Category Archives: 4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice)

Death rituals in Bali

            While many parts of the world might deem the death rituals carried out by the Balinese to be strange or unorthodox, these rituals are deeply rooted in the beliefs of Hinduism and play a central role in completing what is known as samsara, or the cycling of rebirth (see Hooykaas 22). In Hindu tradition, it is believed that the spirit of a deceased person, known as preta, becomes trapped in the realm of the living, roaming freely to haunt people until it is freed from this realm and allowed to enter the spirit realm (Hooykaas 22). In order to release the soul from the realm of the living so it may transcend to the spirit realm, certain rituals must be completed. Pitra Yadnya, or the rituals for the ancestors, are a common practice in Balinese tradition in order to allow the soul to transcend this reality (Hooykaas 22). In Balinese tradition, it is believed that once the spirit is liberated from the body through an elaborate series of rites, the soul then becomes fused with the collective ancestors who are worshipped in the village temples (Warren 43). Not only do the death rituals practiced in Bali serve to free the spirit from the body and allow it to pass into the ascendant realm, but they are also crucial as they protect the family and community from the dangers associated with the passage between realms (Warren 43). In comparison to Western death traditions, Balinese death rituals are more of a celebration of the rebirth of life rather than mourning for the loss of life, as a result of the contrast in beliefs of the Balinese.

            Pitra Yadnya, also known as ngaben, is comprised of many different elaborate rituals which contribute to the release of the soul from the living realm to the realm of the ancestors. Ngaben, referring to a cremation ritual, is considered to be the most critical death ritual in the Balinese tradition (Gupta 254). Before ngaben is performed, the corpse is washed, and the patulangun, a form of a cremation bier which typically depicts an animal, is prepared for the ceremony (Warren 44). Preparation for the ritual is often a community effort as the fellow people of the village often help to construct the bier and make a large number of ritual offerings required to prepare the spirit for its journey to the soul realm (Stephen 441). It is not uncommon for the body of the deceased to be buried for some time while the bier is prepared, and the family makes ritual offerings (Warren 44). Historically, burial before the cremation has been looked upon negatively as it has been associated with the lower classes as it is typically the result of not having the funds or resources to perform a quick ngaben; however, prior burial has become more positively accepted in Bali (Warren 44). This positive perspective on burial prior to ngaben could be the result of the belief that the deceased should be allowed to rest with the earth mother-goddess before the cremation; however, the body should not be left for more than a year (Warren 44). Once the family has accumulated the wealth and resources for the ritual, the ngaben can then begin.

A recently buried woman’s corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a Balinese village burial rite.

The family will then consult a brahmin, or Hindu priest, in order to select an auspicious day for the ngaben to occur on (Williams 2016). It is especially important to select an auspicious day for the ritual in order to help guide the spirit to the best rebirth possible (Stephen 427). Once the day of the ngaben has arrived, the family will go to the gravesite and perform a ritual known as ngawagen, meaning the awakening, in order to recall the spirit of the deceased person to inherit a symbolic body, known as the pangawak (Stephen 440). After the spirit has been recalled into the symbolic vessel, it is carried home where it is welcomed as though the deceased person has returned from a long absence, which is known as penyapa, meaning ‘greeting’ (Stephen 440). Relatives of the deceased then come to the house to make offerings of food and drink to the deceased (Stephen 440). In cases where the body is not buried prior to cremation, such as the body of a brahmin or the body of someone from a wealthy family, the ritual of ngawagen is omitted (Stephen 440). Instead, the ritual begins with recalling the soul from the pura dalem, meaning the village temple associated with the spirits of the dead, to re-inhabit the body for the ritual (Stephen 440). From this point forth, the only difference between the ritual procession for an immediate cremation and one for a person who had been buried already is the presence of a physical body in the immediate cremation instead of the use of a symbolic body.

After the spirit has been recalled, the bier and tower in which the corpse is to be carried to the cemetery are placed on the main road in front of the house (Stephen 442). The body is then washed with holy water and decorated with jewelry and flowers before being wrapped in white cloth by male relatives and placed in a plain wooden box (Stephen 442). The box containing the body is then placed in the bier with other rituals objects which symbolize the different aspects of the spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical aspects of the deceased (Stephen 443). A ritual known as ngaskara is then performed in order to reunite the body and the spirit of the deceased individual, which is believed to bring the person back to life for a brief period (Stephen 443). This is symbolized by the pedanda, or priest, lighting a lamp at the conclusion of the ngaskara ritual to show that the deceased has come to life again (Stephen 443). During this ritual, the gamelan orchestra provides musical entertainment for those present (Bakan 1999:9). Once the lamp is lit, the family will wait in anticipation for the lamp to go out, symbolizing that the soul has departed on its journey to the spirit realm (Stephen 443). Once the spirit has begun its journey to the spirit realm, it is time for the body to begin its journey to the cemetery.

The tower holding the corpse is carried to the cemetery for cremation in this royal funerary rite in Bali, Indonesia.

The procession to the cemetery is known as pengutangan, in which multiple strong men carry the tower and animal sarcophagus through the town to the cemetery for cremation (Stephen 443). This event is known to be quite public and particularly energetic (Stephen 443). The gamelan orchestra is once again providing entertainment, this time playing rousing music to keep the mood of the ceremony upbeat (Bakan 1999:11). Throughout the procession to the cemetery, the men carrying the tower are frequently spinning the sarcophagus, which is suspected of confusing the evil residents of the lower realm so that they may not drag the soul of the deceased down with them (Stephen 444). In order to prevent the body from falling out of the casket, a family member typically rides atop of the tower as well (Stephen 444). Once the corpse arrives at the cemetery, the coverings are cut open to reveal the face, and the body is washed with copious amounts of holy water (Stephen 444). The body is then wrapped in many layers of fresh cloth, and the symbols of the deceased physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional aspects are placed in the casket with the body, and the funeral pyre is lit beneath the sarcophagus (Stephen 444). While the corpse burns, the gamelan orchestra plays the beleganjur, which is a Balinese battle song believed to ward off evil spirits and help guide the soul to the spirit realm (See Bakan 2011 for more) (Bakan 1999:71). While the cremation has now taken place, this does not mark the conclusion of ngaben.

The corpse is set ablaze in this public royal cremation in Bali, Indonesia.

Once the fire has burned down, the ashes are collected, and any remaining bones or pieces of symbolic items are ground up into a fine paste (Stephen 445). More offerings of food are then made to the departed before the ashes are carried to the ocean for the ritual of nganyut, meaning to cast away into water (Stephen 445). The ashes of the deceased are then cast into the ocean so that they may become one with the elements once again (Stephen 445). Once the family returns to the village, two final rituals are completed to close ngaben. The first is known as mapegat, which is a ceremony where the family severs their ties to the deceased (Stephen 445). The second is called caru, which is a ritual in which the area used for ngaben is cleansed in order to eliminate any negative forces (Stephen 445). At the conclusion of ngaben, the family will continue to make ritual sacrifices in order to regain their ritual purity as death within the family is considered to be ritually polluting (Hooykaas 22).

After having analyzed the Balinese death rituals, it can be seen that there are some differences present between Balinese rituals and orthodox Hindu traditions. One difference between Hindu death practices and Balinese death practices is that if the cremation cannot be performed within two days of death in Hindu traditions, the body may be placed on ice (Gupta 254). In contrast, it is common practice to bury the body for some time in Balinese traditions (Warren 44). Another difference between the Hindu traditions and Balinese is that in Hindu traditions the family is not supposed to severe ties with the deceased until one year has passed, as it is believed that after one year the soul has moved on into another form (Gupta 256). In contrast, the Balinese severe ties at the closing of ngaben in the ritual known as mapegat (Stephen 445). While some differences may be present between the Balinese and Hindu death rituals, both have a powerful influence on Hindu traditions and culture.

In Hindu cultures, the colour white is closely associated with death (Gupta 256). As a result, it is common practice to wrap the body in white cloth, and newly widowed women are expected to wear white clothing during the period of mourning (Gupta 258). Widowed women are also expected to wear a white sari, no makeup, and no jewelry for the remainder of their life to symbolize their mourning (Gupta 258). This understanding can also explain why it is considered to be inappropriate to present a newly wedded couple with an article of white clothing as a gift, as this is seen as an inauspicious action (Gupta 256). In Hindu culture, regular offerings are also made to the deceased person to soothe the soul, which is especially important if the cremation ritual cannot be performed immediately (Warren 43). These offerings to the soul, as well as the gifts presented to the mourning family by other members of the community, highlight the high level of interdependence present in Hindu culture and the secure connections between the living and the dead (Warren 46). Death rituals in Hindu tradition also serve as a way of remembering the deceased, as tradition mandates that any negative feelings towards the person will be disregarded after their passing as the deceased is to be valued no matter what (Gupta 256). In summary, the death rituals practiced in both Balinese tradition and other Hindu traditions are an essential part of the completion of samsara, which is a central value in Hinduism as it shapes many of their beliefs and aspects of their culture (Stephen 427).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bakan, Michael B. (1999) Music of Death and New Creation: Experiences in the World of Balinese Gamelan Beleganjur. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bakan, Michael B. (2011) “Preventive Care for the Dead: Music, Community, and the Protection of Souls in Balinese Cremation Ceremonies.” In The Oxford Handbook of Medical Ethnomusicology,Edited by Benjamin D. Koen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, Rashmi (2011) “Death Beliefs and Practices from an Asian Indian American Hindu Perspective.” Death Studies 35:244-266. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1080/07481187.2010.518420

Hooykaas, Christiaan (1973) Religion in Bali. Leiden: Brill.

Stephen, Michele (2010) “The yogic art of dying, Kundalinī yoga, and the Balinese ‘pitra yadnya’.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 166:426-474.

Warren Carol (1993) “Disrupted death ceremonies: popular culture and the ethnography of Bali.” Oceania 64:36-56. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1993.tb02446.x

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Samsara

Gamelan orchestra

Pancha Mahabhutas

Preta

Pitr

Pitr-loka

Beleganjur

Patulangun

Dewi Pertiwi

Lembu

Wadah

Pitra Yadnya

Pengutangan

Ngaskara

Pura dalem

Ngawagen

Pangawak

Penyapa

Nganyut

Mapegat

Caru

Hindu wedding rituals

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngaben

https://theculturetrip.com/asia/indonesia/articles/a-festive-cremation-balis-ngaben-and-the-celebration-of-death/

http://factsanddetails.com/indonesia/Minorities_and_Regions/sub6_3h/entry-4025.html

https://www.frazerconsultants.com/2017/05/cultural-spotlight-balinese-funeral-traditions/

https://www.funeralguide.co.uk/blog/death-around-the-world-bali

Article written by: Kieran Meadows (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

BALINESE DEATH RITUALS

            Ngaben, also known as pitra yadnya and pelebon, which translates to “turn to ashes,” is a cremation ceremony practiced on the island of Bali in Indonesia. The ceremony is not a mourning ceremony because the dead are not viewed as deceased; instead it is believed that they are asleep and will be reincarnated (Williams 193). Death rituals are central events in the village community and family that often go on for years, from burial to the final “purification” of the deceased. As of recently rituals are usually collective and condensed in order to save expenses, which are extensive, with over a hundred corpses being cremated at the same time (Hobart 2014, np). Because of the economic costs of the rituals, some families bury the deceased while they wait to gain the economic stability to perform the ritual. However, families should not wait longer than a year to perform the ritual (Williams 194). A Brahmin must decide the most auspicious day for the event to take place. The family of the deceased will make a coffin that will be used to transport the corpse, as well as a replica coffin. These replicas are contemporary vehicles for the dead and can take the form of lions, winged elephant fish or bulls (Hobart 2014, np). The replicas are made out of bamboo, wood and paper.

The night before the ceremony a large wooden drum, a kul-kul, is struck to inform people that they should assemble at the house of the deceased (Williams 194). The ceremony begins with the descendants performing a small rite at the household gate, requesting the spirit to leave. If the body was buried and unearthed, it is vital that the remaining bones, corpse or effigy of it is arranged in a special pavilion in the household. Two temporary bamboo altars, which are dedicated to Surya and Brahma are set up next to the pavilion. The corpse is washed and cleansed to ensure the deceased will be reincarnated in an intact and beautiful body. The accompanying mantra ngereka is recited by a Brahmin to reinforce the act of washing and rejecting any separation of body and mind. An anthropomorphic figure made of Chinese coins is laid to the side or on top of the body or its substitute to ensure that the bones are well proportioned. A vessel of palm leaves with a banana sprout is placed nearby to symbolize the concept of rebirth. A magical cloth, known as a kudrang, with sacred syllables is laid over the body so the deceased is appropriately clothed for their journey to the afterlife. After the cleansing rite a coconut-oil lamp is hung in front of the entrance of the house and is lit every night to show the roaming spirit its home and to beckon it onwards (Hobart 2014, np).

The actual cremation takes place in the graveyard and requires one or more Brahmin to make holy water (Hobart 2014, np). The deceased is transferred to the replica coffin while the Brahmin recites prayers and mantras(Williams 195). During cremation, the visible body and the social role grafted on it are disintegrated by the fire sacrifice, and it is believed that the bodies five primary elements water, earth, fire, wind and space are returned to mother Earth, Ibu Pertiwi. The ashes of the body remains are subsequently collected and stored in a coconut shell, and typically 12 days later they are brought to the river or sea, which is considered sacred, and released into the water (Williams 195). This final step of the ritual is the final form of purification of the soul.

Ngaben rituals differ from different regions and communities in Bali, however there are a lot of similarities. In some communities burying the dead is sometimes interpreted as “impure.” However, in other regions it is also believed that the body should not be cremated too early or else the soul will feel the burning of the flames. It is widely believed that upper varnas frequently die before their time because they practiced cremation without prior burial (Warren 44). In the past it is believed that all but priests and kings were buried initially, however according to the Parisada Hindu Dharma, the faster the process, the better, so the idea of immediate cremation was made preferable as times changed (Warren 45). Some traditionalists still believe that it is important to return to the Ibu Pertiwi before being cremated. It is also widely believed that Brahmins must never be buried and should be cremated immediately. This immediate cremation practice is because it is believed that Brahmins have already died once upon their entry into priesthood; this process is known as mati raga (Warren 44). 

Drawatik (185-188) studied the Pacung village in Bali. The Pacung villagers carry out a primary burial, mepegat, followed by the secondary symbolic burial ritual, metuun. The primary burial is carried out directly after death, and the second ceremony is conducted 42 days after the first one. In Pacung, if someone dies during the day, the corpse should be buried before the sun sets and if they die during the night, the community should wait for the following day. The mepegat ceremony does not have to be carried out on an auspicious day as is done in other communities. In the event that the relatives live far away and cannot reach their home village within a day, the corpse cannot be kept at home for more than three days. For the actual burial, a bamboo litter is made, on which the corpse is placed for the mepegat ceremony. The goal of this ceremony is to cut off the relationship between the deceased and their relatives. This separation is symbolized by white strings of cotton that are cut through by using a small piece of resin that has been set on fire. The dead person is provided by the relatives with 11 Chinese coins symbolizing the means of payment for the piece of ground in which the corpse will rest. On top of the corpse the relatives put personal belongings of the deceased as a token of their affection. The corpse is laid out with the head pointed to the north-east and the feet to the south-west. A male corpse is arranged with the face downward and a female corpse with the face upward. Such positions refer to the belief that the male symbolizes the sky and the female symbolizes the earth. The difference in the orientation of the corpse at Pacung to those in the other regions possibly relates to the Sambu sect. In the Sambu sect, death is associated with the north-east where the God Sambu, who is identical to death, resides. Eleven days after the burial ceremony a permanent grave made of cement is built to avoid a possible further digging up of the ground for another burial. The metuun ceremony is a kind of second burial ritual in which the soul of the deceased is invoked to return because it needs to be purified before returning to embang, the eternal world where the souls of those who are dead reside. In case the family needs more time, than the advised 42 days, to accumulate wealth for the ceremony, they are given one year to conduct a ceremony and the date is set by the village. If they are still unable to perform the ceremony after this year, it is the village’s obligation to do so. At the beginning of the ritual Bhatara Ratu Gede Dalem is asked to grant holy water, tirta, so that the deceased’s soul can be purified. A small manikin, jejeneng, which symbolises the deceased, is ritually cleansed and then dressed in white at a site dedicated to the dead, merajapati. The soul of the deceased is then called to enter the jejeneng, which is  carried home and put on the bed of the deceased where a purification ritual is carried out.

A newly-buried corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a village ceremony in Bali.

Stephen (441-444) discusses her first hand experience of the nine important rituals she witnessed during a Ngaben in 2008. The first step, mandak ke pura dalem, occurred at eight thirty in the morning, with the family going to the Pura Dalem, the temple of death, to collect the spirit of the deceased. The second ritual, melaspas petualangan, occurs around an hour afterwards. The Brahmin prepares holy water, while the casket and the replica are placed in the main road. The men, who were preparing to carry the casket, prayed in front of the Brahmin and received the holy water when it was ready. Mandusan, the third step which is performed by a Brahmin, is the cleansing and decorating of the corpse. The body is cleaned with holy water, finger and toenails are cleaned, hair is washed, oiled, scented and combed. The body is then decorated with jewelry and flowers, while members of the family then place money and gifts on the body. The body is then wrapped in a white cloth and placed in a plain wooden box. Natab, ngaskara, pemerasan was the fourth step. The plain wooden box was decorated with ritual objects symbolizing different components of physical, mental, emotional and spiritual aspects of the deceased. Ngaskara was performed by a pedanda buda, with the goal of the ritual to reunite the body and soul of the deceased. It was believed that the deceased was brought back to life for a few minutes and this was symbolized by the lighting of a lamp. When the soul of the deceased had reached the other world, the lamp would go out. Ngaskarahad the pedanda make holy water while the gamelan orchestra played various songs; there was a wayang lemah, a shadow puppet performance, and topeng, masked dances. Pemerasanwas a prayer between the grandchildren or descendants that took place while waiting for the spirit to depart. The fifth step, kesetra/pengutangan, which took place at two in the afternoon. This step is the most available to public scrutiny as it is the carrying of the deceased and replica to the cemetery. The gamelan orchestra continues to play music while there are many offerings of meat required to prevent the chthonic forces from ruining the parade. The men carrying the casket and replica are in such a trance that it is believed they are possessed by these forces and are being pushed, shoved and twirled by them. Once at the cemetery the sixth step, ngenargiang tirta ring setra, takes place. The corpse is placed in the animal shaped replica with the coverings cut open to reveal the face of the deceased. The body is treated with more holy water and the vessels used to pour the holy water must be broken immediately after use. The body is then covered with more layers of new cloth. Finally the piranti, the various symbols of the physical and spiritual components of the deceased that were placed on the body, are put underneath the replica. The eldest son of the deceased then lights the funeral pyre. After the cremation fire burned down the seventh step took place, nuduk galih lan ngreka. The remaining bone fragments were retrieved from the ashes and arranged in the form of a human body. Some of the bone is then grounded up into a paste inside of a special earthenware container. The paste is then placed in a container referred to as a suku tunggal. Stephen (445) discusses the penultimate step known as pamraline and the final step, nganyut. Pamraline begins with the pedanda buda beginning his ritual to make more holy water. When ready, the holy water is sprinkled on the paste inside of the suku tunggal, which is held by a female relative. The suku tunggal is then circumambulated three times in a clockwise direction around a pile of offerings and the temporary altar dedicated to Surya. The procession then proceeds to the mrajapati temple where the family placed food on dapdap leaves, offering it to the departing spirit. Nganyut takes place at the sea, where the suku tunggal, along with the ashes, are cast into the ocean. Two final rituals take place at the village, mapegat whichcuts ties with the deceased, and caru which cleanses the area used during ngaben to rid them of negative forces.

Public Cremation in Bali

The fate of the soul is symbolically tied to the fate of the body (Warren 43). Death rituals affect the transformation and placement of the soul, and the protection of the family and community from the dangers associated with its passage. In Balinese death rituals the elaborate set of rites that are performed break the soul from its material bonds and allows it to become fused with the ancient ancestors worshipped in temples and houses. The essence of the soul is then reincarnated back into its own community and descent group (Warren 43).

References and recommended readings

Drawatik, Marini (2008) “The Burial System at Pacung.” Burials, Texts and Rituals Göttinger Beiträge Zur Ethnologie, 185-188.

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese temple: artistry, imagination and history in a peasant village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Hobart, Angela(2014)Retrieving the Tragic Dead in Bali,” Indonesia & the Malay World. Vol. 42 Issue 124, 307-336.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Toronto and Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Stephen, Michele (2010)  “The Yogic Art of Dying, Kundalinī Yoga, and the Balinese “pitra Yadnya”.” Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 441-445.Brill.

Warren, Carol (1993) Disrupted death ceremonies: Popular culture and the ethnography of bali. Sydney: Oceania.

Williams, Victoria (2016) Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: from Baby Showers to Funerals [3 Volumes], 193-196. Westport.

Related topics

Antyesti

Indian Ngaben

Pitru Paksha

Raj Ghat

Rasam Pagri

Zoroastrian Funerals

Websites

www.baligoldentour.com/ngaben.php

www.scattering-ashes.co.uk/different-cultures/balinese-ceremony-ngaben/.

https://latitudes.nu/%E2%80%9Cngaben%E2%80%9D-the-balinese-cremation-ceremony-of-the-empress-of-ubud/

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2396549/Sixty-bodies-burned-mass-cremation-Bali.html

Article written by: Michael McTighe (February 2020) who is solely responsible for this content

Death and Cremation

Cremation in Hinduism is classified as the last samskara (life cycle rites); the last ritual to perform that concludes a life. Cremation is considered a samskara because it is changing the state of the person from one realm to another; it is viewed as a medium between life and the ancestral realm (pitr-loka). There are many different frameworks as to how the cremation ritual is completed, yet the outcome is always the same. Cremation is an important aspect of Hinduism because it is freeing the spirit from the current world. Sacrifices, transformations, and the knowledge of how to perform the ritual surrounding the cremation are all aspects of this particular samskara.

Knipe, as quoted in Richard Davis’ Cremation and Liberation: The Revision Of A Hindu Ritual states, “ With few exceptions, the Hindu rites at the time of death and the procedures for cremation (antyesti) are fairly uniform throughout the regions of India…This conformity in ritual across vedic, epic, pursnic, and agamic periods, and on into modern practice, is remarkable”
(39). A basic intention of the cremation ritual is to prevent the spirit from coming back and haunting its family. This basic intention can be known as a Preta (spirits that are not properly installed in the ancestral realm) [haunting/harassing the family- this information can be found and expanded upon in the Hinduism eBook (177)]. Death throughout the Hindu tradition is looked upon as dangerous because it is during this time that the body is between cycles of life and rebirth. Weightman states that in Hinduism, the prevailing “fire and its illumination symbolize either the cosmic cycle of creation and dissolution or samsara [To flow together; to wander; the cycle of repeated rebirths], the earthly cycle of birth and death” (1).

Davis further support the notion of birth and death cycles, as stated above by Weightman, by illustrating another aspect of the cremation ritual. This aspect is known as the third birth. Davis argues, “A person is indeed born three times, as follows: First he is born from his mother and father. One whose lot is to sacrifice is born a second time when he performs sacrifice. He is born a third time when he dies, and is placed upon the fire, and he arises again…” (41). Death and cremation are the processes that allow the spirit from the dead body to leave this world and enter the ancestral realm, where the bodies “…receive nourishment through the sraddha [funerary rites] offerings made by his descendants” (Davis 41). Death is not viewed as the final stage in Hinduism; it is merely a transition from one place to another.

Cremation is the main ritual for disposing of a body in Hinduism (Davis 44). “[T]his same basic physical and ritual act of cremation has been very differently conceived and has performed very different functions within different metaphysical frameworks”(Davis 44-45). In other words, although cremation is the preferred method, there are numerous different ways to understand this last samskara (Davis 44). For example, cremation is a path for some into the ancestral realm, while for others, like the Saiva Siddhanta [a group of people who worship the god Siva above all others; Siva centered groups] it is defined as the souls last barrier on the path to moksa [liberation from the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth] (Davis 45). In both instances the rituals performed are designed so each individual can be set in the right direction for the next stage of the transformation (Davis 45). Both Weightman and Davis emphasize the importance of the life cycle rites; the importance of death and rebirth in the Hinduism tradition.

Funerary Pyres at Pasupatinath Temple near Kathmandu, Nepal
Funerary Pyres at Pasupatinath Temple near Kathmandu, Nepal

In contradiction with dominant western religions, funerals in the Hindu religion can take place only hours after the death has occurred. The funerals are performed after the purification rites have been performed [purification rituals are performed on the deceased to rid him or her of all impurities before the transformation into the other realm occurs]. However, “[T]he waiting period from ascertained death to the elimination of the corpse by cremation, can extend up to three and a half days” (Filippi 131). This promptness is due in large part to the fact that there is a fear among those close to the deceased that something could happen to the body. This is also why it is now routine to carry the body to the cremation site (Filippi 131).

Royal Cremation in Bali

Once it is certain that the individual has passed away, kinsmen care for the body by first cleaning it and then decorating it. It is at this point in time that the body is transferred to the cremation grounds [cremation grounds are called smasana and are often located outside of the city. More information can be found in Dying the Good Death by Christopher Justice]. Davis describes the intricacies of the beginning of the cremation ritual as follows, “Like any sacrificial terrain, the place of cremation must be ritually constituted. The officiant, preferably the eldest son of the deceased, purifies the ground by sprinkling water, circling the spot counterclockwise…” (45). Once all of this has been completed and the body is facing south [this is done so the deceased is facing the kingdom of Yama; more information can be found in Gian Giuseppe Filippi’s MRYTU: Conecpt of Death In Indian Traditions], the sacrificial wood is brought in and fires are started in three different places around the pyre (Davis 45). The body is then laid upon the pyre with the individual’s personal sacrificial offerings placed around and on the being (Davis 44). Davis provides examples of items placed on the individual by stating how, “The sacrificial spoon [is] in his right hand, the wooden ladle in his left, the wooden stirring sword on his right side, the ladle used in fire oblation on his left…” (45). In accordance with Davis, Filippi states that depending on which class you are from, a certain item will be placed into the individuals hand. For example, if one were born into the Brahmin [priests and scholars] class, a piece of gold is placed in the hand, but if one were born into the vaisya [merchant] class, a jewel would be placed in the hand [more information can be found in Gian Giuseppe Filippi’s MRYTU: Concept of Death In Indian Traditions 137]. Certain items are placed around the body on the pyre because it is these items that the deceased has previously practiced sacrificial rituals with. They are returned back to him during the cremation ritual (Davis 45). Normally the eldest son (the officiate) will then contribute his own offering into the ritual in support of certain gods and a Rg mantra will also be recited while the pyre is lit from the three sacrificial fires (Davis 45). The reason the cremation ritual is often performed by someone the deceased has known is because it is assumed that the individual will undeniably arrive in heaven along with the smoke of the fires if the ritual is performed this way (Davis 45).

Once the cremation has taken place the officiate circles the ritual site three times (in reverse direction) with a jar that sits upon his left shoulder. The officiant will then moisten the ground by drizzling droplets of water and when he reaches a position that is near the head of the dead body, he will break the jar and leave. He will then be followed by the others at the ritual (Davis 45). After the ritual has been performed the individuals who knew the deceased will experience a period of impurity (savasauca). The length of the period of impurity varies depending on how well they knew the deceased. After this is done, the family will then perform the sraddha rites that will ritually place the body into another realm. The reason sraddha is performed is because it replaces the old body that was cremated (Davis 46).

After the cremation ritual, Parry states that “A funeral priest presides over the rituals performed by relatives for the “ghost” of the departed for eleven days after cremation, accepting gifts from the deceased’s family. It is his [funeral priest] job to confer salvation and allow the soul of the departed to “swim across” to the other world” (Gesler and Pierce 1). The rituals that are performed post cremation are just as important as the cremation ritual itself because it is these rituals that send the ghost or spirit of the deceased to the ancestral pitr-loka [world of ancestors] (Gesler and Pierce). This is why eating is seen as an important aspect of the post cremation ritual; the old body must be “eaten” when the soul of the deceased attains a new body (Gesler, Pierce). “The Brahman priest who performs the ceremonies is likened to a medieval European alchemist who, using a philosopher’s stone, can turn base metal into gold, or to the Ganges, which transforms the city’s sewage into holy water” (Gesler and Pierce 1). Cremation rituals and post cremation rituals are equally important.

Cremation Pyres in Varanasi (Harischandra Ghat)

Banaras is thought to be a place in India that is very important for cremation. Thousands upon thousands of bodies are brought there every year to be cremated. In 1989 alone 24,000 bodies were brought in from around the world to be cremated there [more information can be found in Dying The Good Death by Christopher Justice]. It was also found that many will make a one way trip to Banaras to die there and be thrown into the Ganges River (Justice 21). Some families even send the cremated remains to Banaras in order for their loved ones to be placed in the Ganges River; this is common when the whole funeral procession cannot be done there due to external circumstances (Justice 21). Varanasi also holds an extremely elevated position in the eyes of many Hindus for their final resting place. However, no matter where the cremation takes place, the ritual is believed to be equally important.

Bibliography

Davis, Richard (1988) “Cremation and Liberation: The Revision Of A Hindu Ritual”. History of Religions, Vol.27, No. 1, pp.37-53.

Filippi, Gian (1996) MRTYU Concept of Death In Indian Traditions. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.

Gesler, Wilbert M.and Pierce, Margaret (2000) Hindu Varanasi. Geographical Review, Vol. 90 Issue 2. P222, 16p.

Justice, Christopher (1997) Dying the Good Death. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism The eBook: An Online Introduction. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Related Topics

Antyesti

Moksa

Pitr-loka

Preta

Samsara

Samskara

Shmashana

Sraddha Rites/Rituals

Related Websites

http://www.geocities.com/lamberdar/cremation.html

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/h_death.asp

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/concepts/samskara.asp

http://www.experiencefestival.com/hindu_rituals_dictionary

http://www.hindugateway.com/library/rituals/

Written by Rachel Jose (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Death Hospitals in Kashi (Kasi)

The people of the Hindu tradition travel from near and far on the brink of death to inhale their final breath in their sacred City of Banaras. Banaras’ city circumference is marked by the panch-kroshi (also spelled, panch-kosi), a pilgrimage route that, at times, has approximately tens of thousands of pilgrims walking along its paths. The entire route of the panch-kroshi is about 50 miles long and generally takes five days to complete (Parry 15). The pilgrimage route of panch-kroshi is deemed so extraordinary due to the belief of the Hindu’s that all who die within this boundary will attain moksa, a Hindu’s lifelong quest for liberation (Justice 20). Hindu’s refer to the sacred city of Banaras as Kashi and speak of the attainment of moksa as ending the unwanted cycle of birth, death and rebirth. This continuous cycle, known as mukti, exists for each Hindu until moksa is accomplished (Justice 49). Kashyam marnam mukti means ‘death in Kashi is liberation’; this often quoted Sanskrit tag beautifully sums up the almost universal belief of a Hindu (Parry 21). Once this liberation has been attained, mukti ceases and the ghost of the dead is able to rise up past hell and rebirth, into heaven where it stays unchanging forever. Exceptions and regulations exist for proper attainment of moksa; a few exceptions to reaching moksa HoweverHmay be ones final thoughts, and which riverbank in Banaras one dies. The city of Banaras is located between Delhi and Calcutta in the middle of the Ganges valley (Parry 33). The Ganges River separates Banaras into two riverbanks, the west and the east. The west bank is where one will find the Manikarnika Ghat, which is the center of Kashi where it is often believed that on the west bank of Banaras, “[the] universe is created at the beginning of time and the universe burns at the end of time” (Justice 20). It is on the west bank that moksa is granted (provided the right frame of mind and other requirements have been met). The east bank is usually vacant due to people’s fear of dying on that side of the bank because of the belief that those who expire on the east bank will not attain moksa; instead, rebirth as a jackass will occur (Justice16).

As previously mentioned, there are regulations to the attainment of moksa for a Hindu. It is sometimes said that the physical act of dying in Kashi is, in fact, not a direct guarantee to mukti. Also, it is not guaranteed that one will attain mukti immediately after death. The mindset at the moment of death is what determines the speed and level of mukti that the dying will achieve. If one dies in Kashi but does not have the proper mindset at the moment of passing to achieve immediate mukti, then they will be reborn again a specified number of times before the process is ended, finally allowing them to proceed to heaven (Justice 172). There are four levels of mukti that one can arrive at, which level is attained is based on the dying thoughts one produces. Salokya is when one resides in the same world as god; samipya, the dead remain near to god; sarupya, one will take the same form of god and in sayuja, the highest level, one actually becomes merged with god (Justice173).

Within the City of Banaras there are places set up where people and a few of their loved ones are welcome to stay while they await the final breath of a family member. These places are similar to a hospital but instead of the goal of saving the dying, their purpose is to let people die in a way that allows them to attain immediate, and the highest-level of, mukti while in Kashi. Two of the hospitals that will be discussed still exist in Kashi today, although unfortunately with declining popularity. The Ganga-labh Bhavan, the first of these death hospitals, is located in the most populous area of Manikarnika and is unfortunately difficult to travel to, especially when attempted by those who are weakened by encroaching death. The three-story Ganga-labh Bhavan was once used as a Manikarnika police station; it began by two rich capitalist families, one of which traveled to Kashi bringing their grandmother for kashi-labh (promise of salvation). They found it difficult to locate a place to settle while they stayed in Manikarnika and began to wonder how anyone lower than their financial situation would find accommodation either. This capitalist family joined with another, together, they chose to lease this former police station and begin running it as a hostel where people are welcome to stay while they, or a loved one dies (Justice 59). It is thought that since the beginning of the Ganga-labh Bhavan approximately 10 000 people have died and 12 000 have registered between the walls of this three-story building (Justice 58). Since the introduction of the Ganga-labh Bhavan there are a number of rules to be followed to maintain order and allow the ghat (river frontage) to function the way it was intended to. Some of these rules include: a dying pilgrim can stay at most fifteen days; untouchables and those with infectious diseases are not permitted to stay; do not associate with the noble people staying at the rest house next door; pay special attention that you do not do things which may trouble or inconvenience others; within twenty-four hours of the pilgrim becoming Kashi-labh (‘the profit of Kashi’, attainment of salvation), the accompanying people must free up the Bhavan (Justice 60-61). It is evident through these rules that a caste system exists up until the moment of death and that the ghat is there for a purpose. Even the dying are not equal, although their bodies are deteriorating in the same fashion, some Hindu’s are still seen as more prestigious and noble than others; the act of dying itself does not even change the rules and roles of a caste system.

The second, and currently the most favoured of these hospitals of death is the Kashi-labh Muktibhavan. A man named Jaydal Dalmia, whose mother happily passed away within the boundary of Kashi, founded the Muktibhavan. After their mother’s death and death ceremonies were completed, Dalmia and his brother used the left over rupees for religious purposes and purchased a building with the intention to provide a satsang where music, religious chanting and recitation of the Bhagavad-Gita would take place. Dalmia and his brother had no intention of producing a home for the dying, but they did invite those who were fading from life to join them in their satsang. After a year or more, people started to travel to the Muktibhavan for the purpose of dying, and thus, the death hospital that it is today began (Justice 63-65). Muktibhavan is not in the center of Manikarnika as the Ganga-labh Bhavan is, yet it is the more used of the two; this is because Muktibhavan is in a less crowded area and has easier access from the railway station (Justice 126). Although Muktibhavan is further from the “center of the universe” it is said to have a more religious feel due to the constant spiritual chants, music, and the reading of the Bhagavad-Gita (Justice 126). A major objective of the Muktibhavan is to yield the maximum spiritual benefit of each guest by providing amenities that capitalize on the spiritual atmosphere for the dying. The services offered by the Muktibhavan include specific rituals and a list of rules and restrictions designed to create a religious environment. A number of these regulations include: only those faithful believers and sick on the brink of death are allowed to stay; a place to stay will be available for fifteen days, if there is a special need, with the permission from the manager, one will be able to stay; the making of food must be done on a closed stove using charcoal, there should not be any type of smoke in the rooms or verandas; those infected with infectious diseases cannot stay; incompatible, indecent or reprehensible behaviour will not be tolerated (Justice 174). The underlying rules of each of the hospitals of death within Kashi are quite similar which makes sense since they each are vying for the same purpose.

The Holy City of Banaras has been around in the eyes of believers since existence itself began. The tradition of dying within the panch-kroshi will continue for as long as the belief of dying within the boundaries of panch-kroshi attains that moksa. As travel to Kashi continues the sacredness of each of the death hospitals, Ganga-labh Bhavan and Kashi Labh Muktibhavan, will persist. They will continue aiding the dying on their journey to their sacred space in heaven through achieving the highest level of mukti. As the tradition of dying in Kashi continues, so will it also draw in new believers through the popularity that it has attained, and so on the cycle will continue.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Justice, Christopher (1997) Dying the good death: the pilgrimage to die in India’s Holy

City. Shakti Nagar: Sri Satguru Publications

Parry, Jonathan P. (1994) Death in Banaras. Cambridge, NY: Cambridge University

Press

Further Recommended Readings

Filippi, Gian Giuseppe (1996) Mrtyu: concept of death in Indian traditions:

transformation of the body and funeral rites. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld

Oestigaard, Terje (2005) Death and Life – giving waters: cremation, caste and

cosmogony in karmic traditions. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Prakash, Satya (1985) Hindu Religion and Mortality. New Delhi: Asian Publication

Services

Related Topics for Further Investigation

The Bhagavad-Gita

Panch-kroshi

Banaras

Moksa/Mukti

Ganges Valley

Delhi

Calcutta

Manikarnika Ghat

Salokya

Sarupya

Satsang

Sayuja

Samipya

Kashi-labh

Ghat

Rogi

Jaydal Dalmia

Death Rites

Samskara

Notable Websites

http://www.globalideasbank.org/soonlat/SL-5.HTML

http://www.angelfire.com/ok2/Moo/death.html

http://www.sacredsites.com/asia/india/banaras.html

http://www.fsmitha.com/h1/ch05.htm

Written by Sarah Richardson (March 2006), who is solely responsible for its content.