Hindus, as shown by the archeological remains of ceremonial cleansing tanks at Mohenjo Daro and other sites (Eck 1982:217). The Ganga waters are considered to be purifying and an absorber of pollution. They naturally serve as an abundant and accessible source of sanctifying flowing waters for a wide variety of Hindu ritual activities. The name Ganga is derived from the verb gam meaning “to go” which emphasizes the energetic, flowing nature of the water (Eck 1996:144). As the water absorbs the pollution, it is believed to also carry it away, thus erasing sins of lifetimes in “an instant!” (Eck 1996:144). Many pieces of Hindu literature such as the Rg Veda and epics, praise the Ganga. Merely chanting the name of the Ganga is believed to relieve poverty, bad dreams and even protect from the inauspiciousness of being bespattered by crow feces (Eck 1996:138). Pilgrims often make offerings of flowers to the Ganga while calling out “Victory to Mother Ganges!” Hindus frequent pilgrimage sites (tirthas) all along the course of the Ganga. They bathe in its waters, and even use the water to make offerings (Eck 1996:138). Ganga water is also collected and taken to homes and temples for other rituals (Eck 1996:138).

The Ganga is more than a single river. In Hindu belief, it is a representation of all of India’s sacred waters, and thus aptly demonstrates the cultural significance of water (Eck 1996:139). Since the Ganga’s waters are not accessible to all Hindus, especially those in the diaspora (i.e. outside India), other waters are substituted and transformed into the sacred fluid, merely by adding drops of Ganga water to them, or by uttering mantras of praise to the Ganga (Eck 196:138). This capacity for transformation is not restricted to the Ganga. There are said to be seven rivers that may be used as a sacred water source and hold the same sanctity, including the Ganga, Yamuna, Godavari, Sarasvati, Narmada, Sindu and Kaveri (Eck 1996:138). However, the Ganga is regarded by pious Hindus as the foundation of all rivers and, therefore, visiting any river in India, or the world, with reverence, is considered to be akin to visiting the Ganga itself ( Eck 1996:138).

References and Further Recommended Reading

Backshall, Stephen (2004) Birth of a River. National Geographic Traveler. Vol 21 (8).

Darian, Steven G. (1978) The Ganges in Myth and History. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Eck, Diana L. (1996) Devi: Goddesses of India. Berkeley: University of California Press, Ltd.

Eck, Diana L. (1982) Banaras City of Light. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Fuller, C.J. (2004) The Camphor Flame: Popular Hinduism and Society in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Parry, Jonathan P. (1994) Death in Banaras. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Deoprayag

Alakananda river

Bhagirathi river

Gangotri Glacier

Hardwar

Prayag

Sarasvati river

Sakti

Tirthas

Mohenjo-Daro

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.exoticindiaart.com/article/ganga

http://www.dollsofindia.com/ganga.htm

http://www.mydivineplanet.com/theholyganga/ganga.htm

Article written by Allie Becker (April 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

h. The Sphoṭa Theory of Language

Sphota Theory and Its Influence on Mantra

In Hinduism there are two dominant views about the connectivity between word meaning (varna) and word sound (dhvani), which make up sabda, or linguistic sound in general (Beck 8). One view is called Mimamsa, which tries to establish that the Veda is divine law and that one can only come to know dharma from Vedic command (Beck 55). This idea relies on the pretences that meaning (artha) and “the Eternal Word” can only exist in the Veda “and does not manifest in any other form apart from the specific linguistic constructions found there” (Beck 63). The theory attempts to explain that individual letters are the main substance of sacred speech (Beck 52). The grammarian view is different in that it allows for Sabda-Brahman [Sabda-Brahman refers to the sonic absolute (Beck 8)] to exist “both in the cosmos and within normal human consciousness” (Beck 63). The concept of sphotavada and the sphota theory were developed by the grammarians and the Mimamsa School discards the sphotavada because it undermines their doctrine that relies on the “reality of Vedic words” (Beck 68). The sphota theory tries to depict “the mysterious manner by which meaning is conveyed in sentences” which is a cognitive approach to the “intuitive perception of the Absolute as Sabda-Brahman” (Beck 52). Sphota also illustrates that words (sabda) and sentences are important in conserving the Vedas (Beck 64).
The sphota theory “refers to the interior apprehension of meaning in language” (Beck 8). Sphota comes from the Sanskrit word sphut which literally means “to burst forth or when applied to language a bursting forth of illumination or light” (Coward 12). This means that words, specifically in Sanskrit, get their meaning from something set intrinsically within them, and literally ‘shed light’ on to what they are referring to. “Probably the simplest and clearest image for the meaning of sphota is that of a light bulb flashing on when one understands (“gets”) an idea” (Beck 67). Sphota has two parts, internal and external, both important, and reliant on one another. One is the sound which the meaning is carried in (dhvani), and the other is the actual meaning that the sound carries (varna) (Coward 12).

Notions of speech as sacred sound are revealed mainly in the Vedic texts, the Brahmanas, the Upanishads, Aranyakas, and the Vedangas (Beck 23). The Rg-Veda, which is the oldest of the Vedic texts, is said to be “impregnated with sacred speech” (Beck 25) and has extended insight into the origins of language (Beck 36). The sphota theory was originally developed by grammarians Patanjali and Bhartrhari who wrote the Mahabhasya and Vakyapadiya respectively (Beck 63). “Wider concepts concerning the philosophy of grammar in India draw mostly from Patanjali and Bhartrhari” (Beck 63). According to grammarians, sphota is a “kind of meaning-bearing sound revelation within normal human consciousness” (Beck 63), and meaning (artha) comes from human consciousness, it is something that comes from the mind, and does not dwell in things or “objective existence” (Beck 63-4). From the Mahabhasya, Patanjali’s definition of a word is “that sound from which there arises the knowledge of things in the affairs of the world” (Beck 64).

Understanding language and meaning is very important in the Hindu religion. Mantras are a major part of their daily life, “the chief instrument of tantrism” (Bharati 101), and are based on the major Hindu texts like the Vedas (Bharati 104). A brief definition of mantra is; a spiritual utterance “to be recited at the time of spiritual exercise” (Bharati 107). There are two uses for mantras, either in a planned ritual or ceremony, or in “spontaneous meditation” (Bharati 121). Mantras like the Gayatri Mantra are used daily.

Language (vak) has origins that are explained in the Rg-Veda. There are three references to vak in the text, “the Goddess Vak…, vak as speech in general, and vak in the symbolism of cows” (Beck 25). The vak explained in the Rg-Veda mentions the meaning that exists in even the sounds produced by birds and beasts (Beck 25). This extends to even the heavens, where thunder is supposedly the voice of Vak (Beck 26). The Rg-Veda contains a tale about the creation of human speech, and how it came to be because of a quarrel between Indra and Vayu. The two Gods went to Prajapati for help, and when the soma that they were fighting over was divided up Indra took offence to his small portion and made it so that the speech of man would be unintelligible to the Gods (Beck 26-7).

There is only one hymn about the Goddess Vak in the Rg-Veda. It asserts her divinity and power, and along with a similar hymn from the Atharva-Veda, is “the earliest document of the personification of speech as a productive principle of energy” (Beck 28). Later Vak is expanded and even has influence on “the earliest meaning of the word Brahman” which was “sacred word.” This shows a direct relationship between language and the primary concepts of Brahman and Hinduism (Beck 29).

Mantras are related to the sphota theory because of the mystic origins of the mantras. There is an assumption that mantras are language because many are often a recitation of Vedic texts, but that does not mean that they are all language (Staal 253). Bija, or seed mantras, like Om and Aum, are probably the best known type, and consist of only one syllable. Stobhas mantras are the Vedic forms of bija mantras, and also only contain one syllable (Staal 227). Both types of mantras do not contain language per-say, but are supposed to be a means of realizing Brahman (Staal 253). The Om syllable is believed to be reminiscent of the child of Brahma with the same name, who defeated the Asuras, or demons, when they were attacking a city. As a reward to the son the make it so “no holy text shall be chanted without Om” (Beck 29).

Sphota is the “transcendent ground in which the spoken syllable and the conveyed meaning find themselves unified” (Coward 13). People use language to think. The great goddess of language, Vak, is even associated with the goddess of learning Sarasvati (Coward 5). And, the Brahmanas point out that the hymn about Vak and language should be recited when students first meet their teachers (guru) (Morgan 282). With such an intrinsic connection between knowledge, language, and meaning it follows that once a person can use a single syllable mantra to calm their mind, and focus on its undefined meaning, then perhaps they can use that to understand Brahma, and find mindful silence and liberation.


Work Cited and Related Reading

Beck, Guy L. (1993) Sonic Theology. South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press.

Bharati, Agehananda (1975) The Tantric Tradition. New York: Samuel Weiser INC.

Coward, Harold G. (1997) The Sphota Theory of Language: A Philosophical Analysis. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publications.

Morgan, Kenneth William (1953) The Religion of the Hindus. New York: The Ronald Press Company.

Staal, Frits (1996) Rituals and Mantras: Rules Without Meaning. Delhi: Motilal Banardsidass.

Related Websites

http://www.iep.utm.edu/b/bhartrihari.htm

http://www.languageinindia.com/june2004/anirbansphota1.html

Related Research Topics

Bhartrhari

Mantras

Mimamsa

Panini

Patanjali

Sanskrit

Vak Goddess

Written by Kathleen Barteaux (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

a) Kali

Kali and Western Feminism

There are different views of the Hindu religion and the symbolism of Kali in the east and west. Women in the west often feel desolate in a world of patriarchy and some have sought empowerment through interpreting the eastern goddess (Kali) in ways that apply to their circumstances. In the east, Hindu women and men have also done this but in different ways.

Kali is known as an “unconventional mother” who “destroys as well as creates” and “takes as well as gives life” (Sugirtharajah par. 15). She plays a significant role in feminist views as a devi worshipped in the east and west. Devi can be defined as “the ultimate source and holder of active power (sakti) in this world; the creator and sustainer of all” (Waterstone par. 4). In the sixth century Devi-Mahatmya Kali is referred to as the mistress of the universe and is finally equated with other goddesses (McDermott 297). Kali embodies characteristics of the different stages in a woman’s life such as “the Virgin, the Mother and the Crone” associated with “purity, maternity and wisdom” (McDermott 286). She has been compared to other religious figures who “preside over love and war, or who are paradoxical, or who have dangerous character” (McDermott 284). She is also worshipped as the “holy-mother” (Waterstone par. 11), though she has also been depicted as “slaying demons on the battlefield” (Waterstone par. 8). These different depictions confirm Kali as a union of opposite concepts. Thus, she resembles power, freedom and equality for many women in both eastern and western societies.

Kali’s polar and conflicting attributes have been especially captivating to females in western society and religions. Maya Waterstone argues that women need “a new means of empowerment and feminine role models that break the mould” (par. 3). Rachel McDermott suggests that westerners see their lack of goddess worship as caused by patriarchal groups (283). The symbols that Kali exemplifies (those of sexuality and the various opposing concepts) are weak in western religious imagery (McDermott 285) and Hindu goddesses in the west are seen as “symbols of and models for women’s empowerment” (McDermott 283). The repressed characteristics of Kali (her potent, sexual, dark sides) can be liberating for women (McDermott 288). She seems to provide them an outlet for the release of anger and her entire principle brings “healing in a male-dominated world” (McDermott 291). Women in the west have made use of her imagery (depicted standing atop Siva’s chest, crushing him) to liberate themselves from patriarchy (McDermott 295).

Conversely, McDermott argues that westerners have misused textual material to believe what they desire about Kali. Westerners believe that she was “degraded from a paradoxical, all-encompassing deity … to a fragmented, dark and dangerous goddess” at the hands of patriarchy (McDermott 299); while historical accounts prove that she has progressed from “a minor, bloodthirsty goddess toward a universally compassionate mother” (McDermott 299). Westerners have changed their view of Kali to focus mostly on her demonized form instead of her current domesticated depiction in Hinduism. In the east images of Kali have been “beautified” by adding ornaments and dress showing this historical progression. Kali changed from a tantric icon to a domestic one who is now used to “uphold Hindu family values, especially those encouraging self-control and self-restraint” (Menon 81).

By contrast, in the east, goddesses are worshipped by both Hindu men and women. Sugirtharajah’s research reveals that the feminist ideals in the west are not completely “applicable in Indian context” (par. 3). Hinduism is a hierarchy of different social groups with further divisions within those groups. Women in Hindu society also have differing roles, one of which is to serve their husband. This has to do with “dharma” (generally translated as ones “duty”). A woman is expected to follow her dharma which has more to do with her duties as a grandmother, mother, and wife and less to do with her actual rights (Sugirtharajah par. 11). Although some argue that this oppresses women in Hindu society, others recognize that women play other important roles. Females in Hindu society have the “divine feminine power” of sakti (sacred force, power or energy) and without this power gods like Siva (the masculine) are powerless (Sugirtharajah par 14).

Sugirtharajah’s research reveals that different Hindu texts are contradictory concerning women. How women are to be treated is outlined in the Dharma Sastras and the Laws of Manu; which are patriarchal treatises (Sugirtharajah par. 10). Though these patriarchal standards are challenged in some popular epics where women like Sita (in the Ramayana) and Draupadi (in the Mahabharata) are depicted as devoted wives to their husbands, yet their actions challenge the patriarchal definitions of “wifely behavior” (Sugirtharajah par. 9).

According to Sugirtharajah the “oppression” that westerners believe Hindu women face can also be challenged by the political goals both males and females accomplished over time. Men fought for the rights of women against rituals such as sati (self-immolation of the widow on the funeral pyre of her husband) and child marriage. They also fought against the “negative colonial and missionary representation of Hindu women” (Sugirtharajah par. 13). Women and men alike worked to bring an end to colonial rule of India during Mahatma-Gandhi’s influence. Goddesses like Kali played an inspiring role in this as the “British rulers feared her wrath” (Sugirtharajah par. 15) and a feminist publishing house was set up in Delhi and used the name “Kali” (Sugirtharajah par. 16). Hindus (men and women) used feminine worship as a means of comfort while they were under the British rule because they were empowered by the female sakti. The British viewed this feminine worship as “weak and vulnerable” of the Hindu men (Sugirtharajah par. 16). By contrast, although the British viewed Kali as masculine, Hindus do not “assign rigid gender controls” (Waterstone par. 10) and thus would not see the worship of a female devi as “weak” or “vulnerable” (Sugirtharajah par. 16).

Although the east and west have differing opinions of the Hindu tradition and the goddess Kali, true understanding of the cultural practices surrounding these differences must be considered. Between the eastern and western societies Kali plays substantially different roles. She empowers and motivates women in the west and is a sense of hope and an iconic mother figure for Hindu men and women in the east.


REFERENCES

Waterstone, Maya (2006) “Could the Indian Goddess empower Western women?

Religious Studies Review 2.2 (Jan): 20(4).

Sugirtharajah, Sharada (2002) “Hinduism and feminism: some concerns.” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 18.2: 97(8).

McDermott, Rachel Fell (1996) “The Western Kali.” In Devi: Goddesses of India.

John S. Hawley and D. M Wulff (eds.). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Menon, Usha and Richard A. Shweder (2003) “Dominating Kali” In Encountering Kali In the Margins, at the Center, in the West. Rachel Fell McDermott and J. J Kripal (eds.). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Further Recommended Reading

Hiltebeitel, Alf and Kathleen M. Erndl (eds.) (2002) Is the Goddess a Feminist? : The Politics of South Asian Goddesses. New Delhi, OUP.

McDermott, Rachel Fell and Jeffry J. Kripal (eds.) (2003) Encountering Kali in the Margins, at the Center, in the West. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Kali

Feminism (in the East & West)

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Mahatma-Gandhi

Sakti

Dharma

Devi

British Colonial Rule in India

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kali

http://www.sanatansociety.org/hindu_gods_and_goddesses/kali.htm

http://www.kalimandir.org (a temple in Laguna Beach, CA devoted to Kali)

http://www.goddess.ws/kali.html

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/archives/1995/11/1995-11-04.shtml

Article written by Brittany Bannerman (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Krsna

Krsna (Birth and Childhood)


According to his mythology, Krsna first appeared on this earth 5000 years ago (Bhaktivedanta xii) and was considered to be an incarnation (avatara) of the Vedic god Visnu (Preciado-Solis 1). There are a number of ancient Hindu texts which are important sources for the mythology of Krsna, including the Harivamsa and the Puranas. In the Harivamsa, Krsna is portrayed to the greatest extent in heroic human colors as opposed to the Visnu and Bhagavata Puranas which places emphasis on his divinity (Sheth 43). At the request of Brahma, as described in the Harivamsa, the great god Visnu attends an assembly of the gods where he is informed that the demon Kalanemin was born again into the human form of the wicked King Kamsa, who is harassing people on earth. According to this myth, Kalanemin could only be destroyed by Visnu as the demon fears only him (Sheth 7). Deciding to kill Kamsa, Visnu disguises himself with his yogic power and descends into the house of Vasudeva (a former sage born again as a cowherd) and his two wives Devaki and Rohini (Sheth 8). There are slight variations between the Harivamsa and the Visnu and Bhagavata Puranas regarding the knowledge Kamsa receives from the sage Narada, but both agree that the evil king knows he will be killed by the eighth child of Devaki, his father’s sister. In some versions Kamsa is informed the eighth child will be an incarnation of Visnu. In others, Kamsa already considers every child born of Devaki to be Visnu (Sheth 43). Since Kamsa plots to kill every child Devaki bears, Visnu made Devaki’s first six born be the reborn demon sons of Kalanemin. The Harivamsa tells how Devaki’s seventh child was extracted from her womb by the goddess Nidra, and transposed into the womb of Rohini. The seventh child born was called Sankarsana (Balarama), the brother and companion of Krsna in his future heroic exploits (Sheth 8).

Born as the eighth child of Devaki, Visnu is immediately interchanged at birth by Vasudeva with Nanda and Yasoda’s (husband and wife who herded Kamsa’s cattle [Sheth 8]) daughter who had been born at the same moment (Preciado-Solis 103). According to Vaisnava devotees, at that instant, there was in all directions an atmosphere of prosperity and peace as the planetary systems automatically adjusted for the auspicious birth of Krsna (Bhaktivedanta 23). The Puranas also describe the arduous journey of Vasudeva across the river (Jumna/Yamuna) to save his new baby from being destroyed by Kamsa, who had killed several of his other children. Leaving the prison where he and Devaki had been confined by the wicked king, Vasudeva placed the baby Krsna into a winnowing basket (supa), which he then carried on his head, and descended into the flooding river to cross to the opposite bank. The great snake deity Sesa is said to have traveled in front, driving away the heavy water with his many hoods. The Bhagavata Purana explains that Vasudeva crossed the river safely and reached the village of Gokula (Preciado-Solis 103). Once the babies are divinely interchanged, in the Harivamsa account, Kamsa then notices the baby girl beside Devaki and smashes her head against a stone. The daughter of Yasoda was actually a goddess, who rose up into the sky and took her divine form, terrifying Kamsa, and leading him to believe she is the one who will take his life. Oblivious to the exchange of baby Krsna, Nanda and Yasoda regard him as their own son and Krsna is raised as a humble cowherd (Sheth 8-9).

Another discrepancy between the Harivamsa and the Puranas is whether or not Vasudeva and Devaki are ignorant of Krsna’s divinity. In the Harivamsa, Krsna’s parents have no vision of his divine form, whereas in the Puranas they are blessed with such a vision. Krsna is then praised as the almighty Visnu, but out of a relentless fear of Kamsa, Vasudeva and Devaki request their son to withdraw from his celestial form. With the greatest emphasis placed on his divinity, the Puranic texts make Krsna’s identity as Visnu recognized by even King Kamsa (Sheth 44-45).

Certain textual variants portray Yasoda’s daughter as the goddess Nidra (Sheth 8), Durga (Bhaktivedanta 32), or Katyayani (Preciado-Solis 55). In one account, when the goddess Katyayani rose up into the sky she announced to Kamsa that he killed Devaki’s first six sons in vain as his real killer had already been born and was safe (Preciado-Solis 55). The terrified Kamsa, now aware that his evil plot had been a failure, began to plot once again the murder of Krsna and summoned his demonic allies to destroy the child at any cost (Preciado-Solis 55-56).

The first demon to attempt to kill baby Krsna was by the bird-demoness Putana, similarly depicted in both the Puranas and the Harivamsa. According to the majority of scriptures, Putana disguised herself as a beautiful woman and entered the house of mother Yasoda in the middle of the night (Bhaktivedanta 43-44). The demoness took baby Krsna onto her lap and pushed her poisonous nipple into his mouth for him to suckle. Putana was immediately killed as Krsna sucked the milk-poison, as well the life air, from her (Bhaktivedanta 45).

Referred to as the Miraculous Child by his followers, Krsna killed many more monsters while he was a mere child (Preciado-Solis 67). The Bhagavata Purana describes an episode in which Yasoda leaves baby Krsna, just a month old, sleeping under a cart while she journeys to the river. Left feeling thirsty and hungry, the child began crying, thrashing his arms and kicking the cart with such force it tipped over and broke numerous pots and pans. The Purana accounts explain that there was a supernatural being involved. Specifically in the Balacarita (an ancient Hindu text), the supernatural being is a demon called Sakata, who had taken the form of the cart and had been crushed with a single kick (Preciado-Solis 67-68).

A second episode of Krsna’s childhood is described as the Yamalarjuna incident. There are numerous depictions of the episode; however all variations agree that it was due to a number of pranks by Krsna which lead Yasoda to tie him to a mortar (Preciado-Solis 69). This was an attempt to keep him from wandering, but with his power, the young Krsna uprooted two trees known as yamala arjuna (Bhaktivedanta 177) by hauling the mortar in between them (Sheth 11). The texts either depict this incident as an account of a young boy’s extraordinary strength or as a marvel achieved by a young god. Krsna’s most devoted followers perceive the two trees as supernatural beings, specifically the demons Yamala and Arjuna (Preciado-Solis 69).

In another myth told in the Harivamsa, one day while playing with Sankarsana, Krsna came across the river Yamuna. The waters and the surrounding area were polluted by venom from the powerful serpent-king Kaliya. In order to render the water pure for the use of cowherds, Krsna decided to subdue the five-hooded monster. When he jumped into the lake, Krsna was immediately engulfed by the serpent’s hoods, which strove to render him immobile. An angry Sankarsana shouted advice to his brother Krsna to restrain Kaliya. The young god snatched a hold of the serpent’s middle hood, danced upon it and thus subdued the evil monster. Kaliya was then expelled to the ocean and the waters of Yamuna were purified (Sheth 11-13).

Before his childhood comes to an end, Krsna is depicted as vanquishing many other demons. Krsna ripped apart the beaks of the demon Bakasura and threw the evil Vatsasura into a tree (Bhaktivedanta 177-178). The demon Arista, taking the form of a bull, was killed by Krsna with the beast’s own left horn. Also, the carnivorous horse-demon Kesin could not escape being slain (Sheth 14-15).

During the latter part of Krsna’s childhood, the Harivamsa tells how King Kamsa was informed by the sage Narada that Vasudeva had interchanged Yasoda’s and Devaki’s babies at birth. Learning of Krsna’s valiant deeds, Kamsa suspects his divinity and fears that Krsna is the one who will destroy him. Fabricating another plot to murder Krsna, Kamsa ordered Nanda and his family to Mathura to participate in a bow-festival. Upon entering the arena, Krsna slew a charging elephant and, unable to resist a challenge, slew two formidable wrestlers, Canura and Tosala. Furious from seeing these victories and the cheering audience, Kamsa ordered Krsna and Sankarsana to be banished. He also ordered Nanda to be chained, Vasudeva to be murdered, and the entirety of the cowherd’s wealth to be seized (Sheth 17). Hearing Kamsa speak in such a way, Krsna leaped over the high guards and seized the evil king with great force. The crown was knocked off Kamsa’s head and he was dragged from his throne into the wrestling arena. Straddling his chest, Krsna began to strike Kamsa repeatedly and the evil king was finally slain (Bhaktivedanta 277-278).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhaktivedanta, A.C. (1970) Krsna: The Supreme Personality of Godhead. Massachusetts:

Iskcon Press.

Bimanbehari, Majumdar (1969) Krsna in History and Legend. Calcutta: University of Calcutta.

Hardy, Friedhelm (1983) Viraha-bhakti: The Early History of Krsna Devotion. Delhi: Oxford.

Kinsley, David (1979) The Divine Player: A Study of Krsna. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Preciado-Solis, Benjamin (1984) The Krsna Cycle in the Puranas. New Delhi: Narendra Prakash

Jain.

Redington, James (1983) Vallabhacarya on the Love Games of Krsna. Delhi: Motilal

Banarsidass.

Sheth, Noel (1984) The Divinity of Krishna. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt.

Ltd.

Sullivan, Bruce (1999) Seer of the Fifth Veda: Krsna Dvaipayana Vyasa in the Mahabharata.

Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Balarama

Kamsa

Devaki

Visnu

Narayana

Hare Krsna

Bhagavad Gita

Hindu deities

Mahabharata

Harivamsa

Visnu Purana

Bhagavata Purana

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krishna

http://www.harekrsna.com/

http://vedabase.net/k/krsna

http://www.geocities.com/jayakesava2001/

http://www.krsna.org/

http://www.sanatan.org/en/campaigns/KJ/birth.htm

http://www.avatara.org/krishna/lila.html

http://krsnabook.com/ch3.html

Article written by: Shelley Baker (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

c. The Hindu Temple, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

The Hindu Temple

Design and Construction

Significant Temples

North Indian

South Indian

Cave Temples

Khmer (Cambodian Temples)

1. Design and Construction, c. The Hindu Temple

The Hindu Temple: Architecture and Construction

Temples are a central aspect of life in the Hindu community and are sacred places for worship. The Hindu temple is a revered structure where the boundaries between humans and the divine are dissolved, allowing one to release themselves from illusion, or maya, and move towards knowledge and truth (Michell 61). In order for a temple to function properly and achieve its intended symbolic representation, the architect must consider the shape and materials of the temple as well as many complex mathematical and astrological principles. The Vastu-sastras are the general manuals on Hindu architecture and they, along with many other manuals, are consulted to help properly create the sacred temple. According to Volwahsen, “each step which the architect takes is regarded from the angle of ritual purity and magic effect, only rarely from the angle of structural expediency” (173). The temple creator is responsible for properly constructing the structure so that it correctly functions as a link between a person and their God. This is important not only for an individual worshipper, but for the whole community, as “the welfare of the community and the happiness of its members depend upon the correctly proportioned temple” (Michell 73).

The Underlying Grid

All Hindu temples begin with a ground plan, a sacred geometric diagram called the mandala that is representative of the universe. The mandala is a grid, a large square that is divided into smaller squares by intersecting lines. It is considered to be “a symbolic pantheon of the gods” (Michell 71), with the smaller squares representing or housing a particular deity and the central and largest square representing Brahma. Volwahsen explains that the “important gods cover the innermost ring, and in the outer rings there follow the gods of lower rank in the celestial hierarchy” (44). The mandala may also contain the image of the cosmic man, who is arranged diagonally and “is identified with the processes of the creation of the universe and its underlying structure” (Michell 71). This arrangement is known as the vastu-purusha mandala (see Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Vastu-purusha mandala, http://www.lokvani.com/lokvani/article.php?article_id=4149

There are numerous and varying mandalas used in temples throughout the world. One that is typical in South India differs in that instead of the cosmic man, the architect draws a magic sign, and is referred to as the sthandila mandala. According to Volwahsen, this mandala “visualizes the cosmic order” (56) differently than those previously mentioned. The center is occupied by Brahma, surrounded by the world of gods, who are then encircled by human beings (the terrestrial phenomena), and finally at the bottom are the goblins and demons (Volwahsen 56).

There are specific rules regarding the laying out of the temple mandala. Michell discusses the influence of astronomy and astrology and states that they “provide the basis for determining the appropriate moments when all important activities are undertaken” (72). Observing the cosmos and the heavenly bodies influences the temple building process, determines when the temple plan is to be laid out, and through astronomical calculations, also regulates the mandala. Within texts such as the Brhatsamhita, the Sastras and the Agamas, astrological information is given in reference to temple layout and construction. The importance of astrology expressed in these texts shows “a conscious desire to identify the physical forms of the temple with the laws that govern the movements of heavenly bodies” (Michell 73).

Temple Materials

As important as the layout and grid of a Hindu temple are the materials used to build it. There are many Sastras and ancient texts on temple building such as the Mayamata, that discuss and recommend what materials should or should not be used when constructing a temple. Some of these writings suggest that “the materials of the temple are directly related to the classes of Hindu society” (Michell 78). White materials indicate the first, or Brahmin class, red represents the Kshatriya, or warrior class, yellow indicates the Vaishya, or merchant class, and finally black is said to indicate the fourth class, the Sudras (Volwahsen 173). Volwahsen states that “materials are not only co-ordinated with caste but also with sex” (174). A temple that is constructed of stone and brick signifies the male, one built out of brick and wood is deemed female, and if a temple was to be constructed of all three materials would be considered neutral (Volwahsen 174).

Much like the grid choice and layout, astrology and astronomy play a role regarding the materials and construction. For example, Volwahsen states that “the manufacture of bricks was carried out only under certain astrological conditions, which varied according to the purpose for which the bricks were to be used” (174). Rituals were also performed at many stages throughout the construction of the temple to ensure purity and sanctity. By ensuring specific actions are taken at specific auspicious times, the architect is creating a properly functioning and sacred temple.

Bibliography

Michell, George (1977) The Hindu Temple: An Introduction to its Meanings and Forms.

New York: Harper & Row.

Volwahsen, Andreas (1969) Living Architecture: Indian. New York: Grosset & Dunlap.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Agamas

Astronomy & Astrology and Hindu cosmic principles

Brhatsamhita

Dravidian

Mayamata

Nagar

Symbolism in Hindu Architecture

Sastras

Temple Site Preparation

Temple Deities

Related Readings

Kollar, L. Peter (2001) Symbolism in Hindu Architecture as Revealed in the Shri

Minakshi Sundareswar. New Delhi: Aryan Books International.

Kramrisch, Stella (1976) The Hindu Temple, 2 vols. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Ramachandra Rao, S. K. (2005) The Agama Encyclopedia, Vol. 9. Delhi: Sri Satguru.

Related Websites

http://www.indiasite.com/architecture/hindu.html

http://www.indiantemples.com/arch.html

http://www.indiantemplesportal.com/

Article written by Laura Anstey (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

5. Swami Bhaktivedanta and ISKCON, a. Hinduism for the West

The Hare Krsna Controversy

This article shall discuss the persecution of the Hare Krsna movement in the United States during the mid 1960s through to the late 1970s. In order to fully understand the persecution of this group, one must first know its history as well as the socio-political climate of the United States during this time.

Overview of the Hare Krsnas

The International Society for Krsna Consciousness (ISKCON) was founded by Swami Bhaktivedanta Prabhupada. He was born in Calcutta and studied under Sri Srimad Bhaktisiddhanta Saraswati Gosvami Maharaja who instructed him to spread Krsna consciousness to the western world (Daner 15, 16). Swami Bhaktivedanta traveled to the United States and arrived in New York City – which along with San Francisco was a haven for members of the counter-culture – in 1965 (Daner 17). He taught in Manhattan’s Lower East Side and gained several followers who became known as “Hare Krsnas” due to their Mahamantra [Hare Krsna, Hare Krsna, Krsna Krsna, Hare Hare, Hare Rama, Hare Rama, Rama Rama, Hare Hare (Daner 112)] (Daner 17-22). Swami Bhaktivedanta eventually traveled to San Francisco where he taught several icons of the counter-culture such as Timothy Leary [A professor of Psychology at Harvard University (1959-1963) Dr. Leary preformed experiments dealing with the usefulness of mind altering drugs (such as LSD) using himself and several of his graduate students as test subjects, which ultimately cost him his position. After he was dismissed from Harvard Leary became an influential member of the counter-culture and a champion for the legalization of psychedelic drugs. He died on May 31, 1996 and is commonly remembered for his controversial statement, “Tune in. Turn on. Drop out.” (Wuergler 274-276) ] and the rock band the Grateful Dead (Daner 17). ISKCON was officially formed in July 1966.

The Counter-Culture

With the assassination of the American president John F. Kennedy in 1963 much of the optimism that America had in the 1950s was lost. As a result many young people began to feel alienated from mainstream American culture and began to rebel against society’s traditional values. They held demonstrations for equal rights, protested the war in Vietnam and the abuse of the environment. Many began to search for inner meaning through Eastern philosophy and by taking narcotics (Stuessy 175-176). These youth embodied what has come to be known as the counter-culture. It was here that ISKCON found many of its followers. ISKCON was opposed to the accumulation of wealth. It encouraged non-violence [While ISKCON did not encourage violence it was not pacifistic. Unlike Gandhi, Swami Bhaktivedanta taught that violence is acceptable, and even necessary, so long as it is in defense. This view is based on Krsna’s speech (known as the Bhagavad-Gita) to Arjuna on the eve of Battle between the Pandavas and the Kauravas as told in the Mahabharata (Judah 117)], felt that the United States government needed to be reformed, and that the education system needed to be over-hauled as it devoted too much time teaching students how to acquire wealth (Judah 112-124), all of which appealed to the counter-culture.

The Mainstream

Throughout much of the Cold War the Western World feared everything communist, which included most everything foreign (McCloud 38-39) and were constantly watchful for any infiltrating communist ideology, including religious cults. Starting in the mid-1950s periodicals such as Time, Newsweek, and Life began publishing articles warning people of “fringe,” “offbeat” religions and “California Cults.” An article in the April 12, 1965 Time even described joining a “fringe” religion as a form of neurosis (McCloud 25-45). These articles continued through the 1970s. Another article published in Time (in 1975) accused The Unification Church [The Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Christianity was founded by Reverend Sun Myung Moon in Korea in 1954. The group’s beliefs are based upon Christianity as well as Moon’s biblical interpretations. Due to the group’s strict communal living, group weddings, aggressive style of proselytizing and foreign origins it was a popular target for the American anticult movement. Members of the Unification Church are often referred to as “Moonies,” a derogatory name referencing the group’s founder. (McCloud 127-129)] of “psychological abuse” and “brainwashing” members (McCloud 127) which encouraged and elevated parents’ fears that their children could be involved with a dangerous group. Eventually most every new religious movement was considered a dangerous cult which employed coercion and brainwashing on its members (McCloud 127-159). During this time the Hare Krsnas took a large amount of criticism. Members were visibly different from the average American (they shaved their heads and wore saffron robes) and they took vows of poverty and lived communally, practices in direct opposition to the American Dream. The Hare Krsnas were also considered to be promiscuous, sexual deviants, attitudes derived solely from the label that they were a “cult” (McCloud 173) and not grounded at all on the groups teachings, for ISKCON was and is opposed to premarital sex (Judah 124-125).

Brainwashing and Deprogramming

As with virtually all new religious movements of that period the Hare Krsnas were accused of using brainwashing to convert people. The notion of brainwash permeated almost all of the 1970s’ culture; from the news to Saturday morning cartoons, brainwashing was everywhere. As with most organizations a number of members who had joined up earlier did leave ISKCON, for not all members of the counter-culture agreed with the group’s communal nature, feeling that it hampered their individuality (Judah 13). According to Larry D. Shinn, some of these former members may have provided “proof” of brainwashing as it is easier to say that they were coerced into joining the group than it is to admit that they chose to join (Gelberg 89-90). To “rescue” members from these cults a process called “Deprogramming” was employed. The modus operandi of the deprogrammer was to kidnap a member of a new religious movement and convince them that their beliefs were wrong (McCloud 137), essentially brainwashing the brainwashed. Interestingly, the media and mainstream religions that accused new religious movements of brainwashing converts did point out that deprogramming violated the right to freedom of religion. Although this may have been on account of the fact that many of Ted Patrick’s [News magazines such as Newsweek originally recommended Ted Patrick as a deprogrammer as he “removed hundreds of young converts from new religions”] (one of the most prominent deprogrammers of the 1970s) patients were members of small, Christian based groups that were similar to American mainstream religions (McCloud 138-141).

Before his death in 1977, Swami Bhaktivedanta appointed eleven disciples as his successors and instructed them to spread Krsna consciousness throughout the world. By the early 1980s they had established 130 temples outside the United States (Shinn 267).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Daner, Francine Jeanne (1974) The American Children of Krsna: A Study of the Hare Krsna Movement. Dallas, Holt, Rinehart and Winston

Gelberg, Steven J. (ed.) (1983) Hare Krishna, Hare Krishna: Five Distinguished Scholars on the Krishna Movement in the West. New York: Grove Press.

Judah, J. Stillson (1974) Hare Krishna and the Counterculture. New York: John Wiley & Sons.

McCloud, Sean (2004) Making the American Religious Fringe: Exotics, Subversives and Journalists, 1955-1993. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press

Patrick, John J. and Gerald P. Long (eds.) (1999) Constitutional Debates on Freedom of Religion: Documentary History. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press

Shinn, Larry D. (1987) “International Society for Krishna Consciousness” in The Encyclopedia of Religion. Edited by Mircea Eliade. New York: MacMillan Publishing Company

Stuessy, Joe and Scott Lipscomb (2006) Rock and Roll: It’s History and Stylistic Development. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall.

Wuergler, Brad (1999) “Leary, Timothy” in Historical Dictionary of the 1960s. Edited by James S. Olson. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press

Related Topics for Further Investigation

A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada

Bhagavad-Gita

Bhaktisiddhanta Saraswati Thakura Prabhupada

International Society for Krsna Consciousness (Hare Krsna)

Krsna

Mahabarta

Vaisnava

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

www.iskcon.com

http://www.krishna.com/ The official Bhaktivedanta Book Trust web site containing information on Vaisnava philosophy and beliefs.

http://www.krishna.org/Articles/2000/08/00066.html An interview with George Harrison about his experiences with ISKCON.

http://religion-cults.com/Cults/Eastern/E-CULTS.htm#hare A modern day argument against ISKCON which is very similar to those put forth by the anti-cult movement in the 1970s.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hare_Krishna_Mantra

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ISKCON

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A._C._Bhaktivedanta_Swami_Prabhupada

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaisnavism

Written by Greg Gedrasik (Spring 206) who is solely responsible for its content.

Modern Hinduism in the Diaspora

Modern Hinduism and the Diaspora

On the Hindu Diaspora

Burghard, R. (ed.) Hinduism in Great Britain: The Perpetuation of Religion in an Alien Cultural Milieu. London: Tavistock.

Coward, Harold, G. et al (1998) The South Asian Religious Diaspora in Britain, Canada, and the United States. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Eck, D. (2002) On Common Ground: World Religions in America. New York: Columbia University Press.

Fenton, J. Y. (1988) Transplanting Religious Traditions: Asian Indians in America. New York: Praeger.

Jackson, R., and E. Nesbitt (1993) Hindu Children in Britain. Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books.

Knott, K. and R. Toon (1982) Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus in the UK: Problems in the Estimation of Religious Statistics. Theology and Religious Studies Department, University of Leeds.

Knott, K. (1986) Hinduism in Leeds. Leeds: University of Leeds Press.

Lal, C. (1961) Hindu America. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.

Majumdar, R. C. (1963) Hindu Colonies in the Far East. Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay.

Rukmani, T. S. (ed.) (1999) The Hindu Diaspora: Global Perspectives. Montreal: Concordia University Chair in Hindu Studies.

Vertovec, S. (1992) Hindu Trinidad. London: Macmillan.

_____ (2000) The Hindu Diaspora: Comparative Patterns. London: Routledge. Williams, B. (1988) Religions of Immigrants from India and Pakistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Modern Hinduism in the Diaspora

Hindu Diaspora

When compared to migrants of other religious denominations, Hindus have had a varied past with respect to dispersion from India. The British Empire and their subjugation of India allowed Hindus to migrate to Britain, the Caribbean, Europe, and eventually North America. Waves of Hindu immigrants arrived in various countries throughout the nineteenth century creating a global Hindu Diaspora. Today, there are Hindu communities in over 150 countries (Shepherd, 2) with a significant concentration in India.

Utilized as slave labour, Indians (including Hindus) were originally shipped to numerous regions under British rule (e.g. Fiji, Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, and Malaysia). Hindus in these regions would later fuel a “secondary Hindu diaspora” in places such as Western Canada (Rukmani, xiii). During the colonial period, lack of formal immigration policies slowed the arrival of Hindus into Britain. The small numbers that did arrive were sailors, or those considered to be high-caste Hindus, such as students and professionals. Systematic exploitation of India continued for several decades until the voices of independence gained momentum. India regained its independence in 1947, and a subsequent labour shortage in post-WWII Britain opened the gates for mass immigration from India. Members of the Muslim, Sikh, and Hindu faiths migrated to Britain in large waves during the 1950s and early 1960s, with the Hindus being the “last to open proper places of worship” (Rukmani, 61).

The Netherlands and Portugal also have Hindu populations which resulted from colonial implications. Surinam, previously Dutch-Guyana, gained its independence from the Dutch in 1974 and “80,000 to 100,000” Surinam Hindus subsequently migrated to and settled in the Netherlands (Rukmani, 62). Hindus from Sri Lanka (Tamil) and various Indian states also have a presence in Netherlands, but their populations are paltry when compared to the Surinam Hindus whose Caribbean style of Hinduism dominates the Netherlands. Portugal, a country which had direct connections in India via Goa, saw large populations of Indian Christians (approximately 20,000) arrive after the Portuguese mandate ended in 1961. However, the earlier presence of Hindus in Portugal can be linked to Mozambique, which was a colony of Portugal from 1507-1974 (Rukmani, 65). Mozambique gained its independence in 1974 and the “Africanization Policy” which followed brought approximately 5,000 Hindus to Portuguese shores (Rukmani, 65). Other significant Hindu populations in Europe can be found in Germany and France. Hindus in Germany and France are mainly Tamil Hindus who had fled from Sri Lanka due to the civil war from the mid-1980s and 1990s.

The presence of a Hindu Diaspora in North America has been somewhat slow-coming due to heavy immigration restrictions. Between 1907 and 1922, approximately seventy Hindus had been granted citizenship to the United States (Chandrasekhar, 30). In Canada, East Indians had been arriving at the rate of “2,000 per year,” but these immigrants were mainly farmer Sikhs from the state of Punjab who had been brought to Canada by companies who had advertised the positions overseas (Chandrasekhar, 30). Among these Sikh immigrants were small populations of South Asian Hindus who settled mainly in California after encountering racial antagonism. In 1909, the Canadian government aimed to limit Indian immigration through a multi-pronged strategy which involved the implementation of a “continuous voyage clause,” reprimanding Canadian companies for advertising positions overseas, and charging immigrants exorbitant taxes to remain in Canada (Chandrasekhar, 29).

Similar movements in the United States arose around this same time and a handful of cases with significant importance were presented to the U.S. Justice Department. Two specific cases were the U.S. v. Balsara (1910) and U.S. v. Mazumdar (1913). Balsara and Mazumdar argued that they were Caucasians and were therefore allowed citizenship under the Naturalization Legislation of 1875 (Chandrasekhar, 33). The Naturalization Legislation allowed “those to be considered white persons eligible for citizenship to the United States.” A major centre of argument was the interchangeable definitions of “Caucasian” and “white person.” The Supreme Court allowed for Balsara and Mazumdar to be considered “white persons,” and subsequently opened the gates for immigration. However, in the infamous case of U.S. v. Thind (1923), the Supreme Court upheld the “understanding of the common man” in the belief that the East Indians could not be associated with Caucasians (Chandrasekhar, 31). Several thousand Hindus and Sikhs returned to India in the period following the Supreme Court decision regarding the Thind case (from 1920-1940). Chinese immigrants in this period were also subject to similar discrimination due to the military efforts of China, but were granted naturalization privileges in 1943 which set quotas for Chinese immigrants allowing them to enter the United States. After Pearl Harbour, Indian assistance in the military operations against Japan provoked similar arguments in favour of easing regulations on East Indian immigrants. Under Harry Truman in 1946, a “modest quota” of 100 immigrants per year was allowed, and further American liberalization of immigration policies were to follow. In the period 1947-1965, approximately 6,000 East Indian immigrants (a small proportion being Hindus) entered the United States under the quota system (Chandrasekhar, 33). However, mass immigration into the United States did not begin until 1965 when immigration laws were sharply revised.

Over 1.8 million immigrants entered Canada in the 1990’s, 7% of whom were Hindus (Statistics Canada 2001). A majority of these immigrants settled in Ontario, where 73% of Canada’s Hindu population resides. In total, there are 292,200 Hindus in Canada (growth of 89%, 1991-2001), and somewhere between one and 1.3 million Hindus in the United States (growth of 105.87%, 1990-2000) (Anand, 12). With the anticipated retirement of the Baby Boomers in North America, Hindus are in a unique position. In comparison with the median ages of other religious denominations in Canada, Hindus are one of the youngest and most educated religious groups in the country. While the median age of Anglican, Presbyterian, Lutheran, Jewish, and Greek Orthodox populations are well above 40 years of age, the median age of Hindus in Canada is 31.9 years (Statistics Canada 2001). The median age of the total population in Canada is 37.3 years of age. In the United States, high-school and post-secondary completion indicators show that Hindus show a focus towards education. Over 87% of Hindus have completed high-school and 62% have attained post-secondary education compared to 20% for the total U.S population (Anand, 11). Young and educated Hindu professionals are found all over Canada and the United States, and their buying power is increasing. The average household income in Hindu communities is 54.5% higher than the average U.S. household income. Hindu households earn an average of $US 60,093 compared to the average U.S. household income of $US 38,885, a difference of well over twenty-thousand dollars (Anand, 11).

As the Hindu population continues to grow, a major source of concern is the preservation of Hindu culture. To combat the dilution of Hindu traditions, many temples have been constructed as a result of Hindu-community lead initiatives. Many reasons exist for the construction of temples. These include the religious needs of a growing Hindu population, the availability of capital within the Hindu community, and a concern for the first generation of American born Hindus. The first Hindu temple in the United States was constructed in San Francisco in 1906 by the Vedanta Society (Anand, 13). As of 2003, there were 1,000 temples in the planning or construction stage of development, with approximately 200 operational temples throughout the United States (Anand, 14). Architectural designs of the temples being constructed mimic the designs of temples in India. The Hindu Jain Temple in Monroeville, PA and the Sri Venkatesvara Temple in Penn Hills, PA respectively demonstrate the architectural differences between northern and southern Indian temple structures. Furthermore, Hindu temples function as a link between Hindu communities in North America and India. Activities such as fundraising for social development and welfare projects allow American Hindus to remain central to the development of India. Total foreign contributions to India in 2001 totalled $955 million, with $315 million coming from Hindu donors in the United States. It is predicted that the global Hindu Diaspora has contributed over $97 billion through “social and economic non-profit organizations” (over 25 years, 1975-2000) (Anand, 5).

Several theories have been developed with respect to the “process of transplanting” Hindu traditions. In the wake of a growing Hindu Diaspora, a three step process has been theorized by T.S. Rukmani, Hindu Studies Chair (Concordia University). Rukmani identifies the process of religious and social modification that Hindus undertake when living outside of India. The first step in the process is a heightened awareness of religious belonging. Many non-resident Indian Hindus who comprise minority populations in Europe and America report a greater awareness of their religion. Step two is institutionalisation, or the building of temples. Temples create a “collective solidarity and common identity” for Hindus and appease concerns regarding the loss of Hindu traditions. The final step in the process is religious and social modification. India is a very different world than those of developed Western countries and may be more conducive to the practise of certain rituals and beliefs. For example, external factors in Canada such as weather may postpone the celebration of an astrologically important day, and local belief systems in Canada do not frown on women working outside the home. As a result, religious beliefs and social structures are modified to reflect the environmental stressors, but overall traditional beliefs tend to be upheld (Rukmani, 67-70).

As world events create downward pressures on immigration regulators, the global Hindu Diaspora is expected to continue its growth. India is gaining a reputation for its strong professional English-speaking workers. Furthermore, a growing concern about the state of Islam has highlighted the relatively non-abrasive beliefs of Hinduism which some believe is much more cohesive with American traditions.

References & Further Readings

Anand, Priya (2003) Hindu Diaspora and Religious Philanthropy in the United States

New York: Center on Philanthropy and Civil Society.

Brown, Richard H. (1987) Migration and modernization : the Indian diaspora in

comparative perspective. Williamsburg, VA: College of William and Mary.

Chandrasekhar, S. (1982) From India to America : a brief history of immigration,

problems of discrimination, admission, and assimilation.

California: Population Review Publications.

Jensen, Joan M. (1988) Passage from India: Asian Indian Immigrants in North

America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Rukmani, T.S. (2001) Hindu Diaspora. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.

Sheth, Pravin (2001) Indians in America: One Stream, Two Waves, Three Generations.

New Delhi: Rawat Publications.

Shepherd, Harvey (1997) "Focus on Hindu diaspora :Conference at Concordia will 
             discuss expatriate communities aroundthe world" The Gazette [Montreal, Que.]
26    Jul 1997 
<http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=13189573&amp;Fmt=3&amp;clientId=12304&amp;RQT=309&amp;VName=PQD>

Statistics Canada (2001) Religions in Canada: Growth in Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, and

Buddhism. Accessed March 2nd, 2006.

<www12.statcan.ca/english/census01/Products/Analytic/companion/rel/canada.cfm>

Vertovec, Steven (2000) The Hindu diaspora : comparative patterns. New York, NY :

Routledge

Further Research Topics

“Africanization Policy”

Asian Exclusion League (AEL)

California Alien Land Law

Caribbean Hinduism

Chinese Exclusion Act (1887)

Hindu American Foundation

IACFPA (Indian-American Center for Political Action)

Immigration and Nationality Act (1952)

Indo-Canadian Society

Komagatu Maru (name of ship)

Luce-Cellar Bill (1946)

Non-Resident Indian (NRI)

Ramakrishna

Tarakanath Das

Vedanta Society

World Hindu Congress

Notable Websites

Consulate General of India (Vancouver)

http://www.cgivancouver.com/

Dr. Bhagat Singh Thind- “Teacher of Purest Spirituality”

http://www.bhagatsinghthind.com

Hindu Business Line

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/

Hinduism in the United States

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism_in_the_United_States

Hindu Jain Temple (Monroeville, PA)

http://www.hindujaintemple.org/

Non-Resident Indian (NRI) Worldwide

http://www.nri-worldwide.com

Vedanta Society Network

http://www.vedantasociety.net/

Article written by Ricky Nariani (Spring 2006) who is solely responsible for its content.