Category Archives: e. Hindu Pilgrimage

Kedarnath: Temple and Pilgrimage

 Kedarnath temple is a Saivitepilgrimage place in the Himalayan mountains, where according to tradition, Lord Siva manifested in his form as a linga of light (Whitmore 74). Kedarnath pilgrimage is a member of the four abodes system (char dham). The Kedarnath temple is located amidst the tall Himalayan Mountains and is one of the holiest Hindu places on the Indian subcontinent. The pilgrimage to Kedarnath is a difficult one for the pilgrims (yatris) due to the location of the temple which sits on top of a Himalayan mountain at an altitude of 3553 meters, a region often cited as “land of gods” (dev-Bhumi). Kedarnath is a “crossing-over place” (tirtha) that offers the possibility that one can “cross-over” the ocean of rebirth. Furthermore, Hindus consider pilgrimage (yatra) to Kedarnath as one that grants wishes, heals, and purifies karma. (Whitmore 7). In a general sense, the positioning of Kedarnath is in the shape of a linga. According to Hindu beliefs, by praying to Kedareshwar, one can get one’s desires fulfilled. The importance of the shrine can be further understood from the beliefs that Upamanyu (a rgvedic rsi) prayed to Lord Siva in this place in the Satya Yuga and the Pandavas worshipped Lord Siva here after the Mahabharata war(Singh, S., Youssouf, M., Malik, Z. A., & Bussmann, R. W 9). The journey to Kedarnath is difficult, yet most Hindu pilgrims (yatris) undertake this pilgrimage to destroy their sins (pap) and generate merit (punya) (Whitmore 5). This Yatra is pursued especially by Hindus who are in samnyasin stage of their life. The overview of Kedarnath presents a Hindu pilgrimage (yatri) with a unique opportunity to experience, worship, and to be in the conjoined presence of Siva and Ganga in this world (Sijapati, M. A., & Birkenholtz, J. V. 2).

         The origin of Kedarnath temple is a debatable issue, but the most prominent view by devotees about its construction suggests that the Pandavasconstructed it. It was revived later by Adi Sankaracarya but nothing can be said about the date of construction of the temple with certainty (Thapliyal, U. P 1). Claims like these are common in Hindu religious literature, academics do not regard these myths as historically accurate.

           According to the old accounts, Kedarnath is one of the places correlated with the climb to heaven (swargarohan) of the five Pandavasand their joint wife Draupadi. The Pandavas were desperate to cleanse themselves of the karma generated during the Kurukshetra war in which they killed their own cousins (the Kauravas), narrated in the Mahabharata epic (Whitmore 29). Having felt guilty of killing their own cousins, the Pandavas sought the blessings of Lord Siva for redemption. Siva eluded them repeatedly and while fleeing took refuge at Kedarnath in the form of a bull, a form commonly associated with demons (raksasas). Lord Siva, unhappy with the Pandavas, refused a meeting and left Kasi (Varanasi, U.P), his abode. He appeared as Nandi the bull in Guptakasi. In many versions of this story, the Pandavas identify Siva and grab him to prevent him from leaving. Each of the five Pandavas grabs a part of Siva, parts that remain in the landscape and then become the self-manifest rock lingas found in Kedarnath and the other four temples of the Saivite sect dedicated to god Shiva in the Garhwal region  (Panch Kedar)(Singh, S., Youssouf, M., Malik, Z. A., & Bussmann, R. W. 9).

Pilgrimage by foot (paidal-yatra) is the iconic form of yatra to the Kedarnath templeand exemplifies the pain (kasht) and inner production of focus and energy (tapas). Walking to Kedarnath barefoot was better and the traditional way for getting the full experience of the location, an experience that involved both pain and pleasure, but not every yatri is able to carry out this traditional method. Most yatris, prefer to ride on horseback, to be carried by porters, or to come by helicopter (Whitmore 127). Families that pursue this pilgrimage to Kedarnath or any other dham mention that one purpose of a yatra is to instill traditional values in the children of the family (Whitmore 127).

       Inside the temple, yatris who enter the temple in the morning are allowed to massage ghee into the linga. The puja itself is standardized and often include consecration (abhisheka) of the linga. Standard puja offerings usually include camphor, sacred thread, rice, incense, mustard oil, forehead adornments, raisins, split chickpeas, nuts, and more expensive pujas add scarves and plastic flower garlands (Whitmore 123). The general ritual procedure in Kedarnath would occur as follows: invocation (avahan), initial vow (sankalp), puja, arati, and offering of flowers (puspanjali), and finally, the ghee malish. Each member of the family would take ghee into their hands and be urged to massage the linga with ghee (clarified butter)while the priest (pujari) recites the mantra (Whitmore 123). For many yatris, massaging the linga, provides them a unique opportunity to experience intimacy with a famous and powerful form of God (Whitmore 78). Everyone irrespective of their skin colour, caste (jati) and creed is permitted to feel, touch, and express their devotion by smearing butter on the linga as a religious ritual (Hiremath, Shobha S. 1.)

Every year around 500,000 yatris visit the Kedarnath Dham valley, spaces in the eco­nomic catchment area of the Kedarnath valley became spaces predominantly aligned around the yatra tourism of middle-class pilgrims, who expect for comfortable travel. Hence, sheer numbers far exceeded the long-term carrying capacity of the mountain environment (Whitmore 103). This sudden growth of yatris in the Kedarnath region, the nature of economic development connected to pilgrimage and tourism, and poorly planned infrastructure were not sustainable, leading to vast devastation in the region.

           In 2013, the flash floods in the parts of the north-west Himalayan region caused acute damage in the Uttarakhand state of India. The severity of the floods and damage was the most devastating in the Kedarnath region. It caused the death of about 4000 people and almost a similar number were reported missing. Unofficial reports suggest an even higher number of death and people missing in the region (Sati, S. P., & Gahalaut, V. K 193).  The cause of the flash floods was determined to be heavy rainfall, triggering landslides in some places, damaging roads, buildings, and other infrastructure. The extensive damage and large death toll displayed the frangibility of the mountainous region and a lack of synchronized relief and rescue operation (Ziegler, A. D., Wasson, R. J., Bhardwaj, A., Sundriyal, Y. P., Sati, S. P., Juyal, N., … & Saklani, U, 1). Construction of several hydropower projects simultaneously, improper road alignment with poor construction, inadequate consideration of slope stability and faulty engineering techniques were some of the other major factors responsible for the 2013 flash floods (Sati, S. P., & Gahalaut, V. K 198).  During the disaster more than 100,000 yatris were in the region. Despite the floods, the Kedarnath shrine persevered, shielded by a massive boulder, a “divine rock” (divya sila), and by its own solid construc­tion, the temple itself held firm but filled up with debris (Whitmore 153). The unpredictability of the landscape and the continued extreme weather made it arduous for up to two days even to deliver supplies to the survivors, and some attempts even resulted in helicopter crashes. During the floods, dead bodies were coming down the Mandakini river and groups of survivors were coming out of the jungles and finding their way to villages in the upper Kedarnath. Consequently, all these events led to the closure of the Kedarnath temple.

       In Kedarnath, there is a tradition that when the shrine is closed it is the turn of divine beings to come to the site on pilgrimage while it is off limits for humans. On October 4, 2013, the first day of the fall Navaratri, Kedarnath re-opened for yatris (Whitmore 164).

       The Kedarnath valley being surrounded by the Himalayas, lakes, rivers, and forests has natural scenic beauty with several places for pilgrimage making the entire region a highly promising tourist destination. The occupation of the people living in the Kedarnath region is directly or indirectly linked with tourism, and tourism has established itself as a primary component in the Kedarnath valley economy. The relationship between residents and tourists can impact positively by providing new opportunities and negatively through restraining individuality with new restrictions (Bahuguna, A., Joshi, P. C., & Maikhuri, R. K 303).  Today, the accessibility to the Kedarnath temple compared to the last decade has become much more commodious because of better transportation provisions. The helicopter service for the Kedarnath shrine has been started for the pilgrims/tourist.

Though tourism in Kedarnath and the surrounding Himalayan regions have a huge potential for economic improvement, yet it has negatively affected the education of youth residing in Kedarnath. Much of the youth generation started working at an early age for immediate economic gain, neglecting their basic education (Bahuguna, A., Joshi, P. C., & Maikhuri, R. K 305).  “Particular constellations of social, political, and economic forces can over centuries transform the character of a particular pilgrimage place almost beyond recognition” (Whitmore 26).  Despite such a devastating flood in the Kedarnath Valley, the state government has no specific policy for develop­ment and planned construction keeping the environmental issues in mind. “Since the state leaders themselves are involved in hospitality and real estate, both overtly and covertly, no one actively discourages illegal construction” (Joshi, Hridayesh 133). Political leaders and the businessmen have not lost sight of the potential to further their own interests at the yatras, and both segments vie for advertising and merchandizing. Yet, Hindus considers it as a religious duty to embark on the pilgrimage of four holy shrines which include Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri, and Yamunotri (Chardham), the most captivating reason for this Hindu pilgrimage is that this trip washes away all the sins and cleanses the soul for paramount salvation.

                            References and other materials consulted

Bahuguna, A., Joshi, P. C., & Maikhuri, R. K (2011) Socio-cultural impacts of pilgrimage in Kedarnath and adjoining areas of Garhwal Himalayas. J. Env. Bio-Sci., 2011: Vol. 25 (2): 303-306

Hiremath, Shobha S. (2006) Kedar vairagya peetha: Parampara & Rawal Jagadguru Shri Bheemashankarlinga Shivacharya. Ukhimatha (Ushamath): Himavat Kedar Vairagya Simhasana Mahasamsthana.

Joshi, Hridayesh. (2016) Rage of the River: The Untold Story of Kedarnath Disaster. Translated by Vandana R. Singh. Gurgaon (Haryana), India: Penguin Books India.

Lochtefeld, J. (2010) God’s gateway: identity and meaning in a Hindu pilgrimage place. Oxford University Press.

Singh, S., Youssouf, M., Malik, Z. A., & Bussmann, R. W. (2017) Sacred groves: myths, beliefs, and biodiversity conservation—a case study from Western Himalaya, India. International journal of ecology2017.

Sijapati, M. A., & Birkenholtz, J. V. (Eds.) (2015) Religion and Modernity in the Himalaya. Routledge.

Sati, S. P., & Gahalaut, V. K. (2013) The fury of the floods in the north-west Himalayan region: the Kedarnath tragedy. Geomatics, Natural Hazards and Risk, 4(3), 193-201.

Thapliyal, U. P.(2005) Historical and Cultural Perspectives, B.R. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi,

Whitmore, L. (2018) Changes in Ritual Practice at the Himalayan Hindu Shrine of Kedarnath. Ritual Innovation: Strategic Interventions in South Asian Religion, 71-90.

Whitmore, L. (2018) Mountain, Water, Rock, God: Understanding Kedarnath in the Twenty-First Century. Oakland, California: University of California Press.

Ziegler, A. D., Wasson, R. J., Bhardwaj, A., Sundriyal, Y. P., Sati, S. P., Juyal, N., … & Saklani, U. (2014) Pilgrims, progress, and the political economy of disaster preparedness–the example of the 2013 Uttarakhand flood and Kedarnath disaster. Hydrological Processes, 28(24), 5985-5990.

                             Related Topics for Further Investigation    

Char Dham Yatra

Linga

Mahabharata

Pandavas

Kauravas

Panch Kedar

Navaratri

                        Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://chardham.euttaranchal.com/

https://indianexpress.com/article/research/here-is-what-happened-in-kedarnath-and-rest-of-uttarakhand-in-2013-5482050/

https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/temple-town-to-ghost-town-kedarnath-before-and-after-flash-flood-41449

https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/kedarnath-temple-opens-for-pilgrims-why-this-temple-in-uttarakhand-is-famous-1520807-2019-05-09

https://www.sacredyatra.com/kedarnath

https://www.deccanherald.com/specials/kedarnath-history-legend-and-sacred-journeys-738758.html

Article written by: Gagan Preet Singh (February 2020) who is solely responsible for its content

Vaisno Devi

Vaisno Devi is a goddess in the Hindu religion.  She is worshipped in northwest India where her shrine is located on Trikut Mountain in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir (Foulston and Abbott 193, 195).   Millions of pilgrims go there each year.  As a mother to her devotees, she is a protector and giver of benefits (Rohe 74).  She is therefore known as Mata Vaisno Devi, or Mother Vaisno Devi (Rohe 57, 68).  

     Hindu mythology explains that Vaisno Devi was created during the second age, the Treta Yuga, by the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi, and Mahakali.  These goddesses are manifestations of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi (Foulston and Abbott 194).  They came together and used their powers to create Vaisno Devi.  During the Treta Yuga the world was struggling with strife and the forces of the demonic world.  The world needed a guardian, therefore the creation of Vaisno Devi (Khanna 187).  

     There are a variety of myths about Vaisno Devi.  One myth in particular says she was born on earth as the daughter of a merchant named Ratnasagar and was named Trikuta.  Trikuta wished to marry Rama, one of the ten incarnations of Visnu, but was told by Rama himself that he could not marry her as he was faithfully pledged to Sita his wife (Foulston and Abbott 50, 194).  Not to be disappointed, Trikuta persisted, and eventually was told by Rama that if she could recognize him when he returned to her, he would marry her.  Rama later returned as an elderly man and was unrecognizable to Trikuta.  Rama then told her that he would return in the fourth age, the Kali Yuga, as Kalki, the last and final incarnation of Visnu.  Trikuta could then become his consort.  Until that time, Trikuta should stay on Trikut Mountain, where she ought to practice asceticism and would eventually become known as Vaisno Devi (Erndl 40-41). 

     Another myth describes Vaisno Devi’s appearance to a Brahmin priest thousands of years after her birth on earth.  The priest, Sridhar, was holding a ritual for the purpose of attaining a male son, when Vaisno Devi appeared to him (Erndl 41).  She told Sridhar to serve a feast for the villagers and those living around the village.  While inviting the villagers to the feast, Sridhar met a man by the name of Gorakhnath, the leader of an order of mendicants.  Gorakhnath mockingly told Sridhar that he would not be able to feed Gorakhnath and all his followers.  Nevertheless, the next day, everyone gathered for the feast and they were served by Vaisno Devi.  One of the mendicants, Bhairo, complained about the food, stating that he wanted meat and not the vegetarian food that Vaisno Devi was serving.  Vaisno Devi told him that as the food was being served at a Vaisnavafeast, he should not complain.  Bhairo became angry and reached for Vaisno Devi, but she disappeared and fled to Trikut Mountain (Erndl 41-42).  Bhairo, who looked at her with lust, pursued her (Rohe 60).  When she arrived at Trikut Mountain, she crawled into a cave and stayed there for nine months where she practiced asceticism.  When Bhairo found her, Vaisno Devi opened the back of the cave with her wand and crawled out with Bhairo continuing to pursue her.  She entered another cave and according to one version of this myth, transformed herself into the terrifying manifestation of the goddess Candi.  She then cut off Bhairo’s head.  As he was being decapitated, he repented, calling Vaisno Devi “Mother.”  His head can now be seen as a rock at the cave’s mouth where it is venerated by pilgrims (Erndl 41-42). 

     The mythology of Vaisno Devi has led to the worship of her at the Holy Shrine of Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Ji on Trikut Mountain.  Pilgrims climb fourteen kilometers up the mountain to the mouth of the cave.  When the pilgrims reach there, they crawl through a ninety-foot tunnel which has a stream running through it called the Charan Ganga (Foulston and Abbott 196-197).  At the end of the tunnel is the most important aspect of the shrine, three jutting rocks or pindis (Erndl 39).  These three pindis, which are venerated by the pilgrims,each embodies the three cosmic manifestations of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi.  These three manifestations are the goddesses Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi, and Mahakali; they are referred to as the sakta trinity (Erndl 4).  The shrine of Vaisno Devi “is the only shrine in India to house natural forms of the three cosmic goddesses” (Foulston and Abbott 196).  Vaisno Devi, who in turn is the manifestation of the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi and Mahakali, holds their cosmic powers or saktis (Erndl 39).  They in turn each hold the powers of the Great Goddess, Mahadevi (Tewari 4).  A pilgrim goes to the shrine of Vaisno Devi only when the pilgrim believes Vaisno Devi has called him or her individually (Rohe 61-62).  It has been found that “undertaking the pilgrimage annually contributes to the well-being of her devotees” (Pandya 735).  

      Vaisno Devi is considered by her followers to be Mahadevi, the Great Goddess herself, since Vaisno Devi is the manifestation of the three goddesses and their three powers (Rohe 71).  In Hinduism, Mahadevi is the goddess who embodies sakti, the feminine power that creates and holds the universe together (Kinsley 133).  Mahadevi “oversees” the “cosmic functions” of creation, preservation, and destruction (Kinsley 137).  These three powers are present in the rocks or pindis representing the three goddesses, Mahasarasvati, Mahalaksmi and Mahakali (Tewari 4).  Mahasarasvati holds the sakti of creation, Mahalaksmi holds the sakti of preservation, and Mahakali holds the sakti of destruction (Rodrigues 441).  

     Vaisno Devi is also considered to be one of two contrasting sides to Mahadevi; the other being the goddess Kali.  The contrasting sides are reflected in two different dispositions and personalities.  Kali is the harsh and bloody side of Mahadevi.  She is depicted with dark skin, often with a necklace of skulls around her neck, and is known for drinking the blood of demons.  She is carnivorous, and as such, she is associated with animal sacrifice.  Vaisno Devi is the peaceful and serene side of Mahadevi.  She is associated with vegetarianism, and is not worshipped with animal sacrifice (Erndl 4-5).  

     In Hinduism, vegetarianism is a form of ritual purity and it is because of this that Vaisno Devi and her shrine stand out among other Hindu shrines (Foster and Stoddard 113).  As illustrated in the second myth, Vaisno Devi serves only vegetarian food at the feast. This validates her status as a vegetarian. The name Vaisno is actually translated in northwestern India as “vegetarianism” even though it literally means “in the style or manner of Visnu and followers” (Foster and Stoddard 113).  Vegetarianism protects Vaisno Devi’s body integrity (Rohe 69).  She is closely associated with the god Visnu partly due to this vegetarian ideal (Rohe 66).  

     Vaisno Devi is also associated with virginity (Rohe 70).  Virginity, like vegetarianism, protects Vaisno Devi’s body integrity (Rohe 69).  The importance of her virginity is shown in the myth and is made apparent by Bhairo’s lust and pursuit of her.  A variation of this myth says it was the goddess Kali that Vaisno Devi transformed herself into when she killed Bhairo. This was so that she, as the goddess Vaisno Devi, would not spill someone’s blood.  The reason for this is because blood shedding is associated with sexual relations.  In order to preserve her virginity, Vaisno Devi transformed herself into the dark and terrible Kali to shed Bhairo’s blood (Rohe 69).  At her shrine, it is common for the pilgrims to abstain from alcohol, meat, and sexual relations (Rohe 70). 

      Vaisno Devi is also a mother as well as a virgin, and her devotees consider themselves her children (Rohe 70).  There is a legend that says she changed the Charan Ganga into a stream of milk when milk was not available in the local area (Rohe 69).  This myth validates her status as mother.  Since Vaisno Devi is Mahadevi, and therefore sakti, it is believed all beings were born from her (Rohe 70).

     Hindu art portrays Vaisno Devi as beautiful and serene.  She is commonly shown to ride a lion or tiger (Erndl 4).  She has eight arms and holds a conch, club, and discus as well as a bow and arrow, sword, and trident.  Her clothes are red; she is gentle but strong.  Beside her are her two guardsmen, the monkey god, Hanuman, and Bhairo (Erndl 4).  

      Partly due to variations in legends or myths about Vaisno Devi, it can be difficult to exactly pinpoint her nature (Rohe 60).  No Hindu text gives definite knowledge of her, and understanding of her varies according to each person (Rohe 57).  However, her shrine on Trikut Mountain adds an element of certainty to her devotees about her role as a goddess as it is a concrete place where they can go to worship her.  It is on Trikut Mountain, Vaisno Devi’s home, where she reigns as the divine feminine power, giving blessings and support to her devotees.  

References and Further Recommended Reading

Brown, C. MacKenzie (1990) The Triumph of the Goddess: The Canonical Models and Theological Visions of the Devi-Bhagavata Purana. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Chitgopekar, Nilima (2003) The Book of Durga. New Delhi: Viking.

Erndl, Kathleen M. (1993) Victory to the Mother. New York: Oxford University Press.

Foster, Georgana, and Robert Stoddard (2010) “Vaishno Devi, the Most Famous Goddess Shrine                                               in the Siwaliks.” In Sacred Geography of Goddesses in South Asia, edited by Rana P. B. Singh, 109-124. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars.                                                                            

Foulston, Lynn, and Stuart Abbott (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Thornhill: Sussex Academic Press. 

Hardon, John A. (1968) Religions of the World: Volume 1. Garden City: Image Books.

Hawley, John Stratton, and Vasudha Narayanan (eds.) (2006) The Life of Hinduism. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Khanna, Madhu (2018) “Here Are the Daughters: Reclaiming the Girl Child (Kanya, Bala, Kumari) in the Empowering Tales and Rituals of Sakta Tantra.”  In The Oxford History of Hinduism: The Goddess, edited by Mandakranta Bose, 173-198. New York: Oxford University Press.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  

Kinsley, David (1986) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kumarappa, Bharatan (1979) The Hindu Conception of the Deity. Delhi: Inter-India Publications.

Pandya, Samta (2015) “Pilgrimage and Devotion to the Divine Mother: Mental Well-being of Devotees of Mata Vaishno Devi.” Mental Health, Religion & Culture 18:9 726-737. Accessed January 22, 2020. doi:10.1080/13674676.2015.1112771.

Pintchman, Tracy (ed.) Seeking Mahadevi:  Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess. Albany, NY:  State University of New York Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism-The Ebook. Toronto: Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Rohe, Mark Edwin (2001) “The Greatness of Goddess Vaisno Devi.” In Seeking Mahadevi Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess, edited by Tracy Pintchman, 55-76. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Tewari, Lt. Col. Naren (1988) The Mother Goddess Vaisno Devi. New Delhi: Lancer International.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Candi

Bhairo

Hanuman

Hindu Art

Kali

Mahadevi

Mahalaksmi

Mahakali

Mahasarasvati

Rama

Ritual Purity

Sakti

Sita

Vaisnava

Vaisno Devi Mythology

Visnu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://www.maavaishnodevi.org/

This article was written by:  Bernadette Remus (Spring 2020), who is entirely responsible for its content.

THE CITY OF HARWAR (HARIDVARA)

Hardwar is known to have historically gone through multiple names before it permanently became known as Hardwar. Some of these names are known as Ahoganga, Gangadvara, Mayapuri, Kapildvara (named after the sage Kapila) and Swargadwara, meaning the way to heaven (Karar 101). Hardwar lastingly got its name from the combination of “har” meaning “Lord Shiva” and “dwar” meaning “gateway to the land of Gods” (Bajpai, Yadav and Pandey 226). The first settlers of Hardwar are believed to have been the Rajputs of Pauri, more specifically Raja Islam Singh who is believed to be the founder of the city of Hardwar (Karar 101). Hardwar being ruled by the Rajputs of Pauri came to an end, but they are still found to be living in areas close to Hardwar. A wide range of communities are involved in the famous pilgrimage activities that occur in Hardwar. For example, during the Kanwar Mela, which is the largest yearly festival that takes place in Hardwar, Hindus from nearby cities of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Haryana “ritually carry the holy water of the Ganga in small pitchers” (Karar 102) known as Kanwar. Muslim artisans travel down to Hardwar to make these Kanwar.

            Hardwar is geographically positioned in northern India in Uttarakhand between the latitudinal parallel and longitudinal meridian (Sultan 9). The city has approximately 225, 235 inhabitants and is about 42.01km2 (Bajpai, Yadav and Pandey 227). Hardwar’s positioning contributes to the city being an extremely famous pilgrimage centre due to it being full of both natural and cultural tourism resources. Some of the natural resources include the Ganga river, hills, forests, elephants, tigers and jungle cats (Sultan 10), which also contributes to Hardwar’s aesthetic. The Ganga river is the most important factor in determining Hardwar’s religious significance as it is regarded as the most holy and scared river in the world to the Hindus since time that is immemorial (Bhutiani et al 1). Some of the cultural resources found in Hardwar are Temples, Ashrams and Dharamshalas. A major place of pilgrimage is the Maya Devi Temple located in Hardwar, which is the temple of the deity Adhisthatri and is known to be “where the heart and navel of Goddess Sati had fallen” (Sultan 11).

            Due to Hardwar’s religious/ritual significance there are many festivals and fairs that take place in the city. There is a religious festival that takes place almost every month: in January they celebrate the Makar Sakranti, the Maha Shivratri is celebrated from February-March, March-April is the Ram Navmi, in April they also celebrate Baisakhi, Buddha Poornima and Ganga Saptami are celebrated in May, Kanwar Mela is in June, Somwati Amavasya is in July, August holds the Janmashttmi, in October they celebrate the Durga Puja and finally, in November the Kartik Poornima is celebrated (Karar 103). Around 2-2.5 million people take part in these festivals (Sultan 11). As well, there is the Kumbha Mela. This festival only takes place every twelve years, marking when the sun is in Aries and Jupiter (Brihaspati) enters into the zodiac sign Aquarius (Kumbha) (Sultan 11). Some Hindus believe that Adi Shankaracharya, who is an Indian philosopher that “consolidated the doctrine of Advaita Vedanta, sub-school of hindu philosophy” (Karar 103) revived the festival and in turn revived Hinduism. The Kumbha became one of the world’s largest religious gatherings, with Hindus from all over the world wanting to revive themselves by taking part in the many religious discussions, preaching and gathering blessings that occur, this is done by participating in the mass bathing in the Ganga river (Karar 103). The initiation of the Kumbha Mela is believed to be a commemoration for the event of the Devas (Gods) and the Danavas (Demons) churning the ocean and finding an Amrita-kumbha, which is a potful of nectar (Karar 101). Many rival parties fought for its possession and when the Kumbha was being taken to safety a few drops of nectar fell out of the pot and onto the site. In the year 2010 more that 80 million pilgrims visited Hardwar during the Kumbha Mela to dip in the holy water of the Ganga river (Sultan 11). It has been examined that the summer months show the biggest rise in tourists to Hardwar. This makes sense due to the fact that that the summer months mark the beginning of pilgrimage of Badrinath and Kedernath following the dip in the holy Ganga river at Hardwar (Sultan 12).

            As the Kumbh Mela is the most important ritual festival for the Hindus, the attraction of many priests, saints and yogis from all over India results in a massive rise in noise levels for the city. A study done by Madan and Pallavi (2010) evaluated the noise level of Hardwar during the Kumbh Mela compared to a normal day in the city, along with the impact this noise has on the inhabitants of Hardwar’s health. The noise levels were monitored at four different locations, the first being the Singh Dwar, which is considered the entry point of Hardwar. This location was shown to be extremely crowded with traffic and high noise levels (Madan and Pallavi 293). The second location is the Rishikul, which is a bus stop that is temporarily set up during the Kumbh Mela festival, constant horns and shrieking take place here as all traffic of the city passes by this location (Madan and Pallavi 293). The Har Ki Pauri is the third location under evaluation, it is known as the main centre of attraction for tourists in Hardwar, as hundreds of Hindus move towards it to ritually bathe in the holy Ganga river (Madan and Pallavi 293). At the Har Ki Pauri loud religious music is blasted all day and night, as well it is an extremely crowded area (Madan and Pallavi 293). The fourth and final location under examination is the Chandi Ghat, which is the junction that is very close to the Har Ki Pauri where “all round the year tourist and pilgrimage activity is clearly visible” (Madan and Pallavi 293). The results found in the study showed that the noise created during the Kumbh Mela festival impacted human health by inducing headaches, which caused a difficulty to concentrate. As well, Hindus got less sleep at night, making them tired or fatigue. The noise also resulted in increased blood pressure and hearing problems (Madan and Pallavi 295). These various impacts are significant because the Kumbh Mela is intended to be a festival in which Hindus take part in many religious rituals to seek Moksha; therefore, it is important for them to be at optimal health and peace; therefore, having little to no factors affecting their physical or mental health.        

For someone who practices religion, pilgrimage can in some cases be regarded as extremely important and significant because it represents someone’s search for happiness, bliss and satisfaction (Maheshwari and Punima 1). Pilgrims who would travel to Hardwar to participate in another religious festival admired by the Hindus called the Ardha-Kumbha, which is only celebrated every six years would travel through dense forests, rivers and rivulets (Karar 101). Kings, saints and ascetics and general pilgrims would travel by foot, on bullock-carts, horse-back, on camels or on elephants in large groups (Karar 101) and it would take months to actually reach Hardwar. On the auspicious occasion of the Ardha-Kumbha roughly 18 million people dip into the Ganga river (Maheshwari and Punima 1), which shows the religious significance of pilgrimage. Dipping in the Ganga river during these religious festivals is regarded as a Hindu attempting to attain Moksha, which is “salvation from the cycle of rebirth and freedom from one’s sins” (Maheshwari and Punima 1). Hindus believe themselves to feel closer to God by following the various rituals of the multiple festivals (Maheshwari and Punima 1). Some of the daily activities of the festivals include bathing in the Ganga, worshiping (Puja), listening to religious discourses voiced by saints and attending the various performances of the Hindu epics (Maheshwari and Punima 1). In a study done by Maheshwari and Punima (2009) the Ardha-Kumbha festival resulted in Hindus feeling more satisfied with life, relieved of all their tensions from their daily tasks and attainment of inner tranquility and peace (Maheshwari and Punima 1). They also found the religious festivals to aid people overcome terrible situations, such as, loss of a family member or loved one (Maheshwari and Punima 1).

Since the Ganga river is one of the most scared rivers in the opinion of the Hindus, concern has been raised regarding the mass amounts of bathing that take place in the river. During the festivals of the Kumbh and the Ardh-Kumbh there is special importance placed on the ritual of bathing in the Ganga river. Therefore, during these festivals millions of people dip into river and bathe themselves (Sultan 14). During the 2010 Kumbh Mela, which began in January and carried on until April there were 11 bathing dates throughout the 104-day festival which took place at Hardwar (Sultan 14). Around 80 million people took part in bathing in the Ganga river, which severely affected the quality of the water in the Ganga. This raised concern for the health of people who participate in the ritual of bathing in the river, as well, for the people downstream who drink the water from the river (Sultan 14). A study done by Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi (2010) suggested that the bathing leads to an increase in Bio-chemical oxygen demand, total dissolved solids and a decrease in dissolved oxygen. When the water quality was tested before and after the festival drastic changes were found in the physio-chemical and the microbiological dimensions of the Ganga river (Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi 4). The water quality did not show improvement, it only got worse, which resulted in stray dogs and pigs being attracted to the river. These unsanitary conditions caused various contagious and airborne diseases (Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi 4). Studies show that the holy river has reached frightening levels of pollution (Sultan 13). Eighty-nine million litres of sewage from nearby cities are dumped into the Ganga river, which is extremely alarming (Sultan 13). This is not only alarming for the Hindus who take part in these ritual practices, as their health is in danger, but this is also concerning for the religion itself. Concern is raised for the religion due to reasons of these festivals and activities having to eventually be changed or forgotten because of the issues that pollution is causing in regards to people’s health. 

Another study done by Bhutiani at al. (2016) suggested that the mass bathing that takes place in the Ganga river developed a range between good and medium water quality. Whereas, after further studies took pace it was found that the water quality of the river is poor. Thus, it is evident that the water quality of the Ganga river ranges from poor to good (Bhutiani at al. 1). The study concluded the primary sources of pollution are sewerage, solid and liquid waste contaminants or organic nature that all enter into the river. Although, the mass bathing that takes place during the religious festivals does not aid in the cleanliness of the Ganga river quality. Inhabitants of the area should take necessary measures to reduce the risks of future contamination entering the river, not only for the health of people living in the area and Hindus who practice these bathing rituals, but for the practices and rituals themselves and their survival in the religion as they are extremely significant in the many festivals held in Hardwar.

Hardwar has proven itself to be an extremely important location for those who practice Hinduism due to its major festivals such as the Kumbha Mela and the Ardha-Kumbha Mela festivals. The positioning of Hardwar close to the Ganga river is the largest contributor to its religious significance because of the ritual importance placed on the river during the Kumbha Mela and the Ardha-Kumbha Mela festivals. Considering the results from the multipul studies examined precautions should be taken in the future in regard to using the Ganga during these important religious festivals to avoid the spreading of more diseases and sickness among the Hindus, as their health is the most important.  

References and Further Recommended Reading

Bajpai, Yadav and Pandey (2015) “Tourism and Tourist Influx Evaluation and Analysis in Haridwar and Rishikesh Townships of Uttarakhand.” Dept. of Geography, Kumaun University. issn- 2348-0459.

Bhutiani, D.R. Khanna, Kulkarni and Ruhela (2016) “Assessment of Ganga River Ecosystem at Haridwar, Uttarakhand, India With Reference to Water Quality Indices.” Applied Water Sci 6, 107-113 (2016).  https://doi.org/10.1007/s13201-014-0206-6

Karar (2010) “Impact of Pilgrim Tourism at Haridwar.” Anthropologist, 12(2): 99-105 (2010).

Maheshwari, Singh (2009) “Psychological well-being and pilgrimage: Religiosity, happiness and life satisfaction of Ardh-Kumbh Mela pilgrims (Kalpvasis) at Prayag India.” Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, IIT.  https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-839X.2009.01291.x

Madan and Pallavi (2010) “Assessment of Noise Pollution in Haridwar City of Uttarakhand State, India During Kumbh Mela 2010 and its Impact on Human Health.” Journal of Applied and Natural Science 2(2): 293-295 (2010). https://doi.org/10.31018/jans.v2i2.137

Sharma, Bhadula and B.D. Joshi (2010) “Impact of Mass Bathing on Water Quality of Ganga River During Maha Kumbh.” Nature and Science 2012;10(6): 1-5.

Sultan (2015) “Tourism, Economy and Environmental Problems of a Religious Town: A Case Study on Haridwar, Uttarakhand, India.” Lecturer, Dept. of Geography, Hiralal Majumdar College. issn- 2319-7722.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Kumbh Mela

Ardha-Kumbha Mela

Maya Devi Temple

Ganga river

Pilgrimage

Amrita-Kumbha

Makar Sakranti

Maha Shivratri

Ram Navmi

Baisakhi

Buddha Poornima

Ganga Saptami

Kanwar Mela

Somwati Amavasya

Janmashttmi

Durga Puja

Kartik Poornima

Noteworthy Websites related to the Topic

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Kumbh-Mela

https://www.nativeplanet.com/travel-guide/ardh-kumbh-mela-2019-top-attractions-of-ardh-kumbh-mela-2019-005434.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kumbh_Mela

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maya_Devi_Temple,_Lumbini

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pilgrimage

This article was written by: Teneal Laturnus (Spring 2020), who is entirely responsible for its content. 

The Amarnath Pilgrimage and Temple

This Amarnath temple is a sacred place in Hindu religion today. It provides a place of worship to Siva and the ice Lingam that is representative of him. Pilgrimages are important to Hindu tradition because they provide a source of spiritual fulfillment and the opportunity for liberation at a later stage in one’s life. The Amarnath pilgrimage allows pilgrims to become one with the absolute power Siva, who is an important deity in Hindu tradition (Banyat 2014).

Amarnath is a cave located in Kashmir, known as Pir-Vaer (abode of saints) and is regarded as a holy and sacred shrine which is highly regarded in Hinduism (Shah 58). It sits at 12,729 ft above sea level and the cave itself is 17 meters deep and 14 meters high with a wide entrance. The cave features a self-formed ice Lingam which is symbolic of an immortal Siva, it grows and diminishes with the moon. Smaller surrounding icicles are representative of Siva’s consort. In the ritual of worshiping this Siva-Lingam, pilgrims first must wash themselves. They then apply clay to their foreheads and wear all white clothing. They make offerings of candles, candy, etc. and shout chants in worship of Siva (Hassnain 18,20).

This pilgrimage occurs once a year during the Hindu month of Sawan which is at the end of July and beginning of August, a month with complete dedication to the lord Siva. It is not reserved for a single caste or ranking, and different caste can be seen travelling and gathering on the pilgrimage. During this month of Sawan pilgrims will camp at base camps and travel generally on foot during day (Shah 62).  The route pilgrims take begins from Pahalgam and then travels through Chandanwari, Waojan, and Panjtarni before finally reaching Amarnatha. During the passing from Waojan to Panjtarni each pilgrim must throw two pebbles at the Nagarapal boulder in order to beat the demon. Then at Panjtarni stream they will participate in a purifying bath and pitch a tent for one night before being able to enter the temple. There is a shorter route which begins at Sonamarg and goes through Baltal and Sangam before ending at the Amarnatha cave. This route is more dangerous because you must cross an avalanche of glacier (Hassnain 18-19). Pilgrims going through Baltal will often take helicopters or travel on foot and employ labourers to help them make the travel. This forms a community of closer social interaction between locals and pilgrims. At the base camps there are positive connections between locals and the pilgrims where both show hospitality, kindness, and helpfulness to one another. Temporary small hotels (dhaba)and free food stalls (langgar) owners will even provide free food to the base camps to be granted the good will of Siva (Shah 66-70).

Siva is regarded as the Lord of Yogis and is known as a god in a peaceful state often depicted in a seated position (Shoemaker 31). The lord Siva is the reason why pilgrims make the trip to the Amarnath temple. Siva is a god who represents faith, brotherhood, and relations among visitors at the temple (Shah 61-62). Siva comes from an absolute which was divided into three parts, Brahma, Visnu, and Siva, which are known as the creator, preserver, and the destroyer; these three gods make up a Hindu holy trinity. Siva is the creator god but is also associated with death. Siva is worshipped through the Lingam which brings desirable objects and release from bondage of actions. The Linga is the source and dissolution of the three powers and neither the beginning nor end of the universe (Wayman 27). Siva is also a symbol of fertility and, as a Linga, is worshiped for fertility (Jacobsen 242). This worship of Siva as a Lingam is to be done at sacred places such as the Amarnath (Hassnain 11).

Amarnath is regarded in Hindu mythology as a cave that was approached by Siva and his wife Parvati. Parvati is a maiden who fell deeply in love with the beggar Siva and got married. The night of their marriage is called Shivrati, which is one of the biggest festivals marked by snowfall (Hassnain 17). Parvati is known as the supreme power and mother of the universe in Hinduism. Tradition tells that Siva told the secret of salvation to Parvati at Amarnath, and this talk is written in the Sanskrit manuscript: Amaresvara Mahatmya. Parvati asks questions and the lord Siva answers them. This talk was said to be overheard by two servants who were turned into two white pigeons, which can be seen flying by the temple (Hassnain 10-16). It is believed in Hindu mythology that Siva gave up everything but his soul before approaching the cave because it is the highest spiritual journey one can take. This is why pilgrims cannot experience true absolute reality unless they abandon vehicles and complete the journey on foot as Siva did. In 1895 the Maliks were the ones who managed the pilgrimage. They were to ensure everything went smoothly and were there to carry the sick and wounded. In return they would receive one third of the offerings made at the shrine (Shah 62). This no longer takes place and the shrine is now in control of the Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board (SASB), who have been disrupting forest lands on the pilgrimage travel route (Navlakha 18).

Throughout the years there has been a variety of environmental, health, and security concerns regarding this pilgrimage. Environmental concerns are particularly a problem around Pahalgam. This is due to pilgrims defecating into the river and tossing non-degradable items such as plastic into the river as well which harms the overall water quality. Another problem within this particular area is the pollution that is caused by transport vehicles carrying pilgrims and transporting goods (Navlakha 2008). Batal base camp is also raising ecological concerns because of the health threats it is causing to the locals and pilgrims. Both groups pollute the air, water, and soil because of the lack of mobile latrines and bathrooms available to them. No level of hygiene is maintained, and the camp site is kept filthy and unsanitary for pilgrims and locals (Shah 71). The main concern is if certain environmental precautions cannot be followed these sites will continue to be polluted and bring a bad name to Kashmir itself. Another concern is due to the narrow roads pilgrims travel on and because of the large numbers of people wider paths are required for safe traveling. Security agencies are kept in place to prevent terrorist attacks which have occurred in the past and to protect pilgrims. They help to provide tents, food, and management at base camps and supervise the movement of pilgrims along the path (Shah 68). However, many locals raise concerns that these authorities and Horse pullers (ponny wallas)will beat pilgrims on the route to the cave (Shah 69). Large numbers of security forces are required to accommodate the large number of increasing pilgrims which causes a higher level of environmental damage (Navlakha 2008). A major health concern regarding this pilgrimage is the amount of altitude sickness and non-traumatic surgical disorders reported. Increased awareness of these health conditions, pre-travel evaluations, and infection controls are all things that can be done to prevents these sicknesses from taking place on pilgrimages (Banyat 2014).

There has been controversy between militants and the pilgrims at Amarnath. In 2006 there were two separate attacks that took place both involving militants harming the pilgrims. June 21, 2006 and July 15, 2006 militants threw grenades on routes that lead to Amarnath and in one case killed one civilian and injured six others (Andley 4-5). In 2017 a group of pilgrims were attacked by terrorist and 7 were killed (Nair 2017). This pilgrimage has been the target of several different terrorist attacks over the years raising concerns of civilians.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Andley, Priyashree (2006) “Major Terrorist Attacks in Jammu & Kashmir” Institute of Peace

and Conflict Studies. 1-5. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Banyat, Buddha (2014) “High Altitude Pilgrimage Medicine.” High Altitude Medicine &

Biology. 15:4: 434-439. Accessed on February 22, 2020. Doi: 10.1089/ham.2014.1088

Hassnain, Miura Y., and Vijay Pandita (1987) Sri Amarnatha Cave, the Abode of Shiva. New

Delhi: Hardev Printers.

Jacobsen, Knut A. (2004) “The Child Manifestation of Śiva in Contemporary Hindu Popular

Prints.” Numen. 51:3: 237-264. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Nair, Sandhya (2017) “Palghar bandh to protest terrorist attack on Amarnath pilgrims” The

Times of India. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Navlakha, Gautam (2008) “State Cultivation of the Amarnath Yatra.” Economic and Political

Weekly 43:17-18. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Shah, Rashid, Adfer (2013) “Case of Holy Amarnath Pilgrimage” The Tibet Journal 38.3: 57-85.

Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Shoemaker, Marla (1981) “Manifestations of Shiva” Art Education 34.3:30-32. Accessed on

February 22, 2020. doi:10.2307/3192492.

Wayman, Alex (1987) “O, That Linga!” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

68:1/4: 15-54. Accessed on February 22, 2020.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Siva

Parvati

Lingam

Linga

Shivrati

Amaresvara Mahatmya

Maliks

Sawan

Noteworthy Websites Related to The Topic

https://www.huffingtonpost.in/2017/07/10/a-look-back-at-the-bloody-history-of-terror-attacks-on-amarnath_a_23024401/

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/kashmir/2015-09-10/political-pilgrimage-kashmir

http://www.shriamarnathjishrine.com/

https://www.nationalgeographic.com/news/2012/3/120312-hindu-pilgrimage-stresses-fragile-himalaya-environment/

Article written by: Madison Irving (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for this content.

Vrindavan (Vrndavana)

India is a country with a varied and rich mythology. Vrindavan (aka Vrndavana) is located in Northern India around fifteen kilometres from Mathura and is considered to be one of the seven holiest cities for Hindus (Haberman, 272). The city features many sacred land and water features such as the Yamuna River, sacred groves (vanas), ponds (kundas) and ghats (holy steps leading down to a river) (Luthy, 4). It is also referred to as Vrindavan or Vrindivana city. The name Vrindavan is derived from ‘Vrinda’ which is another name for the sacred tulsi (i.e. basil) plant. It is one of the most holy cities within the Hindu tradition and is commonly known as the “The City of Temples” with allegedly five thousand in total.

Major religious routes within the forests of Vrindavan were first established in the sixteenth century based on the Sanksrit text Vraj Bhakti Vilasa written by Narayan Bhatt (Shah, 41). Bhatt is responsible for mapping out a large portion of the religious sites that are worshipped to this day. Bhatt more specifically mapped out the place-names found within the Puranas onto the physical terrain where these sites are found (Ghosh, 193) Pilgrimages are religious and cultural phenomena that are important features the Hindu religion. In the Hindu religion, a pilgrimage is referred to as a tirtha yatra and is a liminal process that establishes participation in the spiritual realm (Singh &Haigh, 783). A pilgrimage has been defined as a journey resulting from religious causes, externally to a holy site, and internally for spiritual purposes and internal understanding (Barber, 1). Today, pilgrimage is defined differently, as a traditional religious or modern secular journey (Collins-Kreiner, 440). For example, the Krsna Balrama Madir Temple, established in 1975 by His Divine Grace Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, has now become Vrindavan’s most popular temple and has one of the highest standards of deity worship and cleanliness. It has become one of the most popular temples and Hare Krsna devotees can be found here throughout the year (Jacobsen, 143).

Vrindavan is one of the most important places of pilgrimage for devotees of Krsna as the city is well-known as the forested region where the deity Krsna grew up as a humble cowherd (go-pala). The city itself is said to be where Krsna spent his childhood and many say that he still resides within the city itself.  It is located in the Mathura district of Uttar Pradesh. The area of Vrindavan is described in the Puranas as the childhood home of the deity Krsna. This mythologized place was located geographically when the Bengali Saint Caitanya travelled there to rediscover Krsna’s childhood home where he then experienced visions of the deity in the uninhabited forest (jangala) which is now modern day Vrindavan (Ghosh, 194). Caitanya and his followers began to construct temples in the holy city that can still be found today. For example, the Madan Mohan Temple is the oldest temple in Vrndavan today and is closely associated with Caitanya.

Mathura (just outside of Vrindavan) is a little town and a major place of pilgrimage on the banks of the Yamuna River. It attracts about a half of a million pilgrims each year, especially during major festivals such as Krsna Janmastami, Holi, and Radhastami. These journeys are made to sacred places as an act of religious devotion (Nash, 101). Pilgrimage sites are places that people consider sacred and maintain their sanctity by visiting them regularly and relating them into their religious framework (Eck, 8). In India more than one hundred million people visit around two thousand major pilgrimage sites annually (Shinde, 449). During ritualized pilgrimages individuals travel to a sacred place and perform rituals considered necessary to appease the sacred object in that place. These ritual acts of worship acts by pilgrims (individual and collective) of worship and rituals are regarded as part of their normal their religious duties (Shinde, 450). Pilgrimages are crucial in the Hindu religion in order for an individual to engage all of the senses when to experiencing the sacred sites Vrindavan has to offer. The believer “sees” the sacred sights (temples, churches, relics, icons, monuments), he/she “hears” the sacred sounds (church and temple bells, drum beats, chanting, singing, the call to prayer), “touches” the sacred artifacts (icons, deities, texts), “eats” special food (such as consecrated food); and “smells” specific aromas (incense, fresh flowers) (Eck, 9). All of these experiences vary depending on the individual’s participation in the religious culture developed around the pilgrimage site itself (Shinde, 451).

Although there are thousands of temples erected within Vrindavan there are a few that stand out. Since the establishment in the fifteenth century, Vrindavan has continued to be a center for devotional pilgrimages dedicated to the deity Krsna. Vrindavan is a place for pilgrims to visit Krsna temples, participate in worship and rituals, listen to narration of stories from the religious epics of Krsna, and perform poetry, art, dance, song, and drama dedicated to Krsna’s glory (Shinde, 452). For example, these everyday rituals involve dressing the idol in finery and darshan, communal singing of hymns, and food offerings to the deity depending on the temple of worship. Today you can find a live video stream of the Sri Sri Krsna Balarama Mandir which has now become one of the most popular and visited temples in the world.

Vrindavan is also a major site for Vaisnava groups. For example, widows (mostly from Bengal) have been congregating in Vrindavan for years to live out the rest of their lives. In India, social mores inhibit women from remarrying and they are shunned because they are viewed as inauspicious. Nilakantha Braja (The Blue-necked God) written by Assamese writer Indira Goswami highlights the plights of the widows who reside in the sacred city by depicting the despicable and undignified life and death experiences of these women. Known as the Radheyshamis (widows who sing devotional songs in temples for a pittance) these widows sing bhajans (hymns) in order to accumulate money to survive (Bhushan, 138). Whether young or old, widowed women leave behind their colorful saris, jewelry, and even shave their heads if they are part of the more conservative Hindu traditions (Jamadar, Melkeri, & Holkar, 57). Although these women are not forced to die in ritual sati (burning themselves on their husband’s funeral pyre) they are still expected to mourn until their own deaths. Therefore, these women find refuge in Vrindavan where they lead miserable lives surviving by begging and singing hymns in praise of Gods (Pande, 209).

Today, the city of Vrindavan has become more of a tourist attraction than a pilgrimage site. Pilgrimages, themselves, are being transformed into mere sightseeing tours and can now be more accurately labeled as ‘religious tourism’ (Shinde, 184). Annually, Vrindavan receives more than six million visitors, who are no longer visiting strictly for religious reasons (Shinde, 448). Places that were once Hindu holy sites may be accessed with a simple search on Google where the best flight deals and top places to visit are a click away. However, some temples remain constant to modern Hindus such as the Banke-Bihari Temple which is considered to be the most popular shrine and is associated with Swami Haridas and Nimbarka. Another is Nidhi Van Temple where Krsna and Radha are said to come out after midnight and indulge in raas-leela (dance found in the Puranas) and then rest in the Rang Mahal Temple which is decorated daily for the two deities.

In conclusion, Vrindavan is gaining popularity due to its numerous temples. Construction and development are ongoing which includes temples, guest houses, and apartments. Simply wandering around Vrindavan allows one to see the vast beauty of the holy city and share vicariously in the myths of Krsna.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READINGS

Barber, R. (1993) Pilgrimages. London: The Boydell Press.

Bhushan, Ravi. (2014) “Estranged Identity: The Problem of Hindu Widows in Indira Goswami’s Nilakantha Braja.” Labyrinth: An International Refereed Journal of Postmodern Studies 5 #2:138-141.

Collins-Kreiner, N. (2010) “Researching pilgrimage: Continuity and transformations.” Annals of tourism research, 37(2): 440-456.

Eck, D. L. (1981) “Darsan: Seeing the divine image in India.” Chambersberg, PA: Anima Books: 8-9.

Ghosh, P. (2002) “Tales, tanks, and temples:the creation of a sacred center in seventeenth-century Bengal,” Asian Folklore, 61 #2:193-222.

Haberman, D. (1994) Journey through the Twelve Forests: An encounter with Krsna. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Luthy, T. (2016) “Few people know that Krishna was the first environmentalist”. Political Ecology of Tourism: Community, power and the environment.

Jacobsen, K. A. (2015) “Book review: Modern Hindu Personalism: The History, Life, and Thought of Bhaktisiddhānta Sarasvatī, written by Ferdinando Sardella.” Numen, 62(1): 143-146.

Jamadar, C., Melkeri, S. P., & Holkar, A. (2015) “Quality of Life among Widows”. #1: 57-68.

Mostafanezhad, M., Norum, R., Shelton, E. J., & Thompson-Carr, A. (2016) “Political Ecology of Tourism: Community, Power and the Environment”. Routledge: #2.

Pande, Rekha (2015) “Widows Of Vrindavan-Feminisation Of Old Age In India.” Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies Vol. 10: 209-223.

Shah, B. (2006) “The Pilgrimage of the Groves: Reconstructing the Meaning of a Sixteenth-Century Hindu Landscape”. Arnoldia: 39-41.

Shinde, K. A. (2015) “Religious tourism and religious tolerance: insights from pilgrimage sites in India.” Tourism Review, 70(3): 179-196.

Shinde, K. A. (2011) ““This is a religious environment”: Sacred space, environmental discourse, and environmental behavior at a Hindu pilgrimage site in India””. Space and Culture. 14: 448-463.

Shinde, K. A. (2008) “The environment of pilgrimage in the sacred site of Vrindavan, India.” PhD diss., Monash University: 449-451.

Shinde, K. A. (2007) “Case study 6: Visiting sacred sites in India: Religious tourism or pilgrimage.” Religious tourism and pilgrimage festivals management: An international perspective: 184-197.

Singh, R. P., & Haigh, M. J. (2015) “Hindu Pilgrimages: The Contemporary Scene.” The Changing World Religion Map: 783-801

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Banke-Bihari Temple

Bhagauata Purana

bhahjans

Chaintanya

dham

ghats

go-pala

Hare Krsna

Holi

jangala

Janmashtami

kundas

Krsna Balrama Madir Temple

Madan Mohan Temple

Mathura

Nimbarka

Nidhi Van

Nilakantha Braya

raas-leela

Radhahtami

Radheyshamis

Rang Mahal

sati

Sri Sri Krsna Balarama Madir Temple

Swami Haridas

tirtha yatra

tulsi

vaisnava

vanas

Vraj Bhakti Vilasa

Yamuna River

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.vrindavan-dham.com/vrindavana/ (Sri Vrindavan Dham, 2016).

http://daily.bhaskar.com/news/JM-a-secretive-place-in-vrindavan-where-radha-krishna-indulge-in-raas-leela-every-n-4874572-PHO.html?seq=5 (Daily Bhaskar, 2016).

http://hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/concepts/mathura.asp (Hindu Website, 2016).

http://www.stephen-knapp.com/vrindavana_the_holy_land_of_lord_krishna.htm (Vrindavana: The Holy Land of Lord Krsna, 2009).

http://www.krishna.com/vrindavan (Krishna.com, 2016).

 

Article written by: Lindsay Tymchyna (April 2016) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

 

 

 

 

The Sakta Pithas

The Sakta Pithas are places of worship, created to worship Hindu goddesses and or places of sacred capacity regarded as seats of the Devi (the Great Goddess). Sakti is known as the female principle of Hinduism and means ‘power’. Sakti is worshipped under many different names such as Durga, Ma, Devi and so on. These places of worship are spread throughout India, often with 51 places of worship in total, most of which are in Bengal or Assam (Payne 1). The 51 Pithas or places of worship are first described in the Mahapithanirupana or Pithanirnaya manuscript. (Sircar 3). Although it is not exactly evident when these manuscripts were composed, it is probable that they were prepared in the Medieval period (Sircar 4). However, it was not until later that works were prepared for Saktism to be greater studied and understood (Payne 15).

Related to these places of worship is an ancient myth depicting how these Pithas, or places of pilgrimage, came to be created. This myth involves the goddess Sati who is regarded as the wife of the great god Siva. There are many different legends and stories that go along with the naming and placing of these Pithas, as every author writing on the Sakta Pithas present different lists as to where the body parts fell. This myth is one that can be described as grim and violent, and thus has not received much attention as far as research goes. However, Saktism is a very important religious movement within Hinduism, and there are millions of Saktas or worshippers of Sakti throughout India (Payne 14).  With any religion, the origins of certain myths can vary making it complex to comprehend. In this article, we will examine the well-known myth of the Sakta Pithas, which tells how they came to be created. We shall also examine some of the legends of the Pithas in regards to their placement and names

One of the most ancient myths, which although not directly connected to the Pithas, provides a parallel symbolic motif. It tells a story of incest between a father, the creator god Prajapati and his daughter, the goddess Usas. The gods became disgusted with this act of incest and, requested Rudra to destroy Prajapati. Rudra thus pierced Prajapti with an arrow and Prajapati proceeded to fall to the ground, which is thereafter used in sacrificial rituals. Since Prajapati represents sacrifice his body could not simply be destroyed.  This version of the myth can be found in the Puranas or Tantras (Sircar 5).

Although the above is an ancient tale, with no direct connection to the Pithas, it grows from there into the well-known Daksa-Yajna Story approximately in the fourth century CE (Sircar 5). This tells of the mother goddess, in the form of Sati, who was a daughter of the “great king Daksa”. She took on this form of Sati in order to marry Siva (Courtright 39). After the couple was married, they went to live in Siva’s home at Mt. Kailasa. Following their marriage Sati’s father, Daksa Prajapati, hosted a sacrifice inviting all the gods but excluded his daughter Sati and his son in law, Siva. Dadhici, (Daksa’s priest), warned against the exclusion of Sati and Siva. He stated that without the ‘great God’, Siva, the ritual would be ineffective (Courtright, 39). However, Daksa believed that Siva was a terrible son in law and that he did not deserve to attend the ritual. Sati, enraged that she and her husband were not invited to her father’s sacrifice, decided to attend nonetheless. Upon attending the sacrifice, Sati was greatly mistreated by her father. Due to this mistreatment, Sati is said to have thrown herself into a fire feeling broken hearted and hurt. News of Sati’s death reached Siva, who furiously headed to the sacrifice and completely destroyed the scene. Some versions of the myth say that he beheaded Daksa. Others say that it was Virabhadra who destroyed the sacrificial ritual and beheaded Daksa (Courtright 41).

The further progression of this myth was added in the later part of the Medieval period, to justify the creation of the Pithas. It tells how Siva roamed around mad with despair carrying Sati’s body. Sati’s body was eventually cut piece by piece out of Siva’s hands; each piece was a different body part, which fell to the earth, thereby creating the holy sites of the Sakta Pithas. Some versions of the myth state that it was Brahman, Visnu and Sani that freed Siva from carrying Sati’s body, while others state that it was Visnu alone. As Sati’s body fell to the earth it spread Sakti or power across India. This spreading of Sati’s body, which not only created the Sakta Pithas, but which offers a mythic rationale for why the entire landscape of India is sacred, is the final portion of the myth.

Courtright suggests that there is a link regarding the creation of the Sakta Pithas and the ancient sacrificial ritual of sati practiced by widows upon the death of their husbands. However, different circumstances resulted in the immolation of Sati versus the sacrificial practice of sati performed by Hindu wives. Sati’s immolation was due to the harshness of a father towards a daughter and her husband while sati is a sacrifice performed by widows to accompany their husband after death (Courtright 37).

The locations where Sati’s body parts fell, or the Pithas, are often connected with linga, which represents Siva. Hindus believe that both worship of the linga and yoni should be held in the same high regard (Sircar 7). The locations, names and traditions of the Pithas differ throughout history. Many writers used a great deal of imagination when creating the lists of Pithas, so there is a great deal of variation amongst them (Sircar 32). However, many texts speak of the four Pithas also known as the Adi Pithas. The Adi Pithas are considered the major sites of Sakti worship, associated with the northern, southern, eastern and western regions of India (Sircar, 17). One early tradition, written about in the Catususpithatantra, indicates the four Adi Pithas as “Atmapitha, Parapitha, Yogapitha and Guhyapitha” (Sircar 11). Due to the fact that Saktism and the worship of Sakti and the Sakta Pithas are not strictly linked to Hinduism, and are also worshipped in Buddhism and Jainism, there are various names and traditions of the Sakti Pithas amongst these groups. The Hevajra Tantra, a Buddhist religious text, lists the Adi Pithas as “Jalandhara, Odiyana, Purnagiti and Kamarupa” (Sircar 12).

Popular writings about the Sakta Pithas speak of the Adi Pithas or the four Pithas and also state that there are a total of 51 Pithas. However, A section of the Kalika Purana contributes an account of seven Pithas as opposed to four: Devikuta, where the two feet of Sati fell, Uddiyana, where the two thighs fell, Kamagiri, where the pudendum muliebre fell, the eastern borders of Kamarupa, where the navel fell, Jalandhara, where the two breasts fell, Purnagiri, where the neck and shoulders fell and once again the borders of Kamarupa, where the head fell. The Rudrayamala, a Tantric text, mentions ten holy sites, rather than four. This tradition discusses sites in Kamarupa, Jalandhara, Purnagiri and Uddiyana, similarly to the Kalika Purana.  The Matysa Skanda and Padma Puranas list the large number of 108 Pithas in total. Such variations seem to derive from the writer’s fabrication and the imagination (Sircar 32). Although the list of names for the Sakta Pithas vary and are plentiful, the Kamarupa Pitha is commonly mentioned in many of the lists. Another commonality is a list of countries connected to a high level of Sakti worhip, namely: Gandahara, Uddiyana, Jalandhara and Kashmir (Sircar, 16). Two of the best-known temples that are widely acknowledged as Sakta Pithas by most worshippers today, are Kamakhya and Kalighat.

One of the oldest and most popular sites of goddess worship is Kamakhya temple, located at Guwahati, Assam. The legend of this site, as forwarded by the current temple management, tells of the king of Nepal approaching a sage known as Vatsayana. He was seeking advice on how to convert the popular ritual of human sacrifice to a more socially accepted rite of worship.  Vatsayana suggested the worship of a Tantric goddess named Tara in place of sacrificial rituals. The worship of Tara spread reaching to the Garo Hills where local tribes worshipped a fertility goddess named Kameke. As time went on the Tantric goddess Tara, and the fertility goddess Kameke were linked with the legend of the Sakta Pithas and began to be worshipped as Devi. This site is said to be where Sati would escape to spend time with Siva. It is also said to be the location where her yoni fell (kamakhyadham.com).

The Kalighat is an ancient site located in city of Calcutta (Kolkata), on the bank of the Hooghly river, and said to be where Sati’s toes and right foot fell. A well-known, newer temple, dedicated to the goddess Kali, is now situated there. Legend has it that a devotee’s eye was caught by a ray of light while passing the Bhagirathi river. Upon moving toward the light the devotee found a human toe carved in stone. After discovering this stone foot the devotee immediately began praying to the mother goddess.  The temple was originally a small hut, constructed in the early 16th century. It was founded by Chowringee Natha, son to the king of Bengal. Kalighat was lavishly reconstructed in 1809 by the Chowdhrys family, transforming it from a small hut to a beautiful site. The government of Bengal has taken a great interest in this temple, as it has become a main tourist attraction (kalighattemple.com).

The Sakta Pithas have not been well studied; perhaps this is because scholars in the past have regarded the myth and the tradition of the Pithas negatively instead of attempting to understand their complex origins. However, these sites attract many pilgrims from far and wide, and will continue to serve as an important place of worship for centuries to come.

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Courtright, Paul (2011) “Searching for Sati.” Studying Hinduism in Practice. edited by Hillary Rodrigues. P.37-45. London: Routledge.

Foulston, Lynn (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. London: Oxford University Press.

kalighat Kali Temple.” http://kalighattemple.com/legend.htm

Payne, Ernest (1997) The Saktas: The Introductive and Comparative Studies. New York: Dover Publications.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2007) Hinduism the Ebook: An Online Introduction. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books

Sircar,D.C. ( 2004) The Sakti Pithas. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass

The History of Kamakhya Temple Assam.” http://www.kamakhyadham.com/kamakhya-temple-history/

 

Related Topics For Further Investigation

Siva

Sakti

Saktism

Devi

Tantric

Rudra

yoga

Daksa-yajna-nasa

Puranas

Bhariva

Saivism

Kali

Durga

Pravati

Uma

Kumari

Gauri

Jainism

Buddhism

Kalika

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.rxiv.org/pdf/1503.0023v1.pdf

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shakti_Peetha

http://www.shaktipeethas.org/travel-guide/topic11.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaktism

 

Article written by Sydney Cleland (February 2016) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

 

Kanchipuram (City of a Thousand Temples)

The city of Kanchipuram is located in the state of Tamil Nadu on the banks of the Vegavathi River, thirty-one miles from the city of Madras (Schellinger 435). It is known as Siva Visnu Kanchi, or simply as Kanchi (Schellinger 435). In the Hindu culture, there are seven cities that are held as sacred, Kanchipuram being one of them. Although the city has earned the name “The City of a Thousand Temples,” it does not actually have a thousand temples located within the city. The city does however have a sizeable amount of religious sites and monuments that are used for worship. Centuries of Indian history can be seen when one travels to this holy city. Kanchipuram was established by the Pallava Dynasty and was named the capital of their empire (Schellinger 435).  After the reign of the Pallava Dynasty the history of this city is very vague. It was controlled by many other dynasties none of which lasted any substantial amount of years.

During the reign of Asoka (who was an adamant supporter of Buddhism and actively worked to spread the religion throughout India), the city fell under the control of his empire and had Buddhist stupas built within it. Records of various pilgrimages suggest that the Buddha himself may have visited Kanchipuram, which explains the flourishing of the Buddhist tradition within the city, however, there are many other reasons for the city’s popularity that are based on fact and not on religious speculation. The first king to rule over Kanchipuram was Sivaskandavarman, who ruled in the middle of the third century BCE (Schellinger 436). His status as the first king of Kanchipuram has been disputed, though there is a certain mythological story of how a man named Virakurcha married the daughter of a naga (a serpentine type creature) and became the first king of the Pallava Dynasty (Schellinger 435). This story is purely mythological but still raises the question about Sivaskandavarman really being the first king. During the Pallava Dynasty, temple building in India turned from using wood as a primary source for building temples, to stone, a material that is much stronger and adds greater strength to the structure – this is why the temples in Kanchipuram have withstood weathering for centuries (Schellinger 437). Education grew during the Pallava Dynasty, particularly in the religious studies of Buddhism and Hinduism; Kanchipuram now has several colleges affiliated with the University of Madras (Schellinger 438). Over the centuries temples dedicated to Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism have been constructed by the followers of these religions (Schellinger 436). The fame Kanchipuram has gained as a holy city is undoubtedly due to the fact that it has been the site for visits from great spiritual teachers and the many magnificent temples that have been constructed to various gods and goddesses. Another factor is the religious teachings and enhanced sense of spirituality that one gains from venturing into the city, which is a major factor in the pilgrimages that the people of India make to Kanchipuram.

Kanchipuram has some of India’s most beautiful temples; one such temple is the Kanchi Kailasanathar temple. The emperor Rajasimha of the Pallava Dynasty is credited with commissioning the temples’ construction from 685 to 705 CE and dedicating it to the God Siva (Hudson 50), although there are other gods for whom the temple is also dedicated. It is the oldest temple in Kanchipuram and is famous for its architecture. An example of the famed architecture is one of the depictions of the god Siva carved into the temple as a begging ascetic on the south wall (Hudson 51), other carvings accompany this one and tell various stories that relate to Siva. This great temple was built in the 8th century by the architect Rajasimha and his son Mehendra (Dobbie 111), and is surrounded by smaller shrines. It is dedicated to the gods Visnu, Siva, Devi, Surya, Ganapathi and Kartikey, and its name means “Lord of the Cosmic Mountain” (Narasimha 96).  Another temple situated in the northern part of Kanchipuram is Ekambareswarar, which is the largest temple in the city and one of the main tourist attractions. It is dedicated to the god Siva; the temple is one of five major monuments built specifically to worship the god, each temple representing a different element (Ninan 132).  The legend behind this temple and one of the main reasons for its popularity is the story of Parvati. The legend states that Parvati, who was a companion of Siva, was praying underneath the temple’s mango tree, In order to test her faith and dedication, Siva set her on fire. Even while on fire, Parvati continued to pray and passed Siva’s test. She then constructed a Siva Linga (a mark used to worship Siva) out of sand to unite herself with Siva and the god came to be known as Ekambareswarar or “Lord of the Mango Trees” (Ayyar 71-72). There are many other legends pertaining to how this temple became one of the most revered places to worship Siva and a place of peace and spirituality but this is just one such example.

The Vaikuntha Perumal is the second imperial city built by Nandivarman II Pallavamalla, who was one of the emperors of the Pallava Dynasty (Hudson 52). It has many architectural marvels such as the massive vimana or towered sanctuary that rises above the temple and is said to be the place that the god of the temple dwells (Hudson 52). This structure has carvings depicting the establishment and history of the Pallava Dynasty, from its founding to the construction of the Vaikuntha Perumal (Hudson 52). Inside, a huge carving of Visnu is depicted as a god king and is facing west. On the outside of the temple there are three other sculptures facing the remaining cardinal directions (Hudson 53).

Rituals and ceremonies are a part of daily life in Kanchipuram. Various temples, sometimes share the same rituals. For example, a ritual performed at the Ekamra temple is also performed at the Varadaraja temple. The ceremony features priests of the temple making offerings to Varadaraja five times a day (Hudson 58). Yet, before the offerings are made, the Brahmins (priests) must summon Visnu’s presence within the temple through the uttering of mantras (Hudson 58). This praying to Visnu essentially wakes up the god and sets into motion all other rituals that are to take place that day. Along with the daily rituals and ceremonies are festivals that take place throughout the year. Festivals are conducted according to solstices and equinoxes. They are timed to coordinate with a day in the life of a god, where the winter solstice is the sunrise and the summer solstice is the sunset (Hudson 60). The year is also divided into different sections of months in which various festivals are to be performed. The beginning of the year, January, is a time to be thankful for the sun and a time to renew friendships (Hudson 61). The end of a year is called Margali and is from December to January and is the time of the year for meditation at the temples of Kanchipuram and reflection on the new knowledge one has gained throughout the year (Hudson 62).

Kanchipuram silk weavers are credited with producing the finest saris not just in South East Asia but also in the entire world. One factor that sets Kanchi saris above other saris is the silk that these garments are made from. Hand-woven, they are designed for auspiciousness. This means that the saris are meant to bring good fortune and happiness to the women who wear them and is directly related to the auspiciousness of events and persons the wearer may encounter (Kawlra 62); this quality of the saris gives them a religious appeal to their buyers. Also considered a part of the stages of life for women, various designs and patterns of the cloth can indicate the women’s different statuses – for instance, whether or not they are married (Kwalra 62). The makers of the clothing are called Padma Saliyars, and along with being skillfully trained in the art of weaving, they also have to have great knowledge of auspiciousness and inauspiciousness. The weavers also conduct their lives and work with good practice so as to heighten their own auspiciousness and allow them to transfer this into their weaving (Kwalra 64). The weavers of raasi saris consult constellations in an effort to remain in accordance with the cosmos and avoid inauspiciousness. Failure to avoid weaving during certain times of the year is said to result in “bad luck” for anybody involved in its selling, weaving or even wearing (Kwalra 64). The shop that produces the saris is regarded as an auspicious shop and purchases made there have to follow an almost ritualistic transaction. This means that when a customer purchases from the shop the sari has to be exchanged in front of the shop deity and wrapped in white cloth to ensure purity and auspiciousness (Kwalra 65). This concept of auspiciousness is not a factual reason for the saris’ high value; a more concrete reason is likely the quality of the product and its importance in religious rituals and wedding ceremonies that take place within the city.

The city of Kanchipuram is undoubtedly one of the most beautiful and spiritual cities in India. Its history is permeated in mythology and mysticism and can inspire a sense of wonder in the visitor or researcher. The large number of temples offers an interesting view into the Hindu religion and its practices. They have been the sites of many pilgrimages for the ascetic traveler and the aspiring scholar. Famous religious figures have been said to have traveled to the city and worshipped there. This has added to the fame of Kanchipuram, as well as its revered status as a “sacred city.” Depictions of various gods and the beautiful architecture of the city shed light on a not-so-distant Hindu past that has influenced many religious followers. The rituals and ceremonies that are daily occurrences in Kanchipuram give the city a sacred appeal to the outsider. Along with a very prominent religious appeal, some of the residents profit from the production of the city’s famed saris and offer potential auspiciousness for the person that owns one. Kanchipuram will undoubtedly remain a place where worship and spiritual teaching of the Hindu religion can occur and will hold its place as one of the most sacred cities in India.
References and Further Recommended Reading

Ayyar P.V. Jagadisa (1993) South Indian Shrines: Illustrated. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services.

Dobbie, Aline (2006) India: The Elephants Blessing. Cambridgeshire: Melrose Book Press Limited.

Gopal, Madan (1990) India through the ages. K.S. Gautam, (ed). Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India.

Hudson, D. Dennis, and Stratton Hawley John (2010) Krishna’s Mandala: Bhagavata Religion and Beyond. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Kawlra, Aarti (2005) Kanchipuram Sari: Design for Auspiciousness. Massachusetts: The MIT Press.

Narasimha Rao, P.V.L (2008) Kanchipuram: Land of Legends, Saints and Temples. New Delhi: Readworthy Publications.

Ninan, M.M. (2008) The Development of Hinduism. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform.

Padman, Kaimal (2005) Learning to See the Goddess Once Again: Male and Female in Balance at the Kailāsanāth Temple in Kāñcīpuram. Oxford University Press

Schellinger, Paul E (1996) International dictionary of historic places: Asia and Oceania. Singapore: Toppan Co.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Siva

Visnu

Asurya

5 sacred cities

Tamil Nadu

Ascetics

Auspiciousness

Inauspiciousness

Naga

Dharma

Cosmos

Siva Linga

Buddhism

Jainism

Sari

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.kanchi.tn.nic.in/

http://www.sudarshansilk.com

http://www.kanchi-project.sai.uni-heidelberg.de/

http://www.kanchi.nic.in/temples.htm

http://www.kanchikamakshi.com/

http://www.transindiatravels.com/tamil-nadu/kanchipuram/tourist-places-to-visit-in-kanchipuram

 

Article Written By: Josh Prefontaine (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

Tirthas (Pilgrimage Sites)

The Vedic word tirtha, stemming from ter and tarate, means “ford, steps to a river, place of pilgrimage” (Saraswati 2). In time, the meaning of tirtha has spread to refer to all holy sites and items considered holy. To be considered a tirtha, there will likely be a special natural characteristic of the geography, it will be associated with deities, or it will have been a place where holy sages, yogis and rsis spent time. Thus, a tirtha can refer to a body of water, speech, ritual, trees, time periods, places gods inhabit, and many more important things considered holy by Hindu devotees. Bodies of water are especially considered holy; they represent purity, a characteristic considered essential to Hindu puja and yajna. In the Puranas, tirtha-yatra (pilgrimage) to these holy mountains and bodies of water have become very important to Hindus. Tirtha-yatra is considered action toward absolution of wrongdoing and an attempt to create merit through karma (action) (Saraswati 3). Through these definitions, it is clear that a tirtha can represent many things considered important to a Hindu devotee.

It is important to note that tirthas are often considered to have different levels of importance and, thus, unequal merit amounts. Since the Hindu tradition does not have one main holy site, certain places of pilgrimage have been ordered in importance by multiple sources, such as the Mahabharata or the Puranas. These rankings are based on beliefs that more important tirthas will lead a Hindu to a higher level of purity (Jacobsen 122 and Saraswati 6). Some sites, like the Ganga River, are even considered to erase sin or bad karma accumulated over the entirety of a lifetime. This near-hierarchical labeling is seen as important because Hindu devotees wish to visit the sites with the greatest dharmic benefit. Because many tirthas claim to offer higher redemption or purity, it is argued that Hindus will take the tirtha-yatra most beneficial to their dharmic journey (Jacobsen 124). Rating the various tirthas does not necessarily mean to show actual hierarchy of the most important sites. They do, however, highlight the most popular tirthas, showing their sociological and cultural significance to the Hindu tradition. Misrikh, for example, is considered by some to be one of the most important tirthas. The Mahatmyas say that all waters of every tirtha is present at Misrikh, so it is likened to being purified by all tirthas at once (Jacobsen 56). However, others may believe the Ganga river is more powerful in its purifying abilities.

Going on pilgrimage can be seen as a stronger and alternative form of worship to Hindu deities. Pilgrimage to a tirtha is often based on a physical, geographical site. These tirthas are often physical locations where Hindus believe gods and other important persons have come from, and thus are manifest. Historical religious relevance is the main reason for this tradition and it often leads to strong devotion. Several authorities on Hindu tirtha-yatra have classified and analysed present-day tirthas, and have come up with a useful system to observe which sites are considered sociologically, religiously and most culturally relevant to devotees of the tradition. Of the 142 tirthas studied, just under 60% were water associated [see Bhardwaj 87: referring to river banks, river sources, confluences of rivers or coasts]. This emphasizes the importance of proximity to running water as an important characteristic of a holy place in connection to the significance of ritual purity of the soul and a strong connection with bathing (Bhardwaj 88).

Hindu devotees and pilgrims bathe in the sacred waters at Pura Tirta Empul on the island of Bali (Tampaksiring, Bali, Indonesia)
Hindu devotees and pilgrims bathe in the sacred waters at Pura Tirta Empul on the island of Bali (Tampaksiring, Bali, Indonesia)

Tirtha-yatra is considered to be more challenging than visiting a local tirtha or temple, even though travelling methods and transportation have improved with new technology. Hindus believe that participating in a tirtha-yatra with long distances and difficulty allows the pilgrim to reap all the benefits the holy place may offer. Exposure to hardship and austerity are believed to enable the earning of merit and the removal in impurity (Nordin 414). This also influences rankings of the tirthas. The Brahma Purana states that the Ganga River is thought to have come from Visnu, the Saravati River stems from Brahma, and the Narmada River comes from Siva. Bathing in any of these rivers is believed to create huge amounts of merit and relieve the Hindu devotee of all sin (Saraswati 5). Yet a Hindu who lives close to the Ganga River does not have to make great effort to visit this site. Thus, it may be seen as more desirable to travel to a different tirtha that is further away. Simply visiting the Ganga would be easy for this Hindu and thus he may not gain the extra dharmic auspiciousness that tirtha-yatra claims to offer (Jacobsen 21). Anthropologist Victor Turner discusses tirtha-yatra as a spiritually transitional rite of passage for Hindus. Turner’s suggests that devotees psychologically and spiritually prime themselves and change during a tirtha-yatra. By embarking on a pilgrimage, a devotee enters a phase that can be considered a “liminal state” different from daily life. Turner claims that this liminal state allows the “liberation of human capacities of cognition, affect, [and] volition.” (Weber 527) Thus, when a pilgrim enters this “liminal state,” he is considered to be in a phase of fluctuation. Turner argues that this “liminal state” allows a pilgrim to cross over from his ordinary life and experience deeper spirituality and achieve holiness or purity. After ending the pilgrimage and exiting the “liminal stage,” the pilgrim is considered to have experienced “cultural creativity” and become something new.

Other important tirthas include mountains and forests. The Himalayas have become one of the supreme mountain tirthas. Sanctuaries like Badarinath, Kedarnath and Amarnath on the Himalayas are sought out by many of these pilgrims (Eck 335). They also involve a difficult journey, which is often associated with more merit. Forests, too, have come to represent some of the most symbolic tirthas: the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, two of the most important epics in Hinduism, have introduced the forests that heroes like Rama and the Pandavas were exiled to. Because these heroes are widely known in Hindu culture, forest tirtha-yatra is often pursued, especially by those in the vanaprastha and samnyasin stages of life when this activity is encouraged. Furthermore, certain religiously significant cities have become tirthas. Among them are Ayodhya, the capital of Rama; Varanasi, the city of Siva on the Ganga; and Dvaraka, the capital of Krshna within Western India (Eck 335). This sacred geography of India is extremely important to Hindu culture: through tirtha-yatra to these holy places, Hindus are able to physically engage in their religious history. [For more information on specific associations between Hindu gods and geography, see Eck 323-344].

While tirtha-yatra is often based on a geographically significant site, the intention is for a visitation to a tirtha to be considered a spiritual “crossing over” by the devotee: these holy places represent characteristics in the Mahabharata and the Puranas that are idealized in order to lead one to become a more dharmic being. It is suggested that Hindu devotees who bathe in earthly tirthas and spiritual tirthas receive “the supreme goal” of greater purity or even enlightenment (Eck 341). Thus, a Hindu devotee does not only physically engage in a tirtha: he aims to spiritually cross over samsara and illusion and draw himself closer to mukti through his pilgrimage.

The tirtha-yatra also functions to reconnect Hindu devotees to the greater tradition they are immersed in. The Mahabharata considers going on pilgrimage to be superior even to sacrifice (Bhardwaj 29). In the first and second dialogues in the Mahabharata over 330 places are mentioned as holy sites intended as tirtha-yatra. Furthermore, a clockwise tour of the India, starting at Pushkara and ending in Prayaga (modern Allahabad) is suggested in this text in order to fully experience the full religious journey (Bhardwaj 43). A long tirtha-yatra is also suggested to give a Hindu devotee a full idea of the vastness of India’s holy land and thus allow an essence of connection and uniformity between devotees. Attending Hindu festivals also allows a devotee to connect with his peers within the tradition. The Allahabad Kumbh Mela is one festival that occurs every twelve years and connects millions of devotees together, encouraging them to engage in tirtha-yatra. This festival stems from the sagar manthan (ocean-churning) story present in the Mahabharata, Ramayana, and several Puranas, and has become a part of orthodox Hindu tradition (MacLean 875).

Interaction between Hindu devotees and a tirtha is especially meaningful as it is one of the only forms of worship that allows the Hindu to interact with their religious traditions outside of gender and caste. Because pilgrimage can be less expensive than elaborate upper-varna rituals, tirthas are more accessible to lower varnas, untouchables, women, widows and those with illness. The village of Mehandipur near the capital of Rajasthan in India is a tirtha site known especially for attracting those with illness (Dwyer 5). Often these ill devotees have sought medical and traditional healing practices already. Thus, those at Mehandipur are often visiting as a last attempt to find healing, but also to erase bad karma. The hope is that the auspiciousness of the tirtha will lead to a supernatural cure (Dwyer 6). Generally, in India, mixing of caste is strictly taboo: it is believed to reduce purity of higher castes and thus interfere with important yajna rituals. For the lower varnas or the untouchable caste, social mobility is not possible (Bhardwaj 151). However, it is suggested that several sacred Hindu tirthas allow social and religious mobility: caste distinction fades away while on tirtha-yatra, especially in regards to necessities. For example, while on tirtha-yatra, food generally cannot be refused by anyone, even if it comes from a member of a lower caste. Food handling, an issue of purity that is usually regulated in the caste system, has its taboos erased and ends up providing a basis of equality for the lower castes, which, in the secular world is typically denied (Bhardwaj 151-152).

While visiting a tirtha, many Hindus participate in different puja or yajna practices in attempts to gain merit. Vows, prayers, holy baths, dana (gift giving), and other worship done at a household shrine is often acceptable (Saraswati 28). Furthermore, certain acts can be done by devotees at certain tirthas to gain that particular god’s attention. For example, worship to Siva can be done at the Ganga River, using the river’s water, milk, honey, or bhanga (Saraswati 29). Analysis on 142 tirthas shows that an estimated 36% of these holy sites focus on chief worship of Siva, while 29% focus on Visnu [see Bhardwaj 90: further breakdown and analysis]. Chief worship of deities is suggested to be a cause of attracting pilgrims to particular tirthas.

Because tirtha-yatra is not guaranteed to be a safe journey, ideas of “good death” are focused upon as further motivation for going on pilgrimage. Hindu pilgrims prepare themselves for possibly dangerous encounters. A pilgrimage may also be done to induce death, or commemorate a recent death (Nordin 403-404). The hardship and effort associated with tirtha-yatra, combined with the absolution of sin is believed to offer the assurance of a “good death” and thus a path to mukti (Nordin 408). The idea of a transfer of divine energy and removal of pollution or evil propagates the belief in supernatural deities capable of this (Nordin 414). “Good death” while on pilgrimage is believed to be a reward for a Hindu believer: 70% of pilgrims studied by Nordin believed death while on pilgrimage was auspicious and beneficial to the self (Nordin 418) and it is a common idea that this “good death” will put a devotee at the feet of Siva or Visnu (Nordin 420).

Some pilgrims desire these “good death” outcomes so greately that their deaths arguably verge on suicide. A portion of pilgrims put themselves in danger purposefully while at a tirtha and believe their fate will be decided by Siva (Nordin 425). Yet by placing themselves in physical illness or subjecting themselves to illness, their actions could be explained as actions toward suicide (atma hatya), which is believed to be a sin as explained through the Dharma Shastras and other Hindu dharma (Nordin 426). Furthermore, 61% of pilgrims studied by Nordin believed ritual suicide while on tirthayatra is a sin (Nordin 418). The difference between “good death” and the sin of suicide is thus very slight but simply perpetuated by hopes of the creation of good karma.

Works Referenced and Further Recommended Reading

Bhardwaj, Surinder Mohan (2003) Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers. p 29-152.

Dwyer, Graham (1998) “The Phenomenology of Supernatural Malaise: Attribution, Vulnerability and the Patterns of Affliction at a Hindu Pilgrimage Centre in Rajasthan.” Social Analysis: The International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice, Vol. 42, No. 2, p 5-6. Oxford: Berghahn Books.

Eck, Diana L. (1981) “India’s ‘Tirthas’: ‘Crossings’ in Sacred Geography.” History of Religions, Vol. 20, No. 4. p 323-344.

Ganguli, Kisari Mohan (trans.) (1896) The Mahabharata Book 13: Anusasana Parva. p. CIII. Calcutta: Bharata Press.

Jacobsen, Knut A. (2013) Pilgrimage in the Hindu Tradition: Salvific Space. New York: Routledge. p 21-124.

Lannoy, Richard (2000/2001) “Benares as Tirtha.” India International Centre Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 4. p 6-17. New Delhi: India International Centre.

MacLean, Kama (2003) “Making the Colonial State Work for You: The Modern Beginnings of the Ancient Kumbh Mela in Allahabad.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 62, No. 3. p 875. Ann Arbor: Association for Asian Studies.

Messerschmidt, Donald A. (1981) “Hindu Pilgrimage in the Nepal Himalayas.” Current Anthropology. Vol. 22, No. 5. p 571-572. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Morinis, Alan E. (1984) Pilgrimage in the Hindu Tradition: A Case Study of West Bengal. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Nordin, Andreas (2009) “Good-death Beliefs and Cognition in Himalayan Pilgrimage.” Method & Theory in the Study of Religion, Vol. 21, No. 4. p 403-426. Boston: BRILL.

Saraswati, Baidyanath (1985) Traditions of Tirthas in India: The anthropology of Hindu pilgrimage, Varanasi: NK Bose Memorial Foundation. p 2-29.

Weber, Donald (1995) “From Limen to Border: A Meditation on the Legacy of Victor Turner for American Cultural Studies.” American Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3. p 525-528. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Puja

Siva

Visnu

Good Death

Atma Hatya

Karma

Mukti/Mokti

Samsara

Dana

Household Shrines

Panentheism

Caste

Varna

Untouchables

Mahabharata

Dharma Shastras

Puranas

Atman

Rama

Varanasi

Vanaprastha

Samnyasin

Hardwar

Ganga River

Austerity

Auspiciousness

Mahatmyas

Merit

Rsi

Vedas

 

Related Websites

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/596892/tirtha

http://www.hinduism.co.za/tirtha.htm

http://www.tirthaguru.org/pilgrimage.htm

http://www.ometc.net/2010/02/what-is-the-meaning-of-tirtha.html

http://www.hindutirathyatra.com/

http://www.indianscriptures.com/vedic-lifestyle/beginners-guide/yatra-pilgrimage-in-hinduism

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/sacredscripts/hinduism/dharma/dharma_index.asp

http://larryavisbrown.homestead.com/files/xeno.mahabsynop.htm

 

Article written by: Kate Kovacs (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

 

 

Kailasa Mountain (Significance and Pilgrimage)

Mount Kailasa is believed by Hindus to be the home of Siva and his wife Parvati. The mountain of Hindu lore is believed to have a number of sacred properties. Kailasa is said to be at the center of six mountain ranges, forming a lotus, and it is also said to be the source of four sacred rivers flowing into India (Bernbaum 8). Siva, the destroyer deity in the Hindu pantheon, is believed to be the ultimate ascetic. He is believed to sit atop Mount Kailasa in meditation, which allows him to dissolve the world of illusion and to observe all that is happening in the world.

In the mountains of Tibet there is a mountain that has come to bear the name Kailasa. This mountain is sacred to all of the religions in the area: Hindu, Buddhism, Bon and Jainism (Huber 128). To Hindus, this mountain is the fabled Kailasa. While it is not at the center of six mountain ranges, it is indeed the source of four rivers which flow through India. Hindus also believe that, in addition to being the source of a tributary of the Ganges, the Karnali, Kailasa is also the heavenly source of the Ganges itself. They believe that after touching earth at Kailasa the Ganges invisibly travels 140 miles through the locks of Siva’s hair to the physical source of the river (Bernbaum 8).

The Tibetan mountain, which is near the borders of India and Nepal, is a site of remarkable beauty. At 6,714m (22,028ft) above sea level the mountain is not the tallest in the Himalayas, although the lack of significant peaks around it makes it appear loftier than it is. The base of the mountain is very square, with four steep cliffs rising from the ground. Above these cliffs, the rock begins to taper and the mountain is noticeably stratified, giving the impression of stairs to its peak.

At the southern foot of the mountain are two large lakes. The easternmost is Manasarovar, which is round in shape and contains ice cold fresh water (Johnson 41). Hindus consider the waters of Manasarovar to be nearly as holy as Mount Kailasa itself, and scriptures hold that Brahma, one of the Hindu gods, provided Manasarovar to a group of Siva worshipers so that they could perform their required ablutions (Johnson 42). It is believed by Hindus that bathing in Manasarovar will cleanse away a lifetime of bad karma, and completely immersing oneself in the icy cold waters will ensure rebirth as a god (Johnson 48).

West of Manasarovar is Rakshastal, a lake which Hindus hold in much lower esteem. Rakshastal is said to have been created by the demon King Ravana during his own worship of Siva. Rakshastal’s waters are salty and do not support either fish or plant life. Pilgrims worshiping at Manasarovar are instructed to give only a glance in veneration toward Rakshastal, as the dark forces of the lake are too powerful for those who linger (Johnson 41).

Between Manasarovar and Rakshastal is a narrow channel, said to have been tunnelled by a golden fish. This channel, known as Ganga Chu, ebbs and flows with the water level in the lakes, and for most of the last century has been dry. Tibetans believe this to be a bad omen, and that when the holy waters of Manasarovar flow through the Ganga Chu to purify Rakshastal, the world is in harmony (Johnson 41).

Pilgrimage to Kailasa was once an extraordinarily difficult venture for Indian Hindus, and it was considered the greatest pilgrimage that could be made (Bernbaum 12). While some extreme ascetics still opt to make the entire journey on foot, through several high Himalayan passes, it is now much more common for pilgrims to fly to Tibetan or Nepalese cities such as Kathmandu, and take vehicles to the Tibetan town of Darchen, before setting off on foot for the last leg of the journey (Johnson 22).

Once pilgrims reach the foot of Mount Kailasa, they must decide how they will perform their circumambulation. Hindus and Buddhists traditionally circle the mountain in a clockwise direction, setting off to the west from the mountains south face. Jains and Bon Po will instead travel in a counter clockwise direction. Even with direction dictated by faith, the pilgrim must determine if they are healthy enough to make the 52km (32mile) journey in one day or three, or if they wish to prolong the experience by prostrating themselves every step of the way. The prostration circumambulation takes at least four weeks to complete. Most pilgrims will make the journey in three days, opting to spend each night in one of the temples along the well established path (Huber 131).

Recently, the pilgrimage to Kailasa has been established as a tourist industry by the Tibetans. Many tourist packages are available online, even from North America, most costing approximately 150,000 rupees or $2200 USD. These trips which range from 3 days to a month, will often include transit to Darchen, rental of Yaks, and a guided trip around the mountain.

In addition to the spiritual significance for Hindus, Mount Kailasa is also sacred to Buddhists, Jains and Bon Po. While the Bon religion was founded in the vicinity of Kailasa itself, Buddhists believe a story which tells of a yogi, Milarepa, who flew to the summit of the mountain in a race with a Bon priest. This is believed to be how Buddhism became the dominant religion of Tibet. Jains believe that the founder of their religion, Rshabhadeva, attained Nirvana atop Kailasa (Bernbaum 11).

The mountain is arguably one of the holiest sites on the planet, held sacred by more than half a billion people, and revered for its beauty by anyone who witnesses it, especially during sunset. The mountain forms a powerful landscape, spiritually and physically, and sets forth upon India some of the holiest waters in the subcontinent.

Resources

Bernbaum, Edwin (1990) Sacred Mountains of the World. Hong Kong: Toppan Printing Company (HK) Ltd.

Huber, Toni (1999) Sacred Spaces and Powerful Places in Tibetan Culture: A Collection of Essays. New Delhi: Indraprastha Press.

Johnson, Russel and Kerry Moran (1989) The Sacred Mountain of Tibet: on Pilgrimage to Kailas. Rochester: Park Street Press

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Ganga/Ganges

Ganga Chu

Himalaya Mountains

Karnali

Manasarovar

Parvati

Pilgrimage

Rakshastal

Siva

Noteworthy Websites

http://www.sacred-destinations.com/tibet/mount-kailash

http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/mount_kailash

http://www.sacredsites.com/asia/tibet/mt_kailash.html

Article written by: Brandon Southgate (April 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.

The Sabarimalai Temple and Pilgrimage

Sabarimalai is a temple located in the mountains of South India, in the state of Kerala. It is dedicated to the deity Ayyappan, who is venerated widely throughout the South. Ayyappan is not mentioned in any of the puranic texts, and appears mostly in the myths and legends of Kerala. The first Sanskrit text to mention Ayyappan is the Bhutanathopakhyanam, which was written in the nineteenth century, and is the primary text of the cult (Sekar 15).

There are several differing stories of Sabarimalai’s origins, nearly all tied to Ayyappan. One such Ayyappan myth, of which there are many, it involves Ayyappan, although he is not yet revealed to be the deity, undertaking the impossible task of acquiring the milk of a tiger to save the life of the queen (Younger 18). When he succeeds, the king recognizes Ayyappan’s divinity and promises to build him a temple. Ayyappan shoots an arrow to indicate where the temple should be built, and it lands in the forest where Sabarimalai now stands. A separate story tells of how Parasurama, an avatara of Visnu, founded five shrines to Ayyappan (Sekar 19). The five shrines contain images of Ayyappan in several stages of life, the fourth of which is at Sabarimalai which depicts the deity in the forest dweller (vanaprastha) stage of life. The fifth shrine has not been found, but it is believed by devotees to be on the summit of a nearby mountain, depicting Ayyappan as a sannyasin.

As alluded to above, it is possible that the myths involving Ayyappan are of South Indian origin, and it may be the case that Vedic references are built on a standing definition. Some scholars argue that versions of the story which portray Ayyappan as the son of Siva and Mohini may be a more recent creation, reflecting the southward movement of the The Vedas (Younger 22 and Thomas 20).

Sabarimalai is open to pilgrims only during the festival season, which runs for fifty one days though December and part of January (Younger 17). The pilgrimage is noteworthy for its popularity, drawing approximately ten million pilgrims each year (Younger 23). This popularity is a relatively recent phenomenon, and while scholars are uncertain what caused the rise in pilgrims, having increased in the last fifty years (Younger 22-23).

The pilgrimage is important to the cultural identity of many South Indians, and the austere life lead by pilgrims is seen as similar to ancient forms of religious expression (Younger 18). Between forty five and sixty days prior to departing on the pilgrimage, pilgrims undertake numerous vows of austerity (Daniel 246-247). The list of injunctions is extensive and includes vows to refrain from intoxicating beverages, sexual activity, meat, eggs, and anger.

While Sabarimalai is important to the South Indian identity, it is by no means exclusive to those people. One of the most noteworthy aspects of the pilgrimage is its inclusiveness; the pilgrimage is open to all castes and faiths (Vaidyanathan 50). The tradition has loosely tied itself with both Islam and Buddhism. There is a mosque at Erumeli [the official starting place of the pilgrimage] dedicated to a figure named Vaver, who appears to provide assistance to Ayyappan in some stories (Thomas 14). Pilgrims are expected to circumambulate the mosque three times before visiting the temple to Ayyappan located in the same town. Some scholars have speculated at a possible link to Buddhism because Ayyappan is called simply ‘teacher’ by most pilgrims, which is one of the names of the Buddha (Younger 21). This universality of Sabarimalai is brought into question by its stance towards women.

No women of menstrual age are permitted on the pilgrimage (Younger 20). The reason typically given for this exclusion is that the pilgrimage is at essence a male initiation rite, testing the ability of a man to cope with the challenges of forest life. The exclusion of women is justified in the myth surrounding Ayyappan, who promises to wed the goddess Malikappurattamma the year that no pilgrims arrive to worship at Sabarimalai (Younger 20).. Malikappurattamma has a shrine on a nearby mountain, and during the festival her image is symbolically brought near Ayyappan’s shrine to witness the throngs of pilgrims standing between themIt is common for Hindu rituals and worship to be closed to menstruating women, but Sabarimalai’s exclusion of the entire age group is unusual and worthy of mention.

Despite the casteless nature of the pilgrimage, Ayyappan has historically been much more popular amongst the lower classes; Ayyappan is not worshipped as the chief deity in any Brahmin temples (Thomas 19). Some scholars credited the rise in the ritual’s popularity as stemming from anti-Brahmin sentiment; since the tradition is seen as natively South Indian, and the Brahmins are viewed as Northern migrants. This pilgrimage is seen by some as a way of asserting their independence from the caste system (Younger 23). Despite this undertone, the number of upper-caste pilgrims has increased steadily in recent years (Younger 24).

A shrine depicting the 18 holy steps marking the final ascent to the temple of Lord Ayyapan, the destination of the Sabaraimala pilgrimage in Kerala, India
A shrine depicting the 18 holy steps marking the final ascent to the temple of Lord Ayyapan, the destination of the Sabaraimala pilgrimage in Kerala, India

The pilgrimage begins with the vows of austerity mentioned above, which are taken in advance of the pilgrims departure. First time pilgrims are expected to find the participant in his region who has completed the pilgrimage the greatest number of times, and place himself under their care for the duration (Thomas 24-25). This senior pilgrim is to serve as a spiritual guide for the new devotee. This hierarchy is linguistically reinforced through the different modes of address used for pilgrims who have completed the pilgrimage more often. First and second time pilgrims are called kanni, those participating for a third time are called muthalperu, fourth are bharippu, and those on their fifth pilgrimage or more are addressed as ‘pazhama’ (Thomas 24).

When departing from their hometown, after an appropriate period of austerities, modern pilgrims have two options. The traditional method is to travel by foot to the town of Erumeli, stopping to worship at as many temples as possible along the way, and to begin the pilgrimage proper from there (Younger 19). For pilgrims looking for a less arduous journey, a road now extends to the town of Pampa at the foot of the mountain. Pilgrims are able to park their vehicles in Pampa and undertake a shorter eight kilometre trek up the mountain (Sekar 58). For pilgrims without their own means of transportation, the Kerala State Transport Corporation also runs a bus service to Pampa.

Along the route to the temple from Erumeli, pilgrims stop to hurl stones into a ravine, this is explained in a number of different ways. Some pilgrims understand it as symbolically throwing away a person’s sins, others as a reenactment of Ayyappan’s victory over the buffalo demoness Mahisi. Some scholars have also remarked on the similarity of this ritual to Muslim pilgrims stoning pillars in Mecca (Sekar 60). Pilgrims undertaking the last leg of the journey from Pampa first bathe in the river which the town is named for (Sekar 64). This bathing, as in one possible understanding of the ravine ritual, is intended to rid a person of their sins before proceeding to the temple.

After arriving at the temple, pilgrims smash ghee filled coconuts against the steps, before climbing those steps and entering into the temple itself (Younger 20). In the temple they witness priests pour ghee filled coconuts over the image of Ayyappan. Once the final act of the pilgrimage is complete, the pilgrims turn homewards, lingering only briefly once reaching the goal of their last several weeks (Younger 20).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Daniel, E. Valentine (1984) Fluid Signs: Being a Person the Tamil Way. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Osella, Filippo and Osella, Caroline (2003) ‘Ayyappan saranam’: masculinity and the Sabarimala pilgrimage in Kerala. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Vol. 9, 4. 729-756.

Sekar, Radhika (1992) The Sabarimala Pilgrimage & Ayyappan Cultus. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Srikant, C. V. Manoj (1998) Sabarimala: Its Timeless Message. Payyanur: Integral Books.

Thomas, P. T. (1973) Sabarimalai and Its Sastha. Madras: Diocesan Press.

Vaidyanathan, K. R. (1978) Pilgrimage to Sabari. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.

Younger, Paul (2002) Playing Host to Deity: Festival Religion in the South Indian Tradition. New York: Oxford University Press.

RELATED TOPICS FOR FURTHER INVESTIGATION

Ayyappan

Bhutanathopakhyanam

Caste

Dravidian

Kerala

Liminality

Mahisi

Mohini

Pampa

Parasurama

Sabari

Vaver

NOTEWORTHY WEBSITES RELATED TO THE TOPIC

http://www.ayyappan-ldc.com/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sabarimala

http://www.sabarimala.org/

http://plerinageayappa.blogspot.com/

http://www.saranamayyappa.org/index.asp

http://www.sabarimala.org.in/

Article written by: Brian Paulson (March 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.