Category Archives: H. Major Hindu Sects, Deities and Purāṇic Myths

The Lingayat/Virasaiva tradition

The Lingayat tradition, also known as Virasaiva, is a Hindu sect with a vast following in Karnataka, a southern state of India. They are known as Virasaivas because of their relentless and deeply passionate devotion to Siva, a deity who is worshipped by both upper and lower caste Hindus, as well as other marginal groups in Hindu society (Basu 475). The origin of the sect is traced to the eleventh and twelfth century as a small-scale socio religious movement and founded by Basavanna, a government minister. In order to maintain their purpose within the broad framework of the Lingayat tradition, Basavanna adapted and reconstructed the principles of the influential Saivite (Siva-worshiping) religious traditions superior during his time in Kashmir, Gujarat, and Tamil Nadu (Basu 475). The Lingayat tradition highlights the shared dependence between Siva and individual human beings. TheParama Sakti (ultimate spiritual force) is believed to have been established by Siva; that is, Siva and the cosmic force are considered to be equal or alike (Basu 475). The Lingayat tradition believes that before the cosmos was created, Siva was the “The Supreme Self” in terms of purity, beyond space and place, beyond design, nameless, shapeless, and deedless (Basu 475). Basavanna preached that work, in all its forms, was to be worshipped. Therefore, Lingayats are washermen, barbers, weavers, carpenters, teachers, farmers, and members of practically every occupational group (Ishwaran 148). Work was to be worshipped as a continuation of the design of the Creator, the deity Siva.

            Lingayat tradition was a reaction to specific features of Hinduism and can barely be assumed or understood aside from orthodox Hinduism. Its practices and beliefs are either taken over from Hinduism, or they illustrate a deliberate contradiction of Hindu principles or rites. Lingayatism preaches that all men and women, whatever their birth or position in society, are all equal. In noticeable opposition to Hinduism, there is no ritual interpretation of female inferiority. For the Lingayats, there is no heaven, no hell, no life after death. They believe that reward for virtue and punishment come in this life and one makes this world a heaven or a hell (Ishwaran 148).  In Sanskrit, Linga signifies a mark or a symbol; hence, the Siva Lingam is a symbol of the supreme being, Siva. The practice requires that followers, both men and women, carry the Siva Linga/Lingam around their necks or across their chests. Basavanna and other Lingayat preachers tried to fight the polytheistic notions of Brahmanic Hinduism through the Lingayat tradition (Basu 475). Basavanna’s monotheism not only ousted the Vedic deities (cherished by Vedic Hindu followers), but to Lingayats, also disclosed the dishonesty of the Brahmanic interpretations of the Hindu scriptures. Therefore, the Lingayat tradition preferred a social order free of the caste system and social slavery and as a result, it originally accepted men and women from all Hindu castes, as well as the lowest (Basu 475).

             There are three sacred areas in every Lingayat home. Their homes are very meaningful for them,  because the home is not only a place for living, but is the means of close connections between family and members. The first sacred area of every Lingayat home is a raised platform (gaddige) which serves as the family altar. On this altar are the images of the personal gods of each family member. At this altar, daily worship by the family as a whole, represented by a male member, forms the regular feature of domestic festivals. The kitchen is also a sacred place. On festive days, the first element of all food prepared is given to the priest, and a second part sacrificed to the gods. Food is treated with the utmost respect, as is the stove where it is prepared. The native stove (vali) itself is worshipped, and all food is eaten, after which the plate is washed clean by the priest, and the water used in ablution is itself drunk, that none of the holy food be dishonoured. The doorway is also sacred in the home of all Lingayats. It is very crucial that a bride steps across the doorway with her right foot at marriage. Each bullock is stopped at the door of each Lingayat house and made to step across the doorway with his right foot during the procession of bullocks. On a daily basis, the doorway is washed and worshipped by the women of the household, and special rites of worship are done on festival days.

          Sororate marriages are accepted among the Lingayats, but more commonly practiced is the marriage of a girl to her mother’s brother (Ishwaran 153). Cross-cousin marriages are ordinary and chosen. It also frequently happens that two families may perform an exchange marriage. Usually, marriages ensue right after puberty and they are comprehensively organized. The marriage of a girl is commonly arranged at, or considerably before, the beginning of puberty. A marriage which is formed by love is considered to have a poor possibility of success. Love is considered to come in the normal course of events after marriage; should it exist before, the marriage is likely to be damaged by struggle both between the partners and between each of the partners and the in-laws (Ishwaran 154). If an arranged marriage leads to separation, the elders accountable for the marriage are susceptible to harsh criticism and sometimes to open animosity. By all means the bride must be younger than the bridegroom. Men must marry women who are younger in age so that wives stay submissive to their husbands, and care for them in their old age. Culture commands that girls are born to be given away and they must be married as soon as they reach puberty (Ishwaran 155). The current system of arranged marriage has allowed them to endure. Partners in one’s own kindred circle are regarded as committed, admired, and trustworthy on whom spouses can rely throughout life (Ishwaran 155).

        In the early nineteenth century, a scholar named Jean Antoine Abbe Dubois who had spent thirty years collecting materials and articles connected to Hindu behaviour, customs and ceremonies, distinguished what he heard, read, and studied about the Lingayat tradition (Chekki 108). He observed that the sect of Siva is dominant in several states. They refrain from eating animal products, and rather than burning the dead, like most Hindus, they choose to bury them. They also do not acknowledge the laws pertaining to degradation, which in most cases are recognized by other castes. Dubois mentions a proverb that says “There is no river for a  Lingayat”, which means that the followers of this sect do not value ablutions (Chekki 108). In addition, he specifies that the Lingayat tradition rejects many principles of the Hindu religion, particularly the cycle of birth and rebirth. The Lingayats, therefore, have no anniversary festivals to celebrate or honor the dead (Chekki 108).

         Prominently, there are at least three extensive stages or aspects of the Lingayat research traditions which discloses the preceding analysis. The first phase commenced in the early nineteenth century and progressed until the first decade of the twentieth century, which consists of  a large majority of Western scholars (Chekki 125). These observers from the West, based on very narrow or no knowledge of the earliest sources, seized only an incomplete view of the Lingayat tradition and culture. These scholars, with a few special cases, presented inadequate, definitive, distorted, and deceptive accounts of the Lingayat tradition and society. The second phase of the Lingayat studies, which surfaced in the 1920s, incorporates two streams of domestic scholars. Based upon an extensive exploration and analysis of Virasaiva classics in Kannada and Sanskrit, they contributed a great deal to the understanding of Lingayatism as a significant religious sect (Chekki 125). Their knowledge of the initial sources, modern outlook, and experience as members of the community aided them to produce trustworthy analyses of the Lingayat tradition and philosophy (Chekki 125). Nevertheless, some of these studies needed impartial scientific examination. The third phase of the Lingayat research, set in motion since the 1960s, has taken place broadly in institutional settings such as universities and research institutes (Chekki 125).

       The present day Lingayat/Virasaiva tradition research has become more multidisciplinary by nature and today, diversified disciplines in the humanities and social sciences examine Lingayat/Virasaiva history, literature, religion, philosophy, society and culture (Chekki 126). An abundant portion of the publications in the Lingayat/Virasaiva tradition, especially in the Kannada language, still seem to be laudatory and repetitious (Chekki 126). They are for the most part explanatory and based on inner experience rather than fact, lacking critical analysis. An extensive number of studies are on Basavanna and his reform movement. A majority of the authors are men. Women authors, and writings on women saints and their contributions, are minimal (Chekki 126). The question, “are Lingayats a caste or a religion?”, has both sociological interpretation and realistic significance. The Government of India categorizes the Lingayats as Hindus. Lingayat leaders, nevertheless, urge their followers, when asked their religion, not to answer Hindu, but Lingayat (Ishwaran 149). Whether the rank and file Lingayat considers himself as a Hindu caste or a separate religion is a matter of practical concern. Moreover, the demand to train a new generation of researchers cannot be disregarded on purpose. Numerous aspects and features of the Lingayat/Virasaiva tradition are still in need of examination by researchers.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Basu, Rajshekhar (2002) “Lingayat.” In Karen Christensen and David Levinson, eds. Encyclopedia of Modern Asia, p. 475. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.

Boratti, Vijayakumar (2017) “War, Words, and Communities: Lingayats and World War I.” Economic and Political Weekly. Accessed February 3, 2020. doi:10.1017/9781108594646.008.

Copeman, Jacob, and Ikegame Aya (2012) The Guru in South Asia: New Interdisciplinary Perspectives. London: Routledge.

Chekki, Danesh A. (1997) Religion and Social System of the Vīraśaiva Community. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group.

Chekki, Danesh A. (2012). “The Spiritual Path of Devotion: The Vīraśaiva Perspective.” Anthropos 107(2):555-560. Accessed January 30, 2020. doi:10.5771/0257-9774-2012-2-555.

Desai, Prakash (2019). “Quest for Egalitarian Socio-Spiritual Order: Lingayats and Their Practices.” Journal of Human Values 25(2):87-100. Accessed January 30, 2020. doi:10.1177/0971685819826729.

Gutridge, Bryan (2006) The Religion of Revolution: A Historical Study of the Virasaiva Movement. Bloomington: Indiana University.

Ishwaran, Karigondar (1966). “Lingayat Kinship.” Journal of Asian and African Studies 1(2):147-160. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1177/002190966600100206.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Lingayat

Virasaiva

Karnataka

Siva

Basavanna

Kashmir

Gujrat

Tamil Nadu

Basavanna

Saivite

Parama Sakti

Sanskrit

Siva Lingam

Linga

Gaddige

Vali

Kannada

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lingayat

https://www.civilserviceindia.com/subject/History/prelims/virasaiva.html

https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/who-are-the-lingayats-and-why-they-want-a-minority-status/articleshow/63368295.cms?from=mdr

https://lingayatreligion.com/

https://www.lingayatreligion.com/What_is_Lingayatism.htm

https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/the-history-of-lingayat-religion-is-not-written-and-this-is-the-main-reason-for-/309860

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329504845_The_Rise_of_Lingayat_Religion_and_Its_Founder

https://shaivam.org/scripture/English-Articles/1374/the-virasaiva-religion

https://thediplomat.com/2018/03/a-new-religion-in-india-karnatakas-lingayats-seek-recognition/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lingayatism

Article written by: Jonalyn Saballa (February 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

Vaisno Devi

Vaisno Devi is a goddess in the Hindu religion.  She is worshipped in northwest India where her shrine is located on Trikut Mountain in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir (Foulston and Abbott 193, 195).   Millions of pilgrims go there each year.  As a mother to her devotees, she is a protector and giver of benefits (Rohe 74).  She is therefore known as Mata Vaisno Devi, or Mother Vaisno Devi (Rohe 57, 68).  

     Hindu mythology explains that Vaisno Devi was created during the second age, the Treta Yuga, by the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi, and Mahakali.  These goddesses are manifestations of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi (Foulston and Abbott 194).  They came together and used their powers to create Vaisno Devi.  During the Treta Yuga the world was struggling with strife and the forces of the demonic world.  The world needed a guardian, therefore the creation of Vaisno Devi (Khanna 187).  

     There are a variety of myths about Vaisno Devi.  One myth in particular says she was born on earth as the daughter of a merchant named Ratnasagar and was named Trikuta.  Trikuta wished to marry Rama, one of the ten incarnations of Visnu, but was told by Rama himself that he could not marry her as he was faithfully pledged to Sita his wife (Foulston and Abbott 50, 194).  Not to be disappointed, Trikuta persisted, and eventually was told by Rama that if she could recognize him when he returned to her, he would marry her.  Rama later returned as an elderly man and was unrecognizable to Trikuta.  Rama then told her that he would return in the fourth age, the Kali Yuga, as Kalki, the last and final incarnation of Visnu.  Trikuta could then become his consort.  Until that time, Trikuta should stay on Trikut Mountain, where she ought to practice asceticism and would eventually become known as Vaisno Devi (Erndl 40-41). 

     Another myth describes Vaisno Devi’s appearance to a Brahmin priest thousands of years after her birth on earth.  The priest, Sridhar, was holding a ritual for the purpose of attaining a male son, when Vaisno Devi appeared to him (Erndl 41).  She told Sridhar to serve a feast for the villagers and those living around the village.  While inviting the villagers to the feast, Sridhar met a man by the name of Gorakhnath, the leader of an order of mendicants.  Gorakhnath mockingly told Sridhar that he would not be able to feed Gorakhnath and all his followers.  Nevertheless, the next day, everyone gathered for the feast and they were served by Vaisno Devi.  One of the mendicants, Bhairo, complained about the food, stating that he wanted meat and not the vegetarian food that Vaisno Devi was serving.  Vaisno Devi told him that as the food was being served at a Vaisnavafeast, he should not complain.  Bhairo became angry and reached for Vaisno Devi, but she disappeared and fled to Trikut Mountain (Erndl 41-42).  Bhairo, who looked at her with lust, pursued her (Rohe 60).  When she arrived at Trikut Mountain, she crawled into a cave and stayed there for nine months where she practiced asceticism.  When Bhairo found her, Vaisno Devi opened the back of the cave with her wand and crawled out with Bhairo continuing to pursue her.  She entered another cave and according to one version of this myth, transformed herself into the terrifying manifestation of the goddess Candi.  She then cut off Bhairo’s head.  As he was being decapitated, he repented, calling Vaisno Devi “Mother.”  His head can now be seen as a rock at the cave’s mouth where it is venerated by pilgrims (Erndl 41-42). 

     The mythology of Vaisno Devi has led to the worship of her at the Holy Shrine of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Ji on Trikut Mountain.  Pilgrims climb fourteen kilometers up the mountain to the mouth of the cave.  When the pilgrims reach there, they crawl through a ninety-foot tunnel which has a stream running through it called the Charan Ganga (Foulston and Abbott 196-197).  At the end of the tunnel is the most important aspect of the shrine, three jutting rocks or pindis (Erndl 39).  These three pindis, which are venerated by the pilgrims,each embodies the three cosmic manifestations of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi.  These three manifestations are the goddesses Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi, and Mahakali; they are referred to as the sakta trinity (Erndl 4).  The shrine of Vaisno Devi “is the only shrine in India to house natural forms of the three cosmic goddesses” (Foulston and Abbott 196).  Vaisno Devi, who in turn is the manifestation of the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi and Mahakali, holds their cosmic powers or saktis (Erndl 39).  They in turn each hold the powers of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi (Tewari 4).  A pilgrim goes to the shrine of Vaisno Devi only when the pilgrim believes Vaisno Devi has called him or her individually (Rohe 61-62).  It has been found that “undertaking the pilgrimage annually contributes to the well-being of her devotees” (Pandya 735).  

      Vaisno Devi is considered by her followers to be Mahadevi, the Great Goddess herself, since Vaisno Devi is the manifestation of the three goddesses and their three powers (Rohe 71).  In Hinduism, Mahadevi is the goddess who embodies sakti, the feminine power that creates and holds the universe together (Kinsley 133).  Mahadevi “oversees” the “cosmic functions” of creation, preservation, and destruction (Kinsley 137).  These three powers are present in the rocks or pindis representing the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi and Mahakali (Tewari 4).  Mahasarasvati holds the sakti of creation, Mahalaksmi holds the sakti of preservation, and Mahakali holds the sakti of destruction (Rodrigues 441).  

     Vaisno Devi is also considered to be one of two contrasting sides to Mahadevi; the other being the goddess Kali.  The contrasting sides are reflected in two different dispositions and personalities.  Kali is the harsh and bloody side of Mahadevi.  She is depicted with dark skin, often with a necklace of skulls around her neck, and is known for drinking the blood of demons.  She is carnivorous, and as such, she is associated with animal sacrifice.  Vaisno Devi is the peaceful and serene side of Mahadevi.  She is associated with vegetarianism, and is not worshipped with animal sacrifice (Erndl 4-5).  

     In Hinduism, vegetarianism is a form of ritual purity and it is because of this that Vaisno Devi and her shrine stand out among other Hindu shrines (Foster and Stoddard 113).  As illustrated in the second myth, Vaisno Devi serves only vegetarian food at the feast. This validates her status as a vegetarian. The name Vaisno is actually translated in northwestern India as “vegetarianism” even though it literally means “in the style or manner of Visnu and followers” (Foster and Stoddard 113).  Vegetarianism protects Vaisno Devi’s body integrity (Rohe 69).  She is closely associated with the god Visnu partly due to this vegetarian ideal (Rohe 66).  

     Vaisno Devi is also associated with virginity (Rohe 70).  Virginity, like vegetarianism, protects Vaisno Devi’s body integrity (Rohe 69).  The importance of her virginity is shown in the myth and is made apparent by Bhairo’s lust and pursuit of her.  A variation of this myth says it was the goddess Kali that Vaisno Devi transformed herself into when she killed Bhairo. This was so that she, as the goddess Vaisno Devi, would not spill someone’s blood.  The reason for this is because blood shedding is associated with sexual relations.  In order to preserve her virginity, Vaisno Devi transformed herself into the dark and terrible Kali to shed Bhairo’s blood (Rohe 69).  At her shrine, it is common for the pilgrims to abstain from alcohol, meat, and sexual relations (Rohe 70). 

      Vaisno Devi is also a mother as well as a virgin, and her devotees consider themselves her children (Rohe 70).  There is a legend that says she changed the Charan Ganga into a stream of milk when milk was not available in the local area (Rohe 69).  This myth validates her status as mother.  Since Vaisno Devi is Mahadevi, and therefore sakti, it is believed all beings were born from her (Rohe 70).

     Hindu art portrays Vaisno Devi as beautiful and serene.  She is commonly shown to ride a lion or tiger (Erndl 4).  She has eight arms and holds a conch, club, and discus as well as a bow and arrow, sword, and trident.  Her clothes are red; she is gentle but strong.  Beside her are her two guardsmen, the monkey god, Hanuman, and Bhairo (Erndl 4).  

      Partly due to variations in legends or myths about Vaisno Devi, it can be difficult to exactly pinpoint her nature (Rohe 60).  No Hindu text gives definite knowledge of her, and understanding of her varies according to each person (Rohe 57).  However, her shrine on Trikut Mountain adds an element of certainty to her devotees about her role as a goddess as it is a concrete place where they can go to worship her.  It is on Trikut Mountain, Vaisno Devi’s home, where she reigns as the divine feminine power, giving blessings and support to her devotees.  

References and Further Recommended Reading

Brown, C. MacKenzie (1990) The Triumph of the Goddess: The Canonical Models and Theological Visions of the Devi-Bhagavata Purana. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Chitgopekar, Nilima (2003) The Book of Durga. New Delhi: Viking.

Erndl, Kathleen M. (1993) Victory to the Mother. New York: Oxford University Press.

Foster, Georgana, and Robert Stoddard (2010) “Vaishno Devi, the Most Famous Goddess Shrine                                               in the Siwaliks.” In Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia, edited by Rana P. B. Singh, 109-124. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars.                                                                            

Foulston, Lynn, and Stuart Abbott (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Thornhill: Sussex Academic Press. 

Hardon, John A. (1968) Religions of the World: Volume 1. Garden City: Image Books.

Hawley, John Stratton, and Vasudha Narayanan (eds.) (2006) The Life of Hinduism. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Khanna, Madhu (2018) “Here Are the Daughters: Reclaiming the Girl Child (Kanya, Bala, Kumari) in the Empowering Tales and Rituals of Sakta Tantra.”  In The Oxford History of Hinduism: The Goddess, edited by Mandakranta Bose, 173-198. New York: Oxford University Press.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  

Kinsley, David (1986) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kumarappa, Bharatan (1979) The Hindu Conception of the Deity. Delhi: Inter-India Publications.

Pandya, Samta (2015) “Pilgrimage and Devotion to the Divine Mother: Mental Well-being of Devotees of Mata Vaishno Devi.” Mental Health, Religion & Culture 18:9 726-737. Accessed January 22, 2020. doi:10.1080/13674676.2015.1112771.

Pintchman, Tracy (ed.) Seeking Mahadevi:  Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess. Albany, NY:  State University of New York Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism-The Ebook. Toronto: Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Rohe, Mark Edwin (2001) “The Greatness of Goddess Vaisno Devi.” In Seeking Mahadevi Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess, edited by Tracy Pintchman, 55-76. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Tewari, Lt. Col. Naren (1988) The Mother Goddess Vaisno Devi. New Delhi: Lancer International.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Candi

Bhairo

Hanuman

Hindu Art

Kali

Mahadevi

Mahalaksmi

Mahakali

Mahasarasvati

Rama

Ritual Purity

Sakti

Sita

Vaisnava

Vaisno Devi Mythology

Visnu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://www.maavaishnodevi.org/

This article was written by:  Bernadette Remus (Spring 2020), who is entirely responsible for its content.

Basava and the Lingayat tradition

Basava, also referred to as Basavanna, was a south Indian philosopher who is widely regarded as the founder of the Lingayattradition of Hinduism (Das 161). He is viewed as an early advocate for socio-religious reform, promulgating his teachings in what is now the Indian state of Karnataka (Ishwaran 2).

Although little is known about Basava’s early life, there are a few texts that provide details about his childhood. In addition to scarce historical records, the Basava Purana, written by Palkuriki Somanatha, provides a hagiographical account of his life. In addition, the Basavaraja Devara Ragale, a poem written in the 13th-century by Harihara, also provides important information about his life (Leslie 239). His poems, typically referred to as vacanas, have also provided extensive descriptions about his life and his beliefs (see Schouten 50-61).

Basava was born in a small village called Bagevadi to a Brahmin family (Ishwaran 1). His father was appointed by a local king to be the chief of his village. Though Basava was not born in a particularly wealthy family, he nonetheless enjoyed social privileges by virtue of his class and his father’s role in the village as the chief (Leslie 239). Over the course of his childhood, Basava engaged in activities that were traditionally prescribed for Brahmin males. Therefore, he was exposed to various religious rituals and also received formal religious education (Leslie 240).

However, despite the formalities that he had undergone, Basava grew increasingly disillusioned with the Brahmanical tradition in which he was raised (Schouten 2). In Harihara’s Basavaraja Devara Ragale, Basava was forced to participate in his sacred- thread ceremony – a crucially important initiation ceremony for twice-born males – at the age of eight. In contrast, according to the Basava Purana, he did not participate in his sacred-thread ceremony (Leslie 240). His father construed Basava’s reluctance to participate as egregiously disrespectful to tradition, creating friction in the relationship between Basava and his father (Rao and Roghair 58). Both accounts of his life relay a similar motif, namely his criticisms of the Brahmanical tradition at a very young age.

At the age of sixteen, Basava left his home village of Bagevadi and went to Kudalasangama, a popular pilgrimage site for Siva worshippers. The impetus for his decision to leave was marked by “a desire to escape… the religious ritualism and social prejudice of his environment” (Leslie 240). It was also at this time that Basava had become particularly fond of the Hindu god, Siva. Although several Saivite sects were prominent during this time, it is likely that Basava was exposed to the Lakulisa- Pasupata sect of Saivism in Kudalasangama (Das 162). He subsequently spent the next twelve years of his life in Kudalasangama where he extensively engaged in the service and worship of Siva. In addition, Basava continued to expand his education and also composed works of poetry (Das 162).

The socio-religious context in Karnataka during the 12th– century played an instrumental role in shaping Basava’s conceptions about the Brahmanical system of which he was particularly critical. A central facet of the Brahmanical system – the varna system – was construed by Basava to be an inherently oppressive system (Sahasrabudhe 225). In the Rg Veda, the Purusa – Sukta hymn situates the Brahmin class to be at the top of the social hierarchy, followed by the ksatriya, vaisya, and sudra classes. The class system was highly influential in Karnataka during this time, and the stratification of society closely followed the hierarchy implicit in the Purusa Sukta (Ishwaran 8). Devotion to god – bhakti – was a very popular mode of religious practice in Karnataka. This led to the creation of many temples that were primarily run by Brahmin priests. Due to the emphasis placed by the Brahmins on the importance of devotional practice, sudras felt that they were religiously obligated to donate their time and money to the priests (Ishwaran 7). Consequently, this led to the emergence of significant socio-economic and socio-religious disparities that were particularly conspicuous in Karnataka during this time. Basava was profoundly impacted by the segregation of worship that was commonplace in Siva temples. Devout sudras were unable to engage in the worship and service of Siva “in the company of the higher castes” (Ishwaran 7).  Basava viewed this unfair treatment by the Brahmins as prejudice masked under the pretext of notions about ritual pollution (Das 163). In his vacanas, Basava extensively articulates his concerns about the oppressive and exploitative Brahmanical system in place; moreover, he assigned culpability to the Brahmin priestly class for reinforcing this system (Schouten 55). Ultimately, the socio-religious context of the time served as the major impetus behind shaping many of the reformist attitudes that Basava later came to hold.

The next significant transition in Basava’s life is marked by his move away from Kudalasangama to a small town named Mangalavada (Leslie 242). Legendary accounts suggest that the Hindu god Siva had appeared in one of his dreams and instructed Basava to move to Mangalavada (Leslie 241). However, Basava was frightened by the notion of having to leave Kudalasangama given the profound impact the village had on his religious and spiritual development. Siva reappeared in a subsequent dream where he presented Basava with his own personal Siva linga, a symbol that represents Siva in Saivite tradition (Das 162). This reassured Basava that regardless of where he was, Siva would always be there for him, manifest in the form of a linga. Therefore, it is said that these dreams spurred his transition to Mangalavada because Basava viewed it as incumbent upon himself to “articulate his emotional commitment to [Siva]” (Leslie 242). In a place like Mangalavada, his message could reach a larger audience which would allow him to fulfill his goal.

            Mangalavada was a small town that was under the control of the Calukya empire in the 12th– century and was primarily inhabited by low class sudras (Leslie 242). Basava viewed this as an opportunity to promulgate some of his notions regarding religion and the importance of social reform. Over the course of the next several years, Basava regularly engaged with the people in his community through conversation and dialogue (Das 163). In addition, Basava regularly wrote works of poetry – vacanas – to disseminate his teachings to a broader audience (Leslie 242). In contrast to the Brahmanical system which valorized the use of Sanskrit as the principal way to communicate religious and spiritual topics, Basava instead decided to write in Kannada (Sahasrabudhe 223). He was a strong proponent of communicating religious and spiritual matters in the vernacular language in order to ensure that those teachings could be accessible to the greatest number of people. Sanskrit, however, was a language that was only accessible to relatively few people in society (i.e. primarily Brahmins), and therefore its use alienated the majority of people who had no knowledge of the language (Schouten 11). Thus, the preservation of the Kannada language and culture is heavily attributed to Basava due to his resistance to Sanskritic influences (Ishwaran 1).

In many vacanas, Basava presents arguments that undermine the intrinsically hierarchical nature of the class system (Schouten 51-52). Prejudicial attitudes towards lower class members of society (e.g. sudras) by the upper classes were commonplace (Ishwaran 8), and Basava argued that citing ritual pollution as a justification for such attitudes by the Brahmins was flawed. Central to Basava’s argument was his belief in the polluting origin of life (Schouten 59). The womb was traditionally regarded as a source of pollution, and because humans are born of the womb, one’s existence is plagued with pollution the moment they are born. Therefore, Basava concluded that “any pretension to high birth is meaningless” (Schouten 60) because regardless of one’s class, no one could escape the impurities associated with birth. In other words, the hierarchical nature of the class system, according to Basava, made no sense because of the common impure origin of human beings.

For many people, Basava’s ideals of social reform and equality were particularly impactful because he did not exclude anyone from his teachings on the basis of class or caste (Schouten 39). In addition, he espoused progressive views towards women, namely his recognition of women as individuals with rights (Sahasrabudhe 224). At the time, his acceptance for all people was construed as a radical departure from the traditional Brahmanical system because the egalitarian principles that Basava championed were, in many ways, contradictory to the views of the Brahmanical system (Das 163). This, in turn, was particularly attractive to lower class Hindus who had been traditionally alienated by the Brahmanical system.

In addition to his teachings about equality and social reform, Basava disseminated teachings about the nature of God and offered prescriptive approaches for the realization of God (Leslie 242). Because Basava was a devotee of Siva, many other Siva devotees, particularly from lower classes, found refuge in his teachings. Therefore, Basava was able to cultivate a large following which primarily consisted of Siva devotees – saranas – that distanced themselves from the Brahmin orthodoxy and instead embraced the inclusive model of Hinduism that Basava championed (Schouten 10). These saranas, according to Basava, no longer retained their class identity. This, too, was viewed unfavorably by the Brahmin orthodoxy, which, in contrast, stressed the immutability of one’s class (Das 163).

Due to a lack of royal patronage, Basava initially found it difficult to disseminate his teachings to a greater audience. The city of Kalyana – capital of the Calukya empire – had not yet divorced itself from the rigid Brahmanical orthodoxy; moreover, the Calukya leadership was generally apprehensive about Basava’s radical ideas because his ideas were met with strong contempt by the orthodoxy (Das 163). However, Bijjala, a powerful feudatory of the Calukya empire and a Saivite, was especially fond of Basava’s teachings (Leslie 242). The sustained decline of the Calukya empire coupled with poor leadership under Taila III led Bijjala to overthrow Taila III in 1162. Thus, he installed himself as the new emperor of the Calukya empire, paving the way for Basava to spread his teachings in Kalyana (Leslie 242). In addition to his religious endeavors, however, Basava was also a prominent political figure in the empire. He was appointed by Bijjala to serve as the chief minister of the empire, a position he held for thirty-six years (Ishwaran 6).

Basava continued to rally support from the people of Kalyana, with a particular focus on uniting Siva devotees and sudras. He later established the anubhava mandala, an institution that was central to accomplishing this goal. It served as a platform that enabled people from all walks of life to freely discuss spiritual, religious, and philosophical topics (Schouten 4). As time went on, a profound distrust of the Brahmanical system coupled with a growing sense of fraternity among Basava’s followers led Basava to formally establish the Saivite Lingayat sect (Ishwaran 2).

The monopolization of temples by the Brahmins was particularly disconcerting for Basava because it prevented many low-class Hindus from engaging in the worship of Siva (Ishwaran 7). Consequently, Basava reconceptualized the way people approached the worship and service of God – bhakti – to accommodate for the alienated peoples of society and to undermine the already waning influence of the priesthood. Basava explicitly declared that it was not necessary to visit a temple in order to worship God (Leslie 242). According to Basava, the linga is a manifestation of Siva; thus, it could serve as an object of worship. For many people, God was no longer a distant entity confined to the inner depths of temples. One could now freely worship Siva without concerning themselves about the mandates of orthodox tradition. In recognition of the all-encompassing presence of God, Basava believed that one could transform any object into a linga that could be worshipped if their devotion was strong enough (Rao and Roghair 33). The significance of the linga for practitioners of the Lingayat tradition continues to persist in contemporary practice, as well. Children will often undergo an initiation ritual (diksa) where a guru will present the child with a linga; moreover, one is expected to wear the linga around the neck for the rest of their life and worship it five times a day (Rao and Roghair 8).

There are two cornerstone principles of Lingayatism – kayaka and dasoha – that Basava argued were valid forms of worship and service to God. From God’s perspective, one’s profession did not dictate his or her worth in the eyes of God. Manual labor – kayaka –  was looked down upon by the orthodoxy, but Basava emphasized that the precise nature of one’s work did not matter, insofar as one did his or her work with effort and honesty (Leslie 243). The principle of kayaka was wildly popular because it gave people the reassurance that doing their work dutifully was a viable path toward God (Das 164). Dasoha refers to a concern for the wellbeing of others in one’s community (Ishwaran 10). A portion of one’s earnings, according to Basava, should be used to improve the lives of other people, regardless of their class affiliation. The principle of dasoha was therefore adopted by many people in Kalyana who no longer donated their earnings to the priesthood (Leslie 243).

Basava’s rising influence in Kalyana was inevitably met with protest by the orthodoxy who accused Basava of exploiting his political power and his position as chief minister of the Calukya empire (Das 163). In order to dismantle Basava’s influence in Kalyana, the orthodoxy believed that altering Bijjala’s perception of Basava could create a significant rift between both individuals. Consequently, Basava was accused of inappropriately using empire funds to support saranas who needed financial support. In addition, he was also accused of “polluting the royal court” (Leslie 244) through his interactions with sudras and untouchables. Accusations against Basava continued to climb, further exacerbating social tensions between the Brahmins and the saranas. Though these social tensions were not initially manifest in the form of violence, this dramatically changed after a sarana man was said to have married a Brahmin woman. The orthodoxy was fiercely critical of this wedding because the man was an untouchable (Schouten 49). Thus, the wedding was construed as an affront to the established orthodoxy, and the married couple was subsequently put to death by the Brahmins (Das 164). The saranas felt betrayed by Bijjala because he ordered the death of the couple, and violence soon flooded Kalyana (Schouten 50). Meanwhile, Basava was accused of organizing an insurgency against Bijjala’s empire, further heightening tensions (Leslie 244).

As conflict continued to escalate in Kalyana, Bijjala’s army intervened and killed many of Basava’s followers. Distraught by these events, Basava decided that he could no longer witness the terror that had unfolded in Kalyana (Ishwaran 85). He moved back to Kudalasangama where he died a few years later in 1167 (Das 164). Meanwhile, the growing resentment the saranas had towards Bijjala ultimately led to Bijjala’s assassination (Rao and Roghair 13).

The future of the Lingayat sect was uncertain following Basava’s death. His leadership was crucially important in maintaining cohesion within the sect and a sense of fraternity. However, his absence left the Lingayat tradition susceptible to Brahmanical influences (Schouten 15). The so-called Brahmanization of the Lingayat sect was manifest in a number of ways. For instance, temples dedicated to Siva had been built and the Brahmanical practice of donating money to priests had also surfaced in the tradition (Ishwaran 4-5). Over the next few centuries following his death, steps were taken by influential adherents of the Lingayat tradition to ensure that the distinctive identity of the sect was not eroded upon by Brahmanical influences. Many of Basava’s vacanas and other writings had been consolidated; moreover, these texts were given canonical status in Lingayatism (Ishwaran 4). Another significant development in the tradition was the establishment of the Virakta monastic system (Schouten 15). Moreover, this system was  important in preserving a sense of community in the sect by facilitating religious discussion amongst its followers in addition to providing Lingayat education (Ishwaran 4). Collectively, these developments were able to resist Brahmanical influences and thus enabled the tradition to retain its unique identity.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Das, Sisir K. (2005) A History of Indian Literature, 500-1399: From Courtly to the Popular. Delhi: Sahitya Akademi.

Ishwaran, K (2019) Speaking of Basava: Lingayat Religion and Culture in South Asia. London: Routledge.

Leslie, Julia (1998) “Understanding Basava: History, Hagiography and a Modern Kannada Drama.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61:228-61. Accessed February 3, 2020. doi:10.1017/S0041977X00013793.

Michael, Blake R. (1983) “Foundation Myths of the Two Denominations of Virasaivism: Viraktas and Gurusthalins.” The Journal of Asian Studies 42:309-22. Accessed February 24, 2020. doi:10.2307/2055116.

Rao, Velcheru N., and Gene Roghair (2014) Siva’s Warriors: The Basava Purana of Palkuriki Somanatha. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Sahasrabudhe, M (1979) “Mahatma Basavesvara – A Social Reformer.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 40:221-26. Accessed February 3, 2020.

Schouten, Jan P. (1995) Revolution of The Mystics: On the Social Aspects of Virasaivism. Delhi:  Motilal Banarsidass

Srinivas, Mysore N. (1976) The Remembered Village. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Siva

Kalamukha

Basava Purana

Basavaraja Devara Ragale

Palkuriki Somanatha

Harihara

Bijjala

Dodda Basavanna Gudi

Calukya Dynasty

Basava Jayanthi

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://lingayatreligion.com/Philosophy_of_Guru_Basava.htm

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basava

https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/lingayats

https://www.britannica.com/biography/Basava

Article written by: Bhadra Pandya (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

The Pustimarg in the Bhakti Movement

The Bhakti Movement is a Hindu movement of devotional worship that took place between the 9th and 17th centuries. Bhaktiwas initially elaborated upon in the Bhagavad Gita, an ancient Hindu text, prior to the first century (Novetzke 257). During this time, the doctrine’s attitude towards ritual worship deviated from that which was upheld in Hindu orthodoxy and worked to undermine the religious authority of the priestly Brahmin class. It was not until India had undergone a period of great sociopolitical and economic reformation that the philosophy of bhakti grew in popularity and spread throughout the Indian subcontinent. The Bhakti Movement is a movement tied not only to religion, but to Indian culture as a whole. Today, the movement is largely discussed in terms of the literature produced during this time, known as bhakti poetry. The general message of loving devotion that is expressed in this poetry reflects the experiences of common people in their culture and society (Pandey 129). While the poetry is an integral component in the history of the Bhakti Movement, the social world that foreshadowed the revival of bhakti must not be ignored.

The wide acceptance of bhakti is complex involving a web of interconnections between the religious, economic, and political spheres of India’s culture, and the social stratification that occurred during the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 CE). Changes in each realm of society contributed to the escalation of discomfort with Indian life, ultimately leading to the proliferation of bhakti. The Delhi Sultanate was an Islamic Empire, characterized by Muslim conquest of India that unified the subcontinent under a single sovereign state. This political reformation triggered civil conflict among feudal lords and intensified marginalization of Indian workers and common people. The increasing discontentment with Indian life eventually worked to undermine the authority of the Sultanate, and by the declining years of the Empire, many small feudal states asserted independence from Delhi (Pande 215). The economic sphere of India was arguably where the most change occurred, producing an economy that was infinitely superior to the previous. Changes such as improvement in technology, expansion in towns, and advancements of craft production and commerce called for a surplus of merchant and artisan workers. The high demand for workers belonging to the Vaisya class allowed these people to benefit  in terms of wealth and power; however, the social rigidity of the Hindu caste system remained unchanged. Therefore, the Sultanate created a social stratification in which the most wealthy and economically powerful members of society were excluded from the uppermost religious echelons (Pande 216). The social sphere was characterized by oppression of lower caste individuals, known as Candalas, or ‘untouchables’ (Pande 216). Attitudes embedded in orthodox Brahminism, which held supreme religious authority at the time, allowed this social oppression to flourish. Prior to the reign of the Sultanate, orthodoxy held that the Brahminclass were the only people to receive education of the Vedas, as well as lessons in reading and writing Sanskrit. Because Hindu ritual worship required recitation of the Vedas, the Brahmins were able to monopolize the religious sphere in India and thus maintain their status quo (Pande 216). The Candalas were completely excluded from their culture’s religion, as orthodox Brahminism regarded them as ritually impure and deemed them incapable of achieving spiritual liberation. The synthesis of civilizations resulted in the accumulation of social unease across the castes, and bhakti provided these marginalized members of society with a liberative platform to let their voices be heard.

The Bhakti Movement gave rise to a number of bhakti sects. To provide a more comprehensive illustration of bhakti ideology and the movement’s ties to a transitional society, this article will focus on one community in particular, the Pustimarg. The Pustimarg, or “Path of Grace”, is a Krsnaite devotional community that sustains a philosophical system of Pure Non-Dualism, suddhadvaita (Saha 302). This school centralizes devotion to Krsna, the Hindu deity of love and compassion, as the means to salvation (Saha 307). Vallabhacarya, also known as Vallabha, is identified as the founder of the Pustimarg, establishing the school in the 16th century (Saha 299). Vallabha lived through the chaos of the Sultanate’s disintegration and rise of the Mughal Empire (Saha 302). According to Vallabha, he received a message from Krsna to administer the brahmasambandha-mantra (Saha 303). This mantra became key to the Pustimarg as its administration acted as an initiation to one’s pursuit of a devotional life on the path of grace. Evidence of the Pustimarg institutionalization as a response to the pandemonium in India can be found in the Srikrsnasryah, a written account by Vallabha. His work also provides possible evidence for how the fall of the Delhi Sultanate and rise of Mughal Empire influenced the trajectory of his travels (Saha 305).

Vallabha travelled around India and spread his philosophy in various cities. There are many reasons to account for the great success and acceptance of the Pustimarg. One reason may be the fact that his philosophy was not of a radical nature for its time. Certain similarities have been identified between Vallabha’s philosophy and the Bhagavad Gita, pointing to the Pustimarg’s possible inspiration (Saha 304). Another factor may be due to the target areas where Vallabha travelled. It seems as if he travelled to target areas where patronage of Hindu institutions was weakest and social instability was greatest (Saha 306). The Pustimarg also outlined a means of salvation that transcended the class system and was accessible to everyone, contrary to traditional Hinduism, which requires a Brahmin priest to perform any religious worship to the deities. It also emphasized the compatibility between pursuit of worldly duties, such as pursuit of wealth, so long as one channels it towards the cultivation of a “single-minded devotion to Krsna” (Saha 307). For this reason, the Pustimarg carried a message that resonated most deeply with the dominant Baniyacommunity (Saha 312). The Baniyas were a Gujarati mercantile community who, due to the Sultanate Empire, served as the economic backbone of society (Saha 307). This period was particularly unsettling for the merchants of society as their livelihoods were dependent upon social, political, and economic stability, making any form of social conflict detrimental to their survival (Saha 308).  Vallabha’s ability to appeal to the dominant wealthy class is fundamental to the Pustimarg success as it provided financial support to guarantee material and physical well-being of this particular Bhakti community (Saha 310). Vallabha also appealed to the marginalized members of lower classes, offering these oppressed people of society a sense of community and freedom to worship. While the Path of Grace transcended the caste restrictions in a religious sense, it still upheld the varnasramadharma system in a social sense.

As mentioned previously in this paper, the Bhakti Movement is largely interpreted as a literary movement in which poet-saints of lower ranking castes transcended the limitations preserved by the orthodox Hindu notion of ‘Brahminhood’ and were able to speak on the sociopolitical oppression engrained in Indian culture. In turn, the poetry and songs of bhakti devotion worked to spread the idea that a reform of social democracy was in order. It was the preaching of these devotional songs that unified the marginalized members of society and gave shape to the idea of an egalitarian society (Pande 218). In the past, education was limited to Hindus belonging to the Brahmin class. This class alone understood Sanskrit and thus held religious authority to perform Vedic rituals and rites. The steady increase of cultural awareness brought about by the Bhakti Movement triggered a linguistic reform in which several vernacular languages were developed, reducing the power held by the hierarchy. For the first time, the gap was bridged between Sanskrit and common everyday language. Although expression varies, the general theme of bhakti poetry is distinguished by its expression of rebellion against the feudal-system and priests and themes of love and devotion (Pandey 206). A contributing factor to the success of this poetry is that their stories are “born out of the idealized tradition of Sanskrit poets and are popular takes on public life” (Pandey 135).

It is clear that the Bhakti Movement marks a period of great transition in nearly all realms of society. However, it would be incorrect to assert that bhakti is a socially progressive philosophy. As discussed in the sections above, the accumulating discontent across the Ksatriya, Vaisya, Sudra, and Candala castes called for an egalitarian reform, and the Bhakti Movementwas the answer. Despite the movement’s considerable success in democratizing the caste-bound religious limitations, the austerity of the varnasramadharma system in India is still prevalent today. Why did such a widely accepted and powerful movement fail to effect social change? The answer to this question may be tied to the ambiguity of the word ‘Brahmin’ as it appears in bhakti poetry (Burchett 130). In subtle ways, the poems and songs of bhakti saints actually reinforce the social hierarchy and preserve the notion that Brahmins possess “a social identity of higher purity and value than any other” (Burchette 116-117).  In a social context, ‘Brahmin’ refers the identity of the class that one is born into. In a spiritual context, the members of this class, ‘the Brahmins’ are identified as the spiritual ideal. The poet-saints work to break down the notion that ‘Brahminhood’, pure spiritual conduct, is not a function of caste but rather a mindset of devotion; however, ‘the Brahmin’ is still regarded to as the spiritual ideal in these texts (Burchette 130). In this light, bhakti can be seen to emphasize the inherit inferiority and superiority of the classes. The Bhakti Movement’s impact on society is not so much radical changes but rather modest modifications. These small adjustments helped to reduce ridged caste attitudes and make norms more flexible, but at the same time they made those norms and attitudes more durable (Burchette 126).

The Bhakti Movement was influenced by several interconnected elements of India’s sociopolitical and economic climate throughout the 20th century. By tracing the history of Vallabha’s Pustimarg community, it is clear to see the reasons behind this philosophy’s appeal and the significant ties to the period when it flourished. Devotional worship to Krsna granted civilians a sense of security and control during a period of great social unease and strife. The works left behind from the poet-saints provide evidence for the Bhakti Movement as a call for an egalitarian and democratic reformation in the social world. However, because the Hindu class system and religious system are inextricably linked through the notion of Brahminhood, the movement only resulted in relief from caste distinctions in the religious sphere. Nonetheless, by democratizing worship and offering a path to liberation that was fit for the householder’s life, bhakti revolutionized Hinduism as it is known and practiced today.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Burchett, Patton. (2009) “Rhetoric in the Hagiography of ‘Untouchable’ Saints: Discerning Bhakti’s Ambivalence on Caste and Brahminhood.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 13: 115-141. Accessed February 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/40608021.

Latif, Shaikh A. (1993) “The Indian Elements in the Bureaucracy of the Delhi Sultanate.” Proceeding of the Indian History Congress 54: 158-162. Accessed February 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44142942.

Pande, Rekha. (1987) “The Bhakti Movement -An Interpretation.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 48: 214-221. Accessed January 29, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/44141682.

Pandey, Manager, and Tyagi, Alka. (2001) “Bhakti Poetry: Its Relevance and Significance.” Indian Literature 45: 129-138. Accessed February 1, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/23345761.

Saha, Shandip. (2006) “A Community of Grace: The Social and Theological World of the Pusti Marga vrata Literature.” Bulletin of School of Oriental and African Studies 69: 225-242. Accessed February 2, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/20182037.

—. (2007) “The Movement of Bhakti along a North-West Axis: Tracing the History of the Pustimarg between the Sixteenth and Nineteenth Centuries.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 11: 299-318. Accessed January 29, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/25691069.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Delhi Sultanate

Mughal Empire

Pustimarg

Baniya Community

Krnsa

Suddhadvaita

Srikrsnasryah

Hindu Caste System

Bhakti Poetry

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://pluralism.org/religions/hinduism/introduction-to-hinduism/bhakti-the-way-of-devotion/

https://www.thoughtco.com/history-of-indias-caste-system-195496

https://www.britannica.com/topic/bhakti

https://www.jagranjosh.com/general-knowledge/delhi-sultanate-socio-economic-setup-1416545738-1

Article written by: Josi Koerber (February 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

Basava: Founder of the Lingayat Sect

Basava (Basavanna) was an Indian twelfth-century philosopher, poet, statesman and the founder of the Lingayat sect which originated as a reactionary and oppositional force against Hinduism in the twelfth century (Leslie 1). Basava is regarded as a Lingayat saint in the Siva-focused Bhakti movement as well as a social reformer during the reign of the Kalyani Chalukya and Kalachuri dynasty (Leslie 2). Basava was born in 1106 CE named in honor of Nandi (carrier of Siva) and was devoted to the Hindu deity Siva (Samanta 1). Basava spent his early life growing up in the Hindu temple of Kudalasangama, where he spent twelve years undergoing studies. Basava would go on to marry a cousin from his maternal side of the family (Somanatha 57). Basava’s father in law was the provincial prime minister of the Kalachuri king. Due to familial connections, Basava would find work in the court of the king as an accountant for a time before he would eventually replace his father in law as chief minister (Somanatha 64). Now that Basava was chief minister of the kingdom he sought to use the treasury to initiate social reforms and a religious movement focused on reviving the worship of Siva, thus giving birth to the Lingayat sect of today.

Basava’s life and ministry were detailed by numerous hagiographies and various writers before and after his death, such as Hirihara who wrote Basavarajadevara Ragale, Shadakshari who wrote Basavaraja Vijayam, and Bhima Kavi who wrote the Basava Purana (Samartha 3). All these works were written centuries apart from one another which has illustrated some unique similarities and contradictions among the literature, some of which pervade the typical hagiographic tradition. Many poets recorded a theme of viewing Basava as a divine incarnation from heaven itself; however, there are a few discrepancies that result in conflicting contradictions as is expected with religious texts (Samartha 3). Since the authors had been committed to the affirmation of Basava’s divinity and incarnation they found it difficult to portray the humanity of Basava and thus focused on a simplistic and pious account of Basava’s history which limited it to mainly ideological differences during his upanayana (rites of passage) (Samartha 4).

Detailed in the Basava Purana, is Basava’s early life and most prominently, the refusal of the thread ceremony during his upanayana and an argument with his father. In this excerpt, Basava questions his father’s worship of Siva, declaring him to be a fool. Basava argues that, once a person has been purified in a previous, birth it is degrading to become twice born in the current life (Somanatha 56). Basava believes that his father is trying to drown him in an ocean of karma and argues that once someone has gone beyond caste and lineage why should you once again become dependent on caste clan by undergoing a thread ceremony (Somanatha 56). Basava’s father is outraged by the disobedience of his son. He exclaims that the Agamas (religious texts) prescribe sixteen rituals for purification, and if missing even one of these rituals a man will have no place among the first rank of the highest caste (Somanatha 57). Basava’s father ultimately mentions that Basava’s failure to complete his thread ceremony would result in the destruction of the family. Furthermore, Basava’s father mentions that if he does not complete the ritual, they will be forced to disown him from the family in fear of being viewed as immoral savages (Somanatha 57).  Basava is outraged and says that his father has failed to recognize the differences between devotion and Brahminism, exclaiming that they are different teachings with different gods, mantras, and preceptors (Somanatha 58). Basava exclaims that a brahmin must worship all the gods and if he fails to, he is no longer a brahmin and if one does worship all the gods then devotion is dead (Somanatha 58). Basava states that devotion is like the stability of married women while Brahminism is the path of harlots (Somanatha 58). In closing, Basava states that if his father continues with his Brahminism he will be meaningless to him and declares Siva to be the true path to devotion (Somanatha 58).

Detailed in the Basava Purana, are the recollections of Basava’s adulthood and most prominently, Basava’s rise to power as the commander in chief of King Bijjala. Following the arguments with his father, Basava and his sister Nagamamba decided that it would not be wise to stay home any longer and went to seek shelter at the house of his friend, Phanihari (Somanatha 59). It was during this time that Basava met Baladeva, who was King Bijjala’s treasurer and commander of the army (Somanatha 59). It was said that Baladeva had promised that he would marry his daughter Gangamba to a devotee of Siva and not give her to a bhavi (one who sits below the throne) (Somanatha 59). It is not entirely clear how Basava ended up meeting Baladeva; however, he was eventually married to Baladeva’s daughter Gangamba. After marriage and completing all the necessary rituals, Basava would travel to Kappadisangamesvara, where he received high praise from the occupants for his devotion (Somanatha 61).

 Upon Baladeva’s death, King Bijjala gathered a council of Baladeva’s friends and family seeking a replacement for the position of commander in chief (Somanatha 64). During this council, Basava was suggested as a replacement due to his humble speech, purity, and mastery of arts (Somanatha 64). King Bijjala was ecstatic about Basava as a replacement for Baladeva and immediately sent ministers and advisors to meet Basava and offer him the title of commander in chief (Somanatha 64). Basava would receive high praise from the advisors sent to meet him regarding him as a lord above all, far above even the king (Somanatha 65). Basava would accept their offer thinking about the welfare of devotees (Somanatha 65). Basava would eventually reach the city of Kalyana in southern Kalachuri, where he received immense praise from all, declaring him to be on the pure path of Siva (Somanatha 66). Basava was viewed as an incarnation of heroism, a destroyer of evildoers, a destroyer of sin, and one that had transcended the darkness of ignorance (Somanatha 66). It is described that King Bijjala then joyfully gave Basava authority over his entire realm including an immense army and treasury (Somanatha 66). Basava was then tasked with the welfare of the entire empire and lord of King Bijala’s life and wealth (Somanatha 67). As Basava garnered great renown he also garnered growing popularity among the masses. Basava made an immense amount of vows to regard every devotee of Siva as Siva himself (Somanatha 68). These vows were then reciprocated by many devotees (Somanatha 68). Eventually, due to his spreading renown, many devotees sought to see Basava in person to verify his devotion and garner devotion themselves from his presence. During this time, Basava further showed his devotion to Siva and character that was renowned among the masses.

The poetic hagiographies and Basava’s own vachanas (sayings) are the majority of sources that reconstruct the life of Basava all with different methods such as orally or in manuscripts and inscriptions (Samartha 2). In these hagiographies such as the Basava Purana, they consistently regard Basava in a semi divine way and reflect how Basava’s life and actions were interpreted by the masses during their respective times (Samartha 2). Despite their obvious exaggerations, these hagiographies provide vital geographical and biographical information which is especially useful when exploring the Lingayat sect of today which Basava is credited for founding (Samartha 2). From the information in Basava’s hagiographies, his philosophy and values can be interpreted as teachings for the Lingayat sect (Samartha 13). By portraying Basava in a semi divine incarnation, the hagiographic poets set out to solve the problems of society with the support of the masses (Samartha 13). They did this because it was difficult for people to follow the teachings of someone who was merely a human (Samartha 13). As a side effect of this, many aspects of Basava’s life that showcased his humanity were lost (Samartha 13). Regardless of the contradictory and confusing hagiographies, Basava eventually went on to champion the tradition of Lingayat Hindus through his values of equality and social reform which serve as his legacy.

            The Lingayat sect refers to the worshippers of the Hindu deity Siva. The Lingayats are a large sect of Hinduism that can still be found today that reside in the Kannada speaking region of southern India (McCormack 1). Two prominent features of Lingayats are the wearing of lingas which are a symbol of Siva and the strict practice of vegetarianism (McCormack 1). Lingayats recognize the religious leading of Basava who they credit for leading the Lingayat movement in the twelfth century that focused on overcoming caste exclusiveness and focusing on social reform (McCormack 1). This ideology of social reform is the direct rejection of the caste system used in India which separates people into different classes. Basava had previously spread his ideas through his poetry and the introduction of new institutions that ignored the caste system such as the Anubhava Mantapa which was a place that welcomed all men and women from varying castes to discuss spirituality (Schouten 2). All was going well until the new king, King Bijjala II began to disagree with the ideals of Basava, particularly regarding Basava’s belief of dissolving the caste system (Schouten 3). Under King Bijjala II’s rule, Lingayats became increasingly repressed causing some to relocate (Schouten 3). This Lingayat repression eventually came to a head when King Bijala II was assassinated by Lingayats (Schouten 5). The assassination of the king created animosity between Jains (King Bijala II) and Lingayats which resulted in the majority of Lingayats relocating into different regions of India and taking the teachings of Basava with them (Schouten 6). After the death of Basava, the old ideals began to fade and Basava’s nephew Channabasava began organizing some of the scattered Lingayat population and moving them towards the mainstream Hindu culture (Schouten 14). Eventually, in the fifteenth century, a Lingayat revival would occur in northern Karnataka in the Vijayanagara Empire. It is theorized that the Lingayats were likely a reason for how the Vijayanagara succeeded in territorial conquest against the Deccan Sultanates (Schouten 15). Due to their success, a Virasaiva family and eventual dynasty were appointed governance over the coastal Karnataka Kanara region where they built major shrines and seminaries of Lingayatism (Schouten 15). It is through this rebirth that the Lingayat sect once again grew to prominence and the teachings and legacy of Basava were reinvigorated.

There exist numerous interpretations that explain the life of Basava, these varying interpretations have resulted in a mixture of contrasting and similar literature. The legacy of Basava survives to this day due to his poetry and teachings that live on today in the form of the Lingayat sect. The Lingayat credits Basava as their founder and as such takes a great deal of inspiration from his teachings.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Leslie, Julie (1998) “Understanding Basava: History, Hagiography and a Modern Kannada Drama.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 61(2), 228-261. Accessed February 2, 2020. doi: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0041977X00013793.

McCormack, William (1963) “Lingayats as a Sect.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 93(1), 59-71. Accessed February 2, 2020. doi:10.2307/2844333.

Samanta, Priya (2006) “Basava: A Social Reformer.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 67, 1066-1066. Accessed February 2, 2020. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/44148032.

Samartha, M. (1977) “Basava’s Spiritual Struggle.” Religious Studies. 13(3), 335-347. Accessed February 2, 2020. doi: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0034412500010118.

Schouten, Jan (1995) Revolution of the Mystics: On the Social Aspects of Vīraśaivism. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Somanatha, Palakuriki (1990) Siva’s Warriors: The Basava Purana of Palkuriki Somanatha. Translated by Velcheru Rao and Gene Roghair. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Kannada

Kalyani Chalukya

Bhakti movement

Basavaraja Vijayam

Kudalasangama

Basavarajadevara Ragale

Brahminism

Siva

Bijjala

Bijjala II

Baladeva

Kappadisangamesvara

Kalyana

Jangamas

Anubhava Mantapa

Ishtalinga

Kayakave Kailasa

Shat sthala vachana

Kala jnana vachana

Mantra gopya

Ghatachakra vachana

Raja yoga vachana

Rudraksha

Vedanta Sutra

Adi Shankara

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.virashaiva.com/

https://lingayatreligion.com/

http://www.dlshq.org/download/lordsiva.htm

http://kamat.com/?s=basava

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basava

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lingayatism

https://bagalkot.nic.in/en/tourist-place/kudalasangama/

https://lingayatreligion.com/LingayatBasics/Jangama.htm

https://www.ancient.eu/Brahmanism/

Article written by: Corey Hironaka (Feburary 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

SIVA AND THE PINE FOREST MYTH CYCLE

The myth cycle of Siva in the pine forest is a dynamic and complex narrative, often viewed from a Western lens as paradoxical. Not only the narrative, but also Siva himself, is commonly viewed as inconsistent, as much of what he represents can be seen as opposites; such as his role as both creator and destroyer (O’Flaherty 1969a: 303). Whether this view derives as an aftereffect from the translation of the text from Sanskrit to English, or from an overly simplistic interpretation of Siva mythology, Siva should not be understood to reside consistently on the either end of a spectrum, but should rather be considered more appropriately as existing in his “dual nature” (O’Flaherty 1969a: 306). Siva must be thought of not in terms of concrete opposites, as either black or white, but as a fluid development. Handel and Shulman (211) state that “the god who breathes in is the same god who breathes out… he is never not in process”. Siva should be regarded in this sense; he should not be observed as static.

Hindu mythology is a reflection of the Hindu worldview, offering readers a look into the complex history, social norms, rituals and belief systems of Hinduism (O’Flaherty 1981:1). It is diverse; there are often many variations and many meanings in each myth cycle. Meaning in Hindu mythology should not be understood from a singular viewpoint, but should be understood on multiple levels and within multiple contexts, understanding that there is not one singular meaning in each myth cycle (O’Flaherty 1981:2). Understanding this, along with the dual nature that O’Flaherty references, is crucial to understanding the pine forest myth cycle, specifically in regards to Siva’s seemingly conflicting traits of asceticism and eroticism, which are heavily presented in the narrative.    

The pine forest myth cycle has many variations, however, there is a fairly consistent storyline that most variations follow. The most common understanding is that the deity Siva enters the forest of pines begging for alms. The wives of the sages who live in the forest see him walking around, naked and ithyphallic, and are very attracted to him. In much the same way, the sages are attracted to Visnu, who had transformed into a beautiful woman. When the sages realize that their wives are full of lust for this beggar, whom they did not know was Siva at the time, they become upset. They proceed to attack him, both in the physical sense, as well as curse him, which causes his phallus to fall off. However, after realizing that the man is Siva, they begin to worship the fallen linga, and Siva teaches them how to obtain moksa. This overview is very simplistic, and does not do justice to the complexities and controversies existing within the different variations of the text.

In her book, SIVA The Erotic Ascestic, O’Flaherty outlines three broad groupings under which differing variations of mythology can be categorized. Firstly, the idea of Siva as a “false ascetic” (1981:173), whose purpose for being in the forest is to seduce the sages’ wives for his own pleasure. He is depicted in these versions of the narrative as very aroused and erotic, and in some tellings, Siva even forced himself upon the sages’ wives (or daughters, in certain narratives). This lust that Siva has for the women is sometimes explained by him being unsatisfied with his sexual relationship with his wife (O’Flaherty 1981:173-175). This presentation of Siva as a false ascetic focuses primarily on one extreme of his seemingly contradictory traits, as both erotic and ascetic. Secondly, O’Flaherty presents Siva as the “passive ascetic” (1981:173). This title encompasses narratives that portray Siva not as the seducer, but as the one being seduced. In these variations, the wives fall in love with him soon after seeing him in the forest. However, despite the wives often blatant desire for him, he disregards their advances. In one account of the narrative, he does not notice them because he is busy meditating, and in another account, he avoids their advances by physically running away from them (O’Flaherty 1981:175-176). The narratives under this category clearly portray Siva as opposite to the seemingly unashamed erotic persona previously examined, and highlights instead the other end of the spectrum, showing him as completely ascetic and without desire for the sages’ wives. Thirdly, O’Flaherty offers a categorization that she titles “The apparent lust of the ascetic Siva” (1981:178). Presenting a balance between the two extremes, Siva is observed within this category as pretending to be lustful, while really remaining ascetic. Interpretations of his purpose in this manipulation often correlate back to the sages. It is commonly seen as Siva attempting to present the sages with a crucial message about their wives’ impurity, and he masquerades as lustful in order to seduce them, and illustrate how unfaithful they are to their husbands. In other versions of the myth, the sages’ power is held within the chastity of their wives, and by seducing them, Siva is able to take power from the sages in order to use it against his enemies (O’Flaherty 1981:178-179). Ultimately, Siva is using an erotic means to seduce the wives that does not reflect his true intentions or desires, leaving him as both erotic and ascetic.

Cola bronze depicting Siva as the naked mendicant who attracts the wives of the Pine Forest sages.

The pine forest myth cycle presents many sexual symbols which can be observed both directly and indirectly, regardless of which variation of the narrative is being examined. In this myth collection, Siva is consistently presented wandering the forest completely nude, with an erect phallus, which in many variations of the narrative falls off as a result of being cursed by the sages. In many shrines dedicated to Siva today, it is not uncommon to see a linga statue, which is a common symbol used to represent Siva. The sages worshipping the fallen linga after realizing the true identity of the beggar is often thought of to be the origination of linga worship (Handelman and Shulman 33). Further sexual symbolism can be seen when Siva uses sexual mannerisms as a way to teach the sages a lesson about chastity and lead them to enlightenment (O’Flahery 1981: 204). Again, there is a sense of balance between the opposing ideas of eroticism and asceticism, as Siva’s methods of teaching appear to contradict the message he is trying to present. Another meaning that can be interpreted from certain variations of the text offers that Siva was intending the show the sages that they must give up their tapas, which are obtained through strict purity,and instead focus more on their wives (O’Flaherty 1981:200). Again, this interpretation centers around balancing purity and sexuality, as it presumes that while the sages are attempting to be liberated through purity, they are too extreme, and by doing so they are neglecting other important areas of their life. The sages, who focus intently on purity, are somewhat ironically liberated through linga worship at the end of the narrative (O’Flaherty 1981:201), which points further to the importance of balance.

The sexual nature of the myth cycle is not just seen in obvious, overt symbolism. In fact, the entire narrative is based around erotic conversations and connotations. Early on in many variations of the narrative, it is stated in some form that Siva is very handsome and that the sages’ wives are very physically attracted to him. In the same way, Visnu helps Siva by transforming into a beautiful woman in order to seduce the sages (Handelman and Shulman 5). With both the sages and their wives being seduced by the gods, Siva and Visnu reunite, and when the sages recognize that their wives are being unfaithful to them, they become angry. In this version of the narrative, when they attempt to fight Siva, they lose their tapas, which they had dedicated much time and effort into gaining through purity. Eventually, they become wiser and apologize to Siva, and he directs them to return to their tapas, as they had learned the lesson he went to teach them (Handelman and Shulman 10-14). This blending of eroticism and ascetism shows the balance of Siva’s being, illustrating again that he does not fall to one extreme, but most often exists as both natures, in a balance. The linga is frequently seen as an erotic symbol, but when looked at more closely, is also a representation for chastity. The idea of chastity connects with concepts of self control and discipline, and the erect phallus represents the containment of semen, which is a symbol itself of chastity. Therefore, Siva’s chastity is not in conflict with his eroticism, but is rather complimented and strengthened by it, allowing chastity and sexuality to coexist (O’Flaherty 1969a:308-309).

This myth cycle is important in the Hindu tradition, as it draws on prevalent concepts in Hinduism such as sexuality and chastity. As seen in the narrative, sexuality and chastity are not viewed as opposing forces in Hinduism; they are not opposites, but are thought to work together, and are connected (O’Flaherty 1969a:311). Just as Siva represents two concepts that appear contradictory, a Hindu’s role and responsibilities in society are often seen as conflicting, and this myth cycle offers guidance to the Hindu reader on how responsibilities need to coexist, and cannot all be obtained independent of one another. O’Flaherty (1981:38) explains how the responsibility of the sages to be chaste but yet still devoted to their wives presents an ideal that is not realistic. In the same way, the societal demands for Hindus to be both involved in their family life in the householder stage but yet also fully dedicate themselves to seeking god as a renouncer cannot be attained. One application for Hindus that can be drawn from this myth cycle is the importance of balance, and recognizing how two ideals must coexist.

            Mythology plays an important role in Hinduism, and it has been argued that the lessons found in the mythology of Siva specifically “lie at the very heart of Hinduism” (O’Flaherty 1981:1). The depth offered in Hindu mythology is complex and layered, as is evident in the pine forest myth cycle. Under further examination, the seemingly opposing forces at play act to balance each other, and it is evident that what may at first appear paradoxical can exist as complimentary. Although Siva represents many opposing forces in different myth cycles, he most clearly represents erotism and asceticism in the pine forest myth cycle. Despite the fact that there is not one singular clear meaning or interpretation of the narrative, but rather many alternative forms that differ greatly from each other, there are evident overarching themes that remain consistent throughout the myth cycle. From a Western perspective, there is often a misconception that Siva is an inconsistent deity (O’Flaherty 1969a: 303). The mythology of Siva, although complex, should not be viewed with the intent of finding one singular meaning or interpretation, but needs to be viewed with an understanding of the complexities and variations that exist.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Clothey, Fred W., and Bruce J. Long (1983) Experiencing Siva: Encounters with a Hindu Deity. Columbus: South Asia Books.

Handelman, Don, and David Schulman (2004) Siva in the Forest of Pines: An Essay on Sorcery and Self knowledge. New York: Oxford University Press.

O’Flaherty, Wendy Doniger (1976) The Origins of Evil in Hindu Mythology. Berkeley: University of California Press.

— (1969a) “Asceticism and Sexuality in the Mythology of Śiva. Part I.” History of Religions, 8:300-37. Accessed January 29, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/1062019

— (1969b) “Asceticism and Sexuality in the Mythology of Śiva. Part II.” History of Religions, 9:1-4. Accessed January 29, 2020. https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/docview/1297348748?accountid=12063.

— (1971) “The Submarine Mare in the Mythology of Śiva.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1:9-27. Accessed January 29, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/25203231

— (1981) Siva, the Erotic Ascetic. New York: Oxford University Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Linga

Parvarti

Siva

Shaivism

Visnu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhikshatana

http://fredoniaflame.blogspot.com/2013/01/doniger-hindu-myths-puranic-myths-of.html

https://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/hinduism/deities/shiva.shtml

https://www.ancient.eu/shiva/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lingam

This article was written by: Kayley Grasmeyer (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

Rukmini

Rukmini was the princess of Vidarbha, whose father was Bhismaka. She is mostly regarded as being one of Krsna’s wives along with Satyabhama and Jambavati as mentioned in the Mahabharata (Majumdar 124-125). Rukmini is symbolized as a feminine deity in Hinduism; her love and devotion towards Krsna is very substantial. She is also believed to be an incarnation of goddess Laksmi, the goddess of fortune, the consort of Lord Visnu. Krsna was believed to be the incarnation of Visnu.

Rukmini hearing great stories, and good deeds about Krsna, fell in love without ever meeting him. Although she had never met him before eloping, Rukmini was captivated by his beauty, and other characteristics. It is said that Bhismaka was accepting of the marriage of Rukmini and Krsna, however, her brother Rukmi was against it (Prasad 2013). Rukmi had a grudge against Krsna and picked his friend Sisupala, king of Chedi, as her husband. Rukmi knew that Sisupala was good friends with King Jarasandha. With this in mind he imaged that the marriage would help shape a strong relationship with the king which would make him more powerful (Prasad 2013). Rukmi’s grudge was due to Krsna’s killing of Kamsa, who was a friend of Rukmi and uncle of Krsna. Kamsa was the brother of Krsna’s mother Devaki, Kamsa was told that his death would be by Krsna and tried his best efforts to kill him but did not succeed (Bhaktivedanta Swami 222). In order to avoid any possible bloodshed between the families, Rukmini had sent a letter to Krsna describing during what time and how she would go to the temple of Ambika so he could come get her (Majumdar 129). Krsna arrived to abduct Rukmini, accompanied by his brother Balarama, an event which was witnessed by Sisupala. As soon as the news of them eloping spread Rukmi and Sisupala then sent their people to kill them However, Rukmi and Sisupala were defeated. Rukmi was spared by Krsna, with the only punishment being shaving Rukmi’s hair off by Krsna, because of Rukmini begging Krsna to let her brother live.

Rukmini gave birth to ten sons: Pradyumna, Carudesna, Sudesna, Carudeha, Sucaru, Carugupta, Bhadracaru, Carucanvdra, Vicaru, and Caru and one daughter (Bhaktivedanta Swami 49). The best known of the sons was Pradyumna, who was believed to be the incarnation of Kamadeva, the human god of love and desire (Rhodes 251). Pradyumna and his son Aniruddha are considered as two of the four formation (vyuha) avatars of Visnu in Panchayat philosophy. Pradyumna is the “creation” of the universe and formation of dharma, while Aniruddha promotes spiritual knowledge (Srinivasa 214). It is said that Krsna had to perform austerities for about twelve years to have his eldest son Pradyumna. He married Mayavati the princess of Vidarbha, who was the incarnation of Rati, the Hindu goddess of love, sexual desires, and then married again to Rukmavati, who was the daughter of Rukmi.

According to Hindu tradition it was believed that Pradyumna was very “beautiful and attractive” and Rukmavati could not choose any other husband other than Pradyumna throughout her svayamvara. Svayamvara is the process in which a princess chooses a husband based on skills (Rodrigues 170). During the process of selection for a husband, she hangs a flower garland on Pradyumna amongst all other princes causing a fight to break out. Marriages between cousins was not very sanctioned by Vedic culture, but Rukmi wanted to please Rukmini and offered his daughter to marry Rukmini’s son. Pradyumna and Rukmavati had a son named Aniruddha, who got married to Rukmi’s granddaughter Rocana. Aniruddha and Rocana had a marriage party where family members were present. During this party Rukmi was killed by Balarama due to Rukmi calling Balarama names during a chess match they were playing and betting on, which provoked Balarama to kill Rukmi (Majumdar 1969).

            In dedication towards Rukmini there is a temple devoted to her called the Rukmini temple that is located on the way to Dwarka. Inside, the temple contains a painting of Rukmini, Krsna and Durvasa. A story behind the painting is when Rukmini and Krsna invited the sage Durvasa for lunch in Dwarka. He had one condition to come which was that if both Krsna and Rukmini pulled the chariot instead of the horses. They agreed and took off to meet Durvasa. During the day Rukmini felt thirsty and told Krsna, who pressed his toe against the ground Ganga water came pouring out from which Rukmini then drank. Sage Durvasa, known to be short tempered, became angry that Rukmini drank the water without asking him first. He cursed Rukmini and Krsna by separating them for twelve years, and cursed the place they stayed at causing it to be dry and extinct of any water sources (Prasad 2013). Since then it is said that the reason why the Rukmini Temple and Dwarkadheesh Temple are two kilometers far apart from each other is because of Sage Durvasa’s curse. According to the temple tradition it is important to drink the water that is offered by the priests after viewing Rukmini’s idol to “perform parikrama[1]  of the idol” (Prasad 2013).

Satyabhama was one of Krsna’s wives. It is said that she was jealous of Rukmini and thought Krsna was always more affectionate towards Rukmini than her. There was a story entailing Rukmini’s devotion towards Krsna through tulabharam (Vemsani 91).  Narada provokes Satyabhama to go under a vrata, where she has to offer Krsna to Narada as a slave or win Krsna back by proving her love towards him. In order to win him back she has to pay with jewels and gold equivalent to the weight of Krsna on a scale. Confidently Satyabhama agrees without hesitation. She then started to give all of her possessions away on the scale, but it did not budge at all. She started to worry and Narada recommended that she get Rukmini to help her out. Rukmini came with a leaf of tulsi and placed it on the scale without any jewelry. The scale immediately weighed the same as Krsna, and Satyabhama won him back with the help of Rukmini. Though there are many different variations describing why this event occurred in the first place this specific version displayed a symbol of love towards Krsna which was so pure and genuine, her devotion was valued more than physical wealth.

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

  • Aniruddha
  • Balarama
  • Bhismaka
  • Kamadeva
  • Krsna
  • Laksmi
  • Mahabharata
  • Mayavati
  • Pradyumna
  • Parvati
  • Rocana
  • Rukmavati
  • Rukmi
  • Sage Durvasa
  • Samabara
  • Satyabhama
  • Sisupala
  • Vishnu

Bibliography:

Austin, R. Christopher (2014) “The Abduction of Sri-Rukmini: Politics, Genealogy and Theology in Harivamsa Religious Studies and Theology London: 33:23-46. Accessed January 28,2020.

Bhaktivedanta Swami, A.C (1970) Krsna – The Supreme Personality of Godhead Volume 2. Boston: ISKCON Press.

Borooah, Indranee Phookan and Begum, Jerina (2014) “Bhaona, the Traditional Theatre Form of Assam, as an Instrument for Developing Moral Values.” 19:3. Accessed January 28, 2020.

Majumdar, Bimanbehari (1969) Krsna In History and Legend. Calcutta: Calcutta University Press.

Prasad, Dev (2013) Krishna: A Journey Through the Lands & Legends of Krishna. Mumbai: Jaico Publishing House  

Rhodes, Constantina (2010) Invoking Lakshmi: The Goddess of Wealth in Song and Ceremony. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary Peter (2016) Hinduism- The eBook by Hillary Rodrigues. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Book, Ltd.

Srinivasa Chari, S.M (1994) Vaisnavism- It Philosophy, Theology and Religious Discipline. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited.  

Vemsani, Lavanya (2016) Krishna in History, Thought and Culture: an encyclopedia of the Hindu lord of many names. California: ABC-CLIO, LLC

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rukmini

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rati#cite_note-wilkins-10

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pradyumna

https://www.jstor.org/stable/41692297?seq=36#metadata_info_tab_contents

https://iskcondesiretree.com/profiles/blogs/sri-rukmini-dvadasi-the-appearance-day-of-srimati-rukmini-devi

Article written by: Simran Bhatti (February2020) who is solely responsible for its content 


This still needs to be defined for the reader.

Siva Nataraja Bronzes (Origins)

Shiva (Siva) Nataraja: Re-examining the Origins of Nataraja Bronzes

Bronze masterpiece of Siva Nataraja (King of the Dance). 11th century CE, Government Museum, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India.

One of the most recognizable Hindu icons, both inside and outside India, is the standardized depiction of Shiva Nataraja (Shiva king of dance) seen in places as far apart as Chidambaram, Tamil Nadu and the CERN nuclear research center in Geneva, Switzerland. This particular standardization of Shiva Nataraja seems to have arisen under the rule of the Chola queen Sembiyan Mahadevi, as the first fully three dimensional stone carvings in this style appeared during her reign, though questions have been raised about earlier origins (Srinivasan, 434). This standardized form is distinctive and easily recognizable in several ways. First, this particular style of Shiva Nataraja is distinct from not only depictions of other deities, but also other depictions of Shiva as cosmic dancer, by the raised left leg held high across the body at the level of the hip with the foot at knee level (Srinivasan, 433). The supporting right leg, and indeed all the limbs save the lower left arm, are deeply bent giving an appearance of movement paused in a single frame (Kaimal, 392-3). Though held straight, the left arm does faintly bend at the wrist and the hand is held in a relaxed gesture known as gajahasta or “elephant hand” (Kaimal, 393). His lower right hand is held, just above the wrist of the lower left, in abhayamudra, a gesture of fearlessness seen frequently in Indian and Indian-influenced art (Kaimal, 393). The two upper arms hold a damaru drum (right) and a flame (left) (Srinivasan, 433). The foot of the supporting right leg rests on a dwaf, Apasmara, the demon of ignorance (Srinivasan, 433). Finally, in the bronzes, though not in the stone depictions commissioned by queen Sembiyan Mahadevi, Shiva is surrounded by a ring of flames (Srinivasan, 433). The popularity of this image has far outlasted the Chola dynasty, and inspired many speculative interpretations of the iconography present.

Detail of a Siva Nataraja or Natesa (Lord of the Dance) image, with his four arms holding the drum and fire, and displaying the fear-not (abhaya) mudra and the gajahasta (elephant hand) mudra.

Origin of the Image

It is generally accepted that the style of bronze Nataraja we see today originated, or at least rose to prominence, during the reign of queen Sembiyan Mahadevi of the Chola dynasty during the tenth century (Dehejia, 209). Mahadevi was a great patroness of the arts, she commissioned numerous pieces of art and even engaged in the refurbishment of several brick temples, rebuilding them in stone (Dehejia, 209). Mahadevi made the job of archeologists in our own time somewhat easier by re-inscribing previous information about donations and patrons in the temples she refurbished, providing a rich historical record (Dehejia, 209). Notable in regard to the Nataraja image is that it seems to have appeared first in bronzes and stone carvings during her refurbishments (Dehejia, 209). While the similarity of these Nataraja images to present depictions in this style is undeniable, the peculiar raised foot and four armed form being present, doubts have been raised recently about a definitively Chola origin (Srinivasan, 432).

There are certainly examples of images and sculptures which could have contributed to the present Nataraja image exemplified at sites like Chidambaram and CERN, so a pre-Chola origin is not out of the question. One of the earliest possible ancestors of the Chola-era Nataraja is a stone figure from the Harappan civilization, which shares the raised leg posture with the Chola-Nataraja (Dehejia, 32). Granted, a single oddity from a civilization that died thousands of years before the Chola rose is a tenuous connection at best, but Srinivasan points to numerous other examples which may indicate a continuous line of artistic evolution culminating in the Nataraja images we see today.

One of Srinivasan’s suggested precursors is a Satavahana statue, of Shiva as Lakulisa the ascetic, from Andhra Pradesh in southeastern India, the statue is dated to around the first or second century B.C.E. (Srinivasan, 434). What is remarkable about this statue is that, already as early as the first or second century B.C.E., we see the theme of Shiva trampling a dwarf which appears not only in Chola-era Nataraja images but in Pallava depictions as well (Srinivasan, 434).

The Pallava dynasty, in fact, is where Srinivasan asserts that the image of Shiva Nataraja we are familiar with today rose to prominence. Prior to the Chola overthrow of their dynasty around 850 C.E., the Pallavas ruled in the Tamil regions of south India from about 550 C.E., themselves having risen from the older Andhra dynasty (Srinivasan, 434-5). When the Pallava king Mahendravarman Pallavan converted from Jainism to Shaivism a burst of Hindu art in stone was produced (Srinivasan, 435). We can surmise that these stone icons were probably a distinctly Pallava innovation in the Tamil region by inscriptions at Mamallapuram praising Mahendravarman for building in “neither brick, nor timber, nor mortar.” (Srinivasan, 435).

What is interesting about these Pallavan stone icons is that the depictions of Nataraja among them show the four-armed Shiva with the raised leg and dwarf, of which there are no prior examples outside the Tamil region in stone or metal (Srinivasan, 435). Examples of Shiva Nataraja from outside the Pallava-controlled Tamil region show Shiva in the chatura tandava posture with both feet touching the ground and knees splayed outward, as opposed to the bhujangatrasita karana posture in which one leg is raised at hip level across the body which we see in the Chola bronzes (Srinivasan, 435). In addition, the dwarf is not present in any of these chatura tandava examples (srinivasan, 435). The number of arms also differs from the four-armed depictions seen in the Pallava and Chola examples, we see eight arms in Gupta examples from the Sirpur region of central India dating to the fifth century, and sixteen arms in a Chalukyan example from Badami in south-west India dated to the sixth century (Srinivasan, 435).

The earliest clear approximation of the Chola style Nataraja we see is on a Pallava pilaster from a cave temple at Siyamangalam, dated to the seventh century (Srinivasan, 436). This icon stands in the bhujangatrasita karana posture, although with the right leg raised, his lower right hand is in abhaya mudra with his upper right hand holding a lamp or bowl with a flame (Srinivasan, 435-6). This statue does differ additionally from the Chola examples in that its lower left arm extends out away from the body rather than across the body, though it retains the gajahasta gesture (Srinivasan, 435-6). Furthermore, the upper left hand holds an ax and the dwarf is not present under the foot of the supporting leg (Srinivasan, 435-6). This is paralleled in an eighth century cave painting from Ellora in Maharashtra, attributed to the Rashtrakuta dynasty, as well another Pallava stone icon in the Tirukkadaimudi Mahadeva temple in Tirucchinampundi (Srinivasan, 436).

While evidence seems to suggest that, in the cave temples constructed by Mahendravarman stucco and wood images are most likely to have been the norm, a seventh century verse by the poet Appar mentions Shiva’s “sweet golden foot raised in dance”, so we can not rule out bronze processional icons (Srinivasan, 436). In addition, the mention of Shiva holding a drum in the image worshipped at Tillai (now Chidambaram) from the same seventh century verses by Appar seems to indicate that this aspect of the standardized Nataraja icon was already incorporated during the Pallava dynasty (Srinivasan, 436).

Hindu bronzes have not often been attributed to the Pallavas, due largely to a lack of inscriptions on the bronzes themselves, however there is no definite way to date solid metal artifacts with any known method (Srinivasan, 436-8). What we can do, however, is group metal artifacts by shared ore sources based on lead isotope content (Srinivasan, 437). There are some metal artifacts which have been attributed to the Pallavas, for instance a bronze of Shiva dancing in the urdhvajanu pose found in Kuram (Srinivasan, 440). This bronze is attributable to the Pallavas in part because of the forward facing dwarf, as opposed to the sideways facing dwarf in the Chola Natarajas, in addition it shares a metallurgical profile with other artifacts from the reign of Paramesvaravarman Pallavan I (Srinivasan, 440).

This Pallava metallugical profile becomes interesting in regard to two Nataraja bronzes previously attributed to the Chola dynasty, which share the lead isotope content of the Pallava bronzes and the left legged bhujangatrasita karana posture and four armed form of the Chola bronzes, with the hands of each arm bearing the same gestures and implements (Srinivasan, 440). The first, from Kunniyur, differs from Chola images in that it lacks the flying locks of hair found in the Chola bronzes, though the ring of fire is surprisingly present, a date around 850 C.E. is suggested (Srinivasan, 440-1). The second, a small bronze from the British Museum, differs in several ways; the raised leg does not cross the body, the dwarf faces forward, and both the flying locks and circle of flame are not present (Srinivasan, 440-1). This second bronze has been dated to around 800 C.E., making it the oldest known Pallava bronze of Shiva Nataraja (Srinivasana, 440-1). This may indicate that the ring of flame was the latest addition to the Nataraja icon.

It may be that these two Pallava images show an evolution from wood carvings of Shiva Nataraja due to their compactness and lack of flowing locks, both indicative of the limits of wood’s tensile strength, we see these same limits in modern wood carvings of Nataraja (Srinivasan, 440). This may explain the increasingly flared out and circular nature of the icon in Chola times as the tensile strength of bronze was understood to allow for these stylistic changes.

These issues of tensile strength may also indicate that properly three dimensional stone carvings of this style of Nataraja came later than the bronzes and were, in fact, modelled on pre-existing bronzes. We see the emergence of three dimensional stone Natarajas in this style during the reign of Sembiyan Mahadevi, and these images bear the signs of a struggle to represent the style found in the bronzes in a medium with lesser tensile strength (Srinivasan, 441). For instance, in the stone Nataraja from Manavalesvarar temple at Tiruvelvikudi, we see a strut disguised as clothing supporting the lifted leg and crossed left arm to allow for a more expansive image which would make more sense in a bronze casting (Srinivasan, 441-2). The lifted leg of an eleventh century Chola sculpture at the Gangaikondachalapuram temple is propped up by a rough basal strut, while in several other examples the lifted leg is completely broken off (Srinivasan, 442). These struts may even have been inspired by the runners which facilitate lost-wax casting, though they are usually removed from the finished product (Srinivasan, 442). All of this seems to indicate that the style of Nataraja statue attributed to the Chola dynasty was already well developed as such, and likely in bronze, during the Pallava dynasty.

Iconographic Interpretation

An influential, and enduring, interpretation of the Nataraja icon was offered close to one hundred years ago by Ananda Coomaraswamy in “the Dance of Shiva” (Kaimal, 390). While Coomaraswamy’s interpretation is certainly compelling, and likely responsible for the popularity of the Nataraja icon in the west and its interpretation by Western scholars for the last hundred or so years, there is some reason to doubt its accuracy in reflecting the way that the Pallavas and Cholas interpreted this icon when they developed it (Kaimal, 391). Kaimal offers three fairly compelling reasons for questioning Coomaraswamy’s interpretation. First, the question of if it is even possible to properly recover the original meaning of these objects, given the fragmentary evidence from medieval India (Kaimal, 391). Second, Kaimal questions whether a single interpretation is sufficient, noting that objects of art take on different meanings during different times and in fact live multiple symbolic ‘lives’ (Kaimal, 391). Finally, Kaimal draws attention to the fact that Coomaraswamy based his interpretation on texts written several centuries after this style of Nataraja rose to prominence (Kaimal, 391). On this last point, Kaimal also reminds us that there is no simple equivalence between text and sculpture, both mediums have their own “spheres of eloquence” which do not always overlap entirely (Kaimal, 391).

Kaimal is cautious not to completely reject Coomaraswamy’s interpretation however, as it does reflect the significance of the icon to devotees in the thirteenth century and later (Kaimal, 392). While elements of the thirteenth century interpretation could have, and in all likelihood did, derive from earlier interpretations, Kaimal offers three different interpretations which may reflect the meaning of this icon for devotees in the tenth century and possibly earlier (Kaimal, 392). The first interpretation, that Nataraja was used as a kind of emblem of the Chola dynasty is certainly compelling and well argued by Kaimal. Though, while it could serve as the subject of a book in its own right, this interpretation does not tell us much about the symbols within the icon or their origin, which are the primary foci of this paper.

Kaimal’s second interpretation deals with the origin, or synthesis, of this Nataraja icon in Chidambaram (previously Tillai). When Appar wrote about Tillai in the seventh century, it was already an ancient and well established center of many sects, including sects devoted to Vinshnu and the goddess (Kaimal, 391). Kaimal points to earlier interpretations of Nataraja from Tillai which see the tandavam as a dance much more associated with Shiva’s destructive aspects than with the lofty philosophical interpretation of Coomaraswamy (Kaimal, 401).

Many of the less obvious symbols built into the Tamil Nataraja sculptures do indeed point to an association with the destructive aspects of the creative cycle, and many of these symbols appear on depictions of other wrathful aspects of Shiva all over India (Kaimal, 401). For instance, the skull often present in the hair of Nataraja icons and the serpents which encircle his limbs often receive special emphasis in images of Shiva’s destructive aspects, such as the ‘enraged’ face on the giant three-faced Shiva at Elephanta (Kaimal, 402). These often indicate Shiva as Aghora, associated with cremation grounds and destructive ecstasy, as well as drawing an association with similarly adorned goddesses such as Kali, Chamunda, and Nishumbhasudani (Kaimal, 401). These wrathful goddesses also share the characteristics of deeply bent supporting legs and multiple arms splaying out in an explosive and energetic fashion (Kaimal, 402). That these symbols were present in earlier forms of Shiva and other gods/goddesses may indicate that they were redeployed to allow this icon to participate in a symbolic conversation which was already ongoing, and this interpretation would fit nicely with a gradual evolution of the form from the Pallava dynasty through the Chola standardization (Kaimal, 404).

The association with goddesses is interesting in regard to another possible origin of the icon. One of the origin myths laid down in the Chidambaramahatmya, a tenth century text reflecting the Sanskritization of the Tamil cult at Tillai into a pan-Indic cult, tells of a dance competition in which the goddess already resident at Tillai, Tillai Amman, resented Shiva’s encroachment and challenged him to a dance competition (Kaimal, 407). Shiva won the competition by taking a raised leg posture, which modesty prevented the virginal goddess from copying (Kaimal, 407). This loss split the goddess in two, the wrathful virginal aspect retreated to a shrine outside the temple walls, while her benign aspect became Shiva’s wife and remained in the temple where her worship continued. This may reflect an earlier tradition being replaced by, or syncretized into, a more pan-Indic cult rooted in Upanishadic Hinduism rather than the local Tamil culture. This Sanskritization of a local cult may reflect political or social changes brought about as a result of empires growing larger and larger which had to unify disparate belief systems without abolishing them.

Another myth, also presented in the Chidambaramahatmya support the hypothesis that symbols present in the Nataraja icon derive from earlier cults which where absorbed in, and Sanskritized by, the Nataraja cult. The “Pine Forest myth” relates the story of Shiva visiting several sages who were living in a pine forest to punish them for their devotional inadequacies (Kaimal, 406). Shiva arrives in the form of a nude and mirthful ascetic, Bhikshatana, who was sexually irresistible to the wives of the sages, he was accompanied by Vishnu in his female form, Mohini, who proved distracting to the sages themselves (Kaimal, 406). When the sages realized their humiliation they became infuriated and attacked Shiva with various objects which he incorporated into his dance (Kaimal, 406). After incorporating the objects hurled at him by the sages, Shiva’s dance intensified until it encompassed all of creation (Kaimal, 406). As the sages saw this dance they became enlightened by the cosmic proportions of Shiva’s true form and instituted the worship of Shiva in an aniconic form as the linga, which we see carried on at Chidambaram today (Kaimal, 406).

It is the particular items thrown at Shiva, and their incorporation into his dance, which interest us here. The items were: a skull, which Shiva wears in his hair; serpents, which adorn Shiva’s limbs and hair; a dwarf, which he tramples underfoot; a tiger, to which are attributed the shredded appearance of Shiva’s flowing garment; and the fire and drum which we see in Shiva’s two upper arms as well as the flaming ring within which he dances (Kaimal, 406). It certainly is not out of the question to see this legend as a possible reference to earlier Tamil cults, represented by the items, being displaced by and absorbed into the cult of Shiva as a pan-Indic god. This interpretation would further support the idea of a unification of disparate local cults as the empire grew to incorporate, and accommodate, more cultural groups. This is by no means the last word on the origins of the Nataraja icon, but it may indicate that a reappraisal is in order.

Works Cited

Dehejia, Vidya. Indian Art. Phaidon, 2011, London.

Kaimal, Padma. “Shiva Nataraja: Shifting Meanings of an Icon” in The Art Bulletin, 81, 3. College Art Association, 2009, New York.

Srinivasan, Sharada. “Cosmic Dancer: On Pallava Origins for the Nataraja Bronze” in World Archaeology, Vol. 36, No. 3. Taylor & Francis, 2004, Abingdon.

Article written by Logan Page (Dec. 2018), who is solely responsible for its content.

Ramprasad Sen and Bengali Saktism

Ramprasad Sen (1718-1775) was a prominent poet during the 18th century. Though precise details regarding Ramprasad’s childhood and upbringing are often mixed with legend, he is said to have been born to Tantric Brahmins in Bengal, and is remembered for showing a skill and inclination toward poetry and music from a young age (McLean 42). Ramprasad’s upbringing is also characterized by his diligent religious study, especially that which focused on the Navya Tantric-scripture of Krishnananda Agamavagisha, the well-known 16th century Sreehattan Pandita and Tantra Jain Sadhaka (McLean 42). In adulthood, Ramprasad would achieve renown for his love songs, especially of a sort known as bhakti, still popular today.

The ecstatic loving fervor expressed in Ramprasad’s poems, directed toward the goddess Kali, has since come to encapsulate the devotional energies which the Bengali Saktas feel at the epitome of their faith. Appropriately, Ramprasad has since come to be recognized as one of the greatest poets in Indian history. The following work will evaluate Ramprasad Sen, the bhakti movement he originated from, and explore the intense devotion to the Goddess Kali which is present in many of Ramprasad Sen’s poetic works. Interestingly, the life of Ramprasad is very much intertwined with myth and legend which have arisen after his death, meaning that many of the pivotal experiences outlined by biographers are perhaps apocryphal. That said, the vast influence which Ramprasad has exerted over the Bengali Sakta canon and religious practice will form the core of this examination. Particular focus will be paid to the ways in which, despite his Tantric background, Ramprasad deviated from traditional devotional poetry, and even used his works as a platform for criticism of traditional Bengali Saktism.

Ramprasad Sen’s bhakti poetry can best be described as the product of its author’s unyielding devotion to the Hindu goddess Kali. This goddess is known as a destroyer of evil, and oversees, by such action, one of the four groups of tantric Saivism known as Kulamarga (Kinsley 116). Periodically throughout history, this goddess has been worshipped by her adherents directly, through devotional practice. In this role as religious icon, Kali is alternatively described as the Divine Mother, or the Mother of the Universe. Under Hindu Saktism and Tantrism, Kali was often thought to be the Brahman, both a powerful protector and the goddess who would provide moksa (Kinsley 116). Given the prominence that Kali has held in Tantric Brahmin worship, it is perhaps unsurprising that Ramprasad chose her as the object of his life’s poetic work.

Accounts of Ramprasad’s family life also reflect the powerful presence that the goddess Kali held in his life. One such account found Ramprasad building a fence and asking for his daughter’s help, a task he performed while reciting his poetry to Kali. When his daughter appeared, she chastised him for his singing to a goddess who would never appear. After helping him with the fence, Ramprasad and his daughter separated, but later he learned that his daughter had been in another town since morning, and realized he had been visited by the Divine Mother (McDaniel 2018: 45). Another perhaps apocryphal story about Ramprasad Sen’s early life concerns his work as an accountant in Kolkata. At this work, he is said to have busied himself writing poems to the Divine Mother in his workbooks. When exposed, he was not punished by his employer, but instead hired as a poet for the accounting firm (McDaniel 2018: 45).

One final account tells that Ramprasad would spend long hours lost in meditation, “often while standing deep in the Ganges river,” and the boat workers would listen to him as they passed (McDaniel 162). The account indicates that one day “the Maharaja Krishnachandra of Nadia” passed by and heard Ramprasad as he recited his devotional poetry, and was so impressed that “he asked [Ramprasad] to be his court poet” (McDaniel 162). Without strong evidence, there is no way to know whether either of these three accounts of Ramprasad’s early life are true, but the persistence of these legends of are themselves a testimony to the power of Ramprasad’s poetry and influence. In particular, it reflects the prominence that Ramprasad’s works would attain in Bengali Saktism, as considered in the section below.

The movement which would seize upon Ramprasad’s works as basis for a its literary and religious tradition is known as Bengali Saktism. This faith describes Kali as a goddess to be worshipped either as a “powerful force or life and death,” or as a “tantric and yogic goddess who [provides] supernatural knowledge,” but a third variant, one less prominent than the rest, would form the focus of Ramprasad’s work (McDaniel 2018: 44). Within Sakta devotion, and in Ramprasad’s poetry, the goddess is understood as a “loving mother who saves her devotees from painful rebirth,” as well as provides them with protection from harm and “entrance to her heaven” (McDaniel 2018: 44). In Ramprasad’s work, by contrast, his poetic vision of the Divine Mother manifest not as a loving mother, but with Kali taking the form of either “the universal mother or [an] innocent girl,” a figure which is “sometimes frightening on the outside, but inwardly loving and compassionate” (McDaniel 2018: 44). Ramprasad’s ecstatic works of devotional poetry to this dynamic figure would influence Bengali Saktism from then on, and has come to typify the effusive love which such adherents express for the goddess Kali.

Given the strong role which Ramprasad’s works play in epitomizing modern Bengali Sakti ecstatic devotion, there is certainly much evidence to indicate that Ramprasad’s choice of subject was directly compelled by his faith. In particular, biographers present evidence to show that Ramprasad’s poetry is derived from the Kularnava Tantra, that millennia-old work of epistemology and logic upon which much of Tantric practice is based (McDermott 71). Official accounts will also refer to Ramprasad’s long years spent practicing “kundalini yoga meditation,” a variant common to Bengali Sakti communities (McDermott 71). There is evidence of this faith derived from Ramprasad’s works themselves, some of which provide “descriptions of Kali derived from [the] Tantric dhyanas” (McDermott 71). There is also Bengali Sakta religious precedent for the great deal of ecstatic loving fervor which flows through Ramprasad’s works. McDaniel (2018: 44) indicates that Ramprasad’s works, and his life, are an embodiment of the ecstatic states outlined in the Kularnava Tantra, a major text of the Bengali Saktas. This work describes ullasa, or the “ecstatic joy…which occurs during ritual practice,” where the practitioner seeking the highest (divya) state described as the “ecstatic or blind madman” (McDaniel 2018: 46). Ecstasy at this level brings loss of control, described in by Bengali Saktas as feeling like “[the adherent’s] limbs are stretched, his hair stands on end, [and] he laughs and cries and stutters” (McDaniel 2018: 46). While in this state, known as divyonmada, or “ecstatic madness,” individuals are made “beyond control by the body and the senses,” and will paradoxically “[gaze] outward but [look] inward,” and thus are seem as the “equivalent to the God Shiva Bhairava” (McDaniel 2018: 46). During his life, Ramprasad was frequently described as a madman, a factor which does much to support the use of his works and ambition as a basis for Bengali Sakta ecstatic practice. Though such textual evidence is persuasive, there is also strong evidence to indicate that Ramprasad’s poetry diverged from the purely devotional and traditional Tantric poetry to which it is often compared.

As described by Schelling (2011: 14), Ramprasad’s bhakti poetry was often purely devotional, but this author ascribes its endurance in the Bengal popular imagination to the ways in which it diverted from tradition. Schelling (2011) cites the intimacy of Ramprasad’s works, or its often playful or scolding tone, as well as its deep esotericism and profusion with symbolism, as key areas where it diverges from traditional devotional work (Schelling 14). Moreover, in addition to these works lacking uniform devotional intent, they also contain a wealth of confessions of doubt “concerning the kindliness of [Kali]” which indicate a much more complicated relationship between author and subject (McDermott 71). Moreover, Ramprasad’s works included a range of heartfelt criticism against the “scriptures, images, pilgrimages, and surface acts” upon which the faith of so many people was often predicated (McDermott 71).

Accordingly, Ramprasad’s poetry is notable for the considerable depth and complexity he brings to its subject. His works focus upon “a single great goddess,” often called Kali but sometimes referred to as “Durga, Bhairavi, Sita, Uma, [or] Kalika” (McDaniel 2018: 45). These works emphasize not just the greatness and power of Kali, but tell of “passionate love which must be experienced, and cannot be found in books or philosophies” (McDaniel 2018: 45). Reflected in Ramprasad’s poetry, this intense and worldly love, as emphasized in devotion, was a way for Ramprasad (and Kali bhakti practitioners) to “[draw in] the goddess like a magnet attracts iron” (McDaniel 2018: 45). Of the poems not directed toward Kali herself, Ramprasad’s work also includes “songs of secret sadhana practices,” but each is unerring in its focus upon the act of devotion and the ecstasy to would result from such practice (McDaniel 2018: 45).

Moreover, Dalmiya (2000: 126) describes bhakti poetry as of “feminist significance,” as reflected not just in the “paradoxical” shifting attitude its author holds toward the subject, but due to each of these shifts in tone reflecting “a devotee’s worshipful attitude towards Kali” (Dalmiya 127). This author indicates that the “mother-child motif at the core” of Ramprasad’s work represented “not only a dramatic construction of femininity but of selfhood in general” (Dalmiya 125). As Ramprasad challenged the definition of devotional poetry through the “indigenous worshipful attitude of Kali-bhakti,” he transformed what had been an art form predicated on worship and devotion alone into a far more dynamic instrument (Dalmiya 125).

The transformative power of Ramprasad’s poetry is stressed in other works. In McDermott’s (2001: 71) analysis, this author explains that this poet’s biographers, no matter how stymied by anecdotal accounts, have also sought to offer a view of this eminent artist somewhat ‘divorced’ from “solely Tantric terms” (McDermott 71). This author indicates that some authors will describe Ramprasad not as a mere devotee, but as a bhakta, a “poet who transformed, rather than accepted wholeheartedly, the esoteric Goddess of Tantric heritage” (McDermott 71). The result of the poetry and legacy of Ramprasad, thus lies in his unwavering focus on expressing love for the goddess Kali, and the influence of that love, as expressed in his works, upon the Bengali Sakta tradition. Aside from the undeniable beauty of Ramprasad’s poetry, their legacy is thus felt as much by its deviation from classical poetic art forms as by its embodiment of them. A century after Ramprasad’s death, Yogendranath Gupta would argue that all of the “miracle stories” were comprised of “faith and devotion (visvasa and bhakti).” This is an indication that Ramprasad’s poetry, and his role as sadhaka (religious practitioner) who “softened the hard wood of kaula-sadhana”, the traditional Sakta practice, “through syrupy streams of bhakti and love” (McDermott 71). This description is notable for its acknowledgement that Ramprasad’s works were less an epitome of Bengali Sakta practice as a force for change in this faith.

To this end, while Ramprasad’s work has found a central place in Bengali Saktism, his poems are perhaps most notable for the ways in which they divert from this tradition. To indicate where Ramprasad’s work deviates from Sakta practice most strongly, it is important to consider the different kinds of bhakti practice. McDermott (2001: 71) indicates that there are three types of bhakti, namely (1) Vaisnava bhakti, described as a “dualistic devotion based on external image worship,” (2) Nirguna bhakti, which focuses on a “formless conception of the divine,” and (3) Saka bhakti, under which the goddess is “not understood as a real presence ‘out there’ but as a symbol of the world or of the self,” which can be “introjected into the spiritual physiognomy of the body” through kundalini yogic practice (McDermott 71). Under this formulation distinguishing between variants upon bhakti practice, the sort which is best-emphasized in the work of Ramprasad is the third type, Saka bhakti. While Ramprasad’s language may be interpreted by adherents of the first type (Vaisnava bhakti) as being purely devotional in nature, this “Vaisnavized perspective” often fails to account for Ramprasad’s symbolism, and for what is symbolized by the ecstasy which is strongly emphasized throughout his works (McDermott 71). Specifically, this author indicates that whenever Ramprasad mentions the act of loving Kali, or the idea of keeping Kali in his heart, he is in actuality “referring to [Kali’s] visualized presence in the heart,” and not “thinking of a particular [goddess whom] he worships within an external, dualistic framework” (McDermott 71). The result of Ramprasad’s intent is an art form co-opted by Bengali Shaktism which contains only superficial resemblance to the works which inspired it.

A promising alternative inspiration for Ramprasad’s works has been theorized as derived from the work of the “esoteric Bauls” (McDermott 71). Ramprasad’s songs addressed to the mind, as an example, “mirror the language and concerns of Baul maner manus songs,” themselves focused on a “man of the heart” (McDermott 71). Moreover, both Ramprasad’s works and those by the Bauls represent the mind as a bird, as well as “the body as a place of sadhana,” likened to a boat, as well as “reliance on a guru,” each of which are less emphasized or not present in traditional Bengali Saktism (McDermott 71). For this reason, McDermott (2001) argues that it is reductive and disingenuous to describe Ramprasad as a bhakti poet, despite centuries of subsequent literary works and religious tradition among the Bengali Saktas people suggesting otherwise (McDermott 71).

This work has touched upon the reductive power of religious symbolism over time. So enamored were the 16th-century Bengali Saktas with the depth of Ramprasad’s stated devotion to the goddess Kali, they neglected the deeper criticisms and complexity of these symbolic and esoteric works. In the intervening centuries, Ramprasad’s works have come to be celebrated for their ecstatic devotion alone, but they have lost much of the intricacy of the author’s original voice. Though Bengali Sakta celebrations are renowned for their fervor, their ‘basis’ in Ramprasad’s works, considered the epitome of their practice, is perhaps less direct than it seems.

References

Dalmiya, Vrinda (2000) “Loving paradoxes: A feminist reclamation of the goddess Kali.” Hypatia 15, no. 1: 125-150.

Gross, Rita M. (1978) “Hindu Female Deities as a Resource for the Contemporary Rediscovery of the Goddess.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 46, No.1: 269–291.

Kinsley, David (1998) Hindu goddesses: Visions of the divine feminine in the Hindu religious tradition. Berkley: University of California Press, 1988.

McDaniel, June (2004) Offering Flowers, Feeding Skulls: Popular Goddess Worship in West Bengal. Oxford University Press.

McDaniel, June (2018). Lost Ecstasy: Its Decline and Transformation in Religion. Springer: Oxford University Press

McDermott, Rachel Fell (2001) Mother of My Heart, Daughter of My Dreams: Kālī and Umā in the Devotional Poetry of Bengal. Oxford University Press.

McLean, Malcolm (1998) Devoted to the Goddess: the life and work of Ramprasad. SUNY Press.

Schelling, Andrew, ed. (2011) The Oxford Anthology of Bhakti Literature. Oxford University Press.

Related Research Topics

“The Alvars”

“Bhaskararaya (1690-1785”

“Kali”

“Kali Puja”

“Nirguna bhakti

“Prakrti”

“Saktism”

“Siva”

“Tamil Literature”

“Tridevi” & “Navaratri”

“Understanding Sanskrit”

“Vaisnava bhakti

 

Related Websites

https://www.ancient.eu/Mahabharata/

https://www.everyculture.com/South-Asia/Bengali-Shakta.html

http://www.goddess.ws/kali.htmlg

http://www.mahavidya.ca

https://www.poemhunter.com/ramprasad-sen/

https://spiritualray.com/list-of-hindu-gods-goddesses-their-powers

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ramprasad_Sen

This article was written by Zach Myrtrunec (Fall 2018), who is entirely responsible for its content.

Trimurti

Of Sanskrit origin, the term Trimurti is composed of the roots tri, being ‘three’ and murti, being ‘form,’ referring to the three-deity nature of the Hindu Trinity (Dent 2012). The origins of the Trimurti are thought to stem from the Harappan Civilization of pre-Aryan India but appear in later writings and art (Chakravarti 1986). The associated deities of the Trimurti are Siva, Visnu, and Brahma in the Puranas, though there are antecedents to the Trimurti in Vedic texts and art forms that are still under speculation (Vitsaxis 1977). To understand the complex nature of the evolution and rise of the Trimurti, the origins of its deities and their development with the expansion of Aryan culture and religion must first be examined.

The intermingling and interchanging of deities and their respective names in the Vedas allowed a fluid base for the concept of the Trimurti to begin its bout. Rudra is the fearsome Vedic god of howling wind, who represents fear and destruction (Chakravarti 1), but also a generous healer in the Vedas (Flood 122). Although he is not regularly mentioned in Vedic literature, his character is one that is built upon as the Aryans encounter the Harappan Civilization (more generally the Indus-Valley Civilization). Included in Vedic literature are the Aranyakas, Brahamanas, Samhitas, and the Upanisads. The worship of a proto-Siva deity in the Indus-Valley Civilization predates the arrival of the Aryans in the Indus Valley. This proto-Siva is arguably shown on seals dating back to near 3000 BCE (Flood 122). A seal from Mohenjo-Daro pictures the figure sitting with the soles of its feet together, arms rested above its knees, and horned headdress (trait associated with Siva) (Nagar 58), and others include animals or people surrounding the proto-Siva as shown by Chakravarti (plate 1). Such is evident of the gradual integration of non-Aryan beliefs into Indo-Aryan religion, and the beginning of the non-Aryan proto-Siva being impressed upon Rudra (Chakravarti 22-23). Synonyms of Siva (yajurveda, bhavas, sarva) were attributed to Rudra in Vedic literature, and Siva was used as an adjective in the Vedas, ascribed to multiple gods, particularly to Rudra, where the first linking of Siva to the Vedic god Rudra can be observed. Siva was later incorporated into the Trimurti and became predominate in the Hindu tradition (Chakravarti 73).

In the Svetasvatara Upanisad, Rudra, among other deities (isvaras), is given the title of Great God (mahesvara), and is regarded as having the qualities of the Trimurti (creator, preserver, destroyer); Rudra is the precedent of the Trimurti that officially appears later in the Puranas. There were examples of a triad in the Vedas, one example being in the Rgveda, where Agni is revealed to have three forms (sun, lightning, fire) (Chakravarti 54). Three deities in unison can be noted, as there is a tendency to reduce many gods to three major ones, namely those of the Trimurti in later texts (Chakravarti 54). An example (Chakravarti 54) in the Rgveda is as follows: “May the Surya protect us from the sky, Vata from the air, Agni from the earthly regions” (RV X, viii. 1). In the Upanisads, Visnu is linked with Surya, the Vedic sun god (Chennakesavan 48). Evidence of this correlation is slim, however, it does offer a connection from the Vedic proto-triad.

Brahma remained as the creator in ancient texts when Siva and Visnu were extolled on a much larger scale (see Glucklich 148). The dualism between Siva and Visnu is an antecedent for Trimurti doctrine that emerges later in the Puranas (Chakravarti 54). Rival, but not evidently hostile, cults, the Saivas and the Vaisnavas worshiped Siva and Visnu respectively (Chakravarti 54, 174). It was likely in efforts to harmonize the aforementioned cults in the Gupta period (approx. 300-600 CE) that brought such doctrine into being (Basham 310).

The first legitimate accounts of the Trimurti as an entity in Hindu literature appear in the Puranas, which date prior to 200-300 BCE (Bharati 106). The Puranas are diverse in the ways they are written as they were compiled over time by many authors (Bharati 106), and are thence named for the deity that they regard (Bharati 128). Differing from Vedic literature, Puranas encourage worship of a single, all-encompassing deity that has dominion over all reality, even though they exalt the three deities of the Trimurti as well (Matchett 138). Constructed to encourage greater religious devotion and awareness (bhakti), the Puranas, with time, introduced new means of worship in Hindu society; pilgrimage  (tirthayatras), alms (dana), and observances (vratas) began to replace certain Vedic rituals, shaping the common religious practices among the general majority of Hindus (Bharati 128). It is important to note that, in regards to dharma, the Vedas are considered authoritative over the Puranas, despite their significance among Hindus (Bharati 27). There are three groups (sattva, rajas, tamas) that the eighteen major Puranas are divided between, each devoted to a member of the Trimurti (Bharati). The rajas Puranas regard Brahma as a force maintaining equilibrium, capable of action. Visnu’s qualities of preservation and renewal are conveyed in the sattva Puranas, and Siva’s destructive nature is displayed in the tamas Puranas (Dallapiccola 2002).

The Trimurti is associated with the three gunas sattva, rajas, and tamas (Dallapiccola 2002; Sharma and Bharati 73). The guna to which Brahma correlates is rajas, as Visnu is to sattva and Siva is to tamas. Bharati (313) explains that gunas describe temperament or attributes. Brahma’s rajas guna is the quality of activity, the sattva guna is characteristic of Visnu’s stability and purity, and the rajas guna equates to the dark nature of Siva.

As Glucklich (148) notes, textual evidence for the roles of the Trimurti deities can be found in the Matsyapurana as well, which states, “Brahma creates the universe, Visnu fosters it, and at the end of the kalpa, Siva destroys it.” This further reinstates the central concept which the Trimurti endure. The significance of the Trimurti as creating, preserving, and destroying forces support the encouragement of worshiping a single figure that overshadows all reality (Matchett 138).

Sharma and Bharati (72) recall the poem, Kumarasambhava, of Kalidasa (approx. 400-500 CE) in which the creator, preserver and destroyer aspects of the Trimurti are regarded as being representative of birth, life and death, and morning, noon and night (see also Dallapiccola 2002).

An early story involving the Trimurti under its respective name is in the Devipurana. Mahadevi tells Visnu that the god Brahma will be born through his navel, and that Rudra will be born from between Brahma’s eyebrows (Mani 147). Brahma is to have the quality of activity (rajoguna), Rudra, darkness (tamasaguna), and Visnu is to be the preserver (sattva) of the world that Rudra will eventually destroy [Rudra here is homologous to Siva]. The Vamanapurana Mani (147-8) states “the Eternal Being is Brahma, Visnu, Siva.” Various stories in the Puranas involve all three Trimurti, who do not act as a unified deity, rather are portrayed more often as individualistic deities. A myth in the Lingapurana that involves Brahma, Siva and Vishnu also denote superiority in the triad as residing with Siva (Chakravarti 138-9). In this myth, Brahma and Visnu are in conflict over who is the rightful creator of the universe, when the sight of an expansive linga (phallus) that is aflame interrupts their quarrels. To locate the top of the immense ligna, Brahma turns himself into a swan, and flies off in search of it; to locate the bottom, Visnu takes the form of a boar and runs to search. They do not succeed in their attempt, as the linga was larger than they had thought it to be, and so they praise it. The linga is that of Siva, and so by praising it, they also bowed to him. Another example of Siva’s superiority over Brahma and Visnu in the triad is in the inscription on the Aug Chamnik that conveys Siva’s dominance over Brahma and Visnu, which stand with folded hands before him (Chakravarti 174).

Some scholars believe that a relief (raised sculpture), excavated from the ancient kingdom of Gandhara in modern-day Pakistan, detailing a single body with three heads, those of Siva (center), Visnu (proper right), and Brahma (proper left) is a depiction of the Trimurti (Chakravarti 56). Vitsaxis (1977) notes that although popular iconography of the three faces of Siva tend to have little differentiation from one another, in classical iconography, particularity in sculptures, there is a different expression on each of his three faces, possibly corresponding to his different attributes or revealing three different deities constituting the Trimurti. Another possible occurrence of Siva with Visnu and Brahma is depicted on a Huviskian coin (approx. 100-200 CE) where Siva wields his trident (trisula), and the symbolic weapons of Visnu (cakra: discus) and Indra (vajra: club)  (Chakravarti 54, 148).

While art forms and the literature containing Trimurtic doctrine remain and continue to be consulted by Hindus today, the implication of the Trimurti is rather limited. Unlike the familiar example of Christianity, the Hindu Trinity did not gain momentum or significant influence in the Hindu tradition (Basham 310). The strong tendency towards polytheism among Hindus meant that praising three deities equally was an abstract form of worship, which ultimately undermined any wholesome worship of all three deities together as one (Basham 310).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

 Basham, A. L. (1988) The Wonder That Was India. London: Sidgwick & Jackson.

Bharati, Dayanand (2005) Understanding Hinduism. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Chakravarti, Mahadev (1986) The Concept of Rudra-Siva Through the Ages. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Chennakesavan, Sarasvati (1980) A Critical Study of Hinduism. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Dallapiccola, Anna L. (2002) Dictionary of Hindu Lore and Legend. London: Thames & Hudson Ltd.

Dent, Susie (2012) Brewer’s Dictionary of Phrase and Fable. London: Chambers Harrap.

Flood, Gavin 2004. “Saiva.” In The Hindu World, edited by Sushil Mittal and Gene Thursby, 119-139. Abingdon: Routledge.

Glucklich, Ariel (2008) Strides of Vishnu: Hindu Culture in Historical Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press.

Hinnells, John R., and Eric J. Sharpe (1972) World Religions Education in Hinduism. Newcastle upon Tyne: Oriel Press Limited.

Jamison, S. W., and M. Witzel. 1992. “Vedic Hinduism.” In Hinduism: Critical Concepts in Religious Studies (2015), edited by Will Sweetman, 258-350. Abingdon: Routledge.

Mani, Vettam (1975) Puranic Encyclopedia: A Comprehensive Dictionary with Special Reference to the Epic and Puranic Literature. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Matchett, Freda (2005) The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism. Edited by Gavin Flood. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Nagar, Shantila (1998) Indian Gods and Goddesses: Vol 1. The Early Deities from Chalcolithic to Beginning of Historical Period. Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation.

Sharma, Arvind, and Ray Bharati. 2000. “Chapter VI: The Hindu Trinity (Trimurti).” In Classical Hindu Thought: An Introduction, 72-75. New York: Oxford.

Vitsaxis, Vassils G. (1977) Hindu Epics, Myths and Legends in Popular Illustrations. New Delhi: OUP.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Brahma

Lingapurana

Mahabharata

Matsyapurana

Proto-Siva

Puranas

Rajas Puranas

Rgveda

Rgveda

Rudra

Saivas

Sattva Puranas

Siva

Tamas Puranas

Trimurti

Vaisnavas

Vamanapurana

Vasudeva

Vata

Vayu

Visnu

 

Related Websites

https://www.gotquestions.org/Hindu-Trimurti.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trimurti

https://www.britannica.com/topic/trimurti-Hinduism

https://mythology.net/hindu/hindu-gods/trimurti/

https://iskconeducationalservices.org/HoH/practice/worship/the-trimurti/

This article was written by: Hannah Bouma (Fall 2018), who is entirely responsible for its content.