Category Archives: a. Hindu Rites of Passage (Samskara)

a. Hindu Rites of Passage (Samskara), c. Hinduism in Indonesia

Balinese Hindu Childhood Rituals

Bali is an island located in Indonesia renowned for its beauty, vibrant culture and religious practices (Peacock 102). Hinduism is the most prominent of all the religions in Bali (Peacock 102).  Balinese Hinduism can be traced to its origin in mainland India (Peacock 102). However, the Balinese practice their faith in many ways unique from mainline Hinduism with sacred rituals and ceremonies distinct from all other Hindu sects (Howe 57). They have been able to preserve their unique cultural practices and traditions because they are isolated primarily in rural Bali, away from outside influences of Islam and the West (Peacock 102). Some of these distinctive religious practices are related to childhood rituals, as part of the Hindu life cycle (manusa yadnya) (Jenson 21). Additional rituals are observed beginning with the day of birth, centering around the separation and burial of the placenta (Jenson 21). This is followed by rituals at 7 days after birth, at one month, at one month and seven days, and at six months (Jenson 21). Many childhood Hindu rituals function as rites of passage such as the naming ceremony, puberty, birthdays, and tooth-filing (Howe 58).   The three rituals given prominence are the three-month ritual, the first birthday, and tooth-filing (Lansing 35 – 37). Since these three rituals mark significant rites of passage in the life of a Balinese Hindu, they will be the focus of this article.

The three-month ritual, known as the nyabutanor tiga bulan ceremony, is practiced to bring the infant into earthly human existence (Barth 39 Williams 254).  For the first one hundred and five days of an infant’s life, it is viewed as divine in nature, the incarnate form of one of the father’s ancestors re-born (Lim 1997, np). The infant is bathed twice a day; once in the morning and once in the evening (Jenson 65). Since the baby is considered to be divine, the bath water is deemed sacred (Lim 1997, np). During this period, the child is not allowed to touch the ground, to prevent ritual pollution (Barth 39). Families along with their extended relatives go to great lengths to prevent uncleanliness and ritual pollution, ensuring that the infant is carried everywhere for its first three months of life (Williams 253-254). The ritual contains broader elements beyond solely introducing the child into earthly life. The secondary purpose is transforming the baby’s spirit through taming and purification, while simultaneously ensuring health and strength (Lansing 35). Offerings are made to the Sun god and the five great elements, five spirits of the outer world, represented by earth, air, fire, water and ether witness the offerings and respect given to them through the child (Lansing 35).

The process of performing the three-month ritual is the responsibility of a religious leader, either a Brahmin priest or a ritual specialist, depending on the family’s income (Lansing 35). Wealthy families can afford a Brahmin priest, while others turn to a ritual specialist instead (Lansing 35). The ceremony typically takes place in the family temple and the infant is usually dressed in white and yellow (Williams 254). The priest begins by dedicating an offering to the sun god and the five elemental spirits, also commonly referred to as demons (Lansing 35). Symbolically, the child is composed of its own spirit, as well as the four sibling spirits, whose names change as the child grows into adulthood (Lansing, 35). These four sibling-spirits, guide and determine the infant’s fate as it grows into adulthood (Lansing 34).  In the next step of the process, the priest purifies the parents of the infant through prayers and the sprinkling of holy water (Lansing 36). Afterwards, the parents carry their baby clockwise around a jar of holy water three times to signify the life cycle (manusa yadnya) of birth, life, and death (Lansing 36). A representation of the infant is created using various kinds of fruit or vegetables, most commonly either a banana or a coconut (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). This effigy is blessed by the priest with holy water and for a time is treated as though it is the actual infant, whether by being placed in the cradle or near the built shrines, or treated as the child by the mother (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36). This effigy is later taken away and destroyed (Lansing 36, Williams 254). This is done to trick and mislead any malevolent demons, allowing the baby to grow up in peace (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36, Williams 254). Various forms of jewelry, such as an amulet filled with lucky stones, a piece of the infant’s umbilical cord, or in the past a tooth from a tiger, are blessed in holy water and placed on the infant for protection (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). The child is blessed with various kinds of holy water and given its first taste of food, typically rice or rice flour (Williams 254, Lim 1997, np). Finally, the mother walks with her baby across a drawing of the ultimate avatar, a turtle with the symbol for Om on its back and through some holy water, before placing the infant on the ground for the first time (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36).

Variations may be found in the execution of this ritual. Some sources mention the priest drawing the ultimate avatar with the symbol of Om on its back, while others did not. Additionally, the inclusion of the baby eating a first meal varies from text to text. Aspects that all sources include are the creation of an effigy, the purifying with holy water, and blessed jewelry being placed on the infant.  Lastly, there was disagreement on when the child first touches the ground, most sources saying during that it occurs during the nyabutan ceremony, while a few stated it occurred on the first birthday, oton.

The next major ritual in a child’s life is their first birthday known as oton (Howe 59). It is celebrated when the child is six months old or, more precisely, two-hundred and ten days old (Lansing 36). The ritual nyambutan, the three-month ritual, is repeated every six months until the child is six years old (Howe 59). Thereafter, the child is considered an autonomous human being, able to distinguish right from wrong and thus morally accountable for its actions, whereas before the child was criticized little, as it was still considered partially divine (Howe 59). These otons are repeated in order to cleanse the soul from a variety of ritually polluting sources with an offering known as bia kaon (Howe 59).

Though the oton ceremony very closely imitates the nyambutin ritual, there are many novel aspects (Lansing 36). In the child’s first oton, the infant is given its first hair cut and its first “real name” (Lansing 36-37). The child’s real name is given by the priest, who, through divination, chooses a name for the child (Lansing 37). There are numerous ways that a priest may divine the child’s name (Lansing 37).  In some cases, this divination is done by writing names on several pieces of a palm leaf, which are then set on fire (Lansing 37). Whichever leaf segment burns the least or takes the longest to burn is the child’s name (Lansing 37). Wealthy families may engage in more elaborate ceremonies (Lansing 37). For instance, a chicken may be introduced into the ritual that will symbolically remove all dirt and grime from the child’s mouth (Lansing 37).  Additionally, the jar introduced in the nyambutin ritual may reappear at which time the child may place a fish in the jar in return for a small article of gold jewelry (Lansing 37). Cakes are sometimes given to symbolize the quality of generosity (Lansing 37). It is also traditional in families that can afford it to hold a shadow puppet performance (Lansing 37).

The final primary childhood ritual is tooth-filing (metatah). It is traditionally done when a child, girl or boy, reaches sexual maturity (Lansing 37). The ritual does not have to be completed at the time of puberty, often being postponed until just before marriage (Boon 213). Most families postpone the ritual because it is very costly (Howe 59). Some Balinese Hindus may even postpone tooth-filing indefinitely (Boon 213).  However, very few forfeit the practice of tooth-filing (Fischer 1998, np). This could be in part because tooth-filing must be done before cremation, where people pay homage to their dead (Boon 213). More so than the other childhood rituals, tooth filing is symbolic of a family’s status because it is a very public display of extravagance in ceremonial dress, food and offerings (Howe 59). Delaying tooth-filing is seen as a sign of poverty (Howe 59).

The purpose of the tooth-filing ceremony is to symbolically remove physical signs of the child’s animalistic desires and pursuits, thus eradicating the primal vices in the child (Barth 39).  This ceremony frees the child from animalistic and selfish desires: greed, anger, selfishness, drunkenness, envy, and disobedience (Barth 39). These traits are weaknesses in Balinese character, and therefore are to be eliminated (Fischer 1998, np).  The filing of the tips of the incisors and canines is also considered a symbol of beauty, making one more attractive to the opposite sex (Lansing 37). The change in physical appearance also signifies the calm disposition of a person filled with integrity and responsibility, desired qualities in Balinese-Hindu culture (Fischer 1998, np). This ceremony is the most festive of all the childhood rituals, taking the most money, time, and preparation. There are two sections to the ceremony, the actual filing and the celebration that follows.

 The actual tooth-filing takes about an hour and is private with only a few familial witnesses. The family members help hold down the feet of the child, keeping them calmly in place. A piece of sugar cane is frequently used to keep the mouth open for the procedure. The three tools involved in the ceremony, the hammer, chisel, and file are each used for their specific purposes in removing the points from the incisors and the upper canines, six teeth in all (Fischer 1998, np, Lansing 37). The fragments of these teeth are placed in a coconut that will be buried later in proximity to the household shrine of the ancestors, as these fragments of teeth are seen as part of the ancestor reincarnated into the child (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998, np) This is also done to prevent the release of evil spirits which the teeth represent (Fischer 1998, np). The evil spirits are sadness (ripu), anger (krodha), greed (loba), conceit (mada), lust (kama), drunkenness(moha), and jealousy (matsarya) (Lansing 37).  The tooth-filing is done by a ritual specialist or a priest known as a sangging, meaning ‘painter’ or ‘sculptor’ (Lansing 37). The god of beauty, Snag Hyang Semara-Raith; male and female gods of love, which are treated as a single deity during the ceremony, are represented by a cloth which is placed on the lap of the child after the filing of the teeth (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998,np). This highlights physical beauty as a significant part of the tooth-filing (Lansing 37). After the ceremony, the whole family is cleansed and blessed with holy water by the priest (Lansing 37).

The second part of the ceremony is the celebration (Fischer 1998, np). The child is dressed in fine and elegant ceremonial dress (Lansing 37). The celebratory feast includes many invited guests, gifts, and copious amounts of food (Fischer 1998, np). In some instances, speeches are given to explain the significance of tooth-filing and shadow puppet displays entertain the guests (Fischer 1998, np). Many offerings of differing quantities and qualities are offered at the temples all day throughout the village by the family, villagers, and their guests (Howe 60). In the days following the ceremony, the child will receive visitors and open gifts (Fischer 1998, np).  During the last three days, the child will go to the priest and thank them for performing the ritual (Fischer 1998, np).  This time is seen as dangerous, because the child is still weak from the tooth-filing and is thus susceptible to bad spirits (Fischer 1998, np).

The Balinese Hindus are known for their unique and vibrant religious practices for good reason. Though this article reviewed only three of the major childhood rituals, there are many more to delve into, each with their own practices and purposes. The three-month rite introduces a previously regarded god-like infant into its earthly presence. The birthday ceremonies maintain ritual purity and spiritual protection over the child, until the child is realized as an autonomous individual no longer divine in nature, but morally responsible for their actions. The third significant ritual of the Hindu life cycle, manusa yadnya, is metatah, the expelling of one’s base characteristics and vices that accompany our animalistic nature, freeing a person to be a realized, calm, responsible, and wise individual, ready for the last manusa yadnya, marriage. Each of these rituals mark an important stage or transition in an individual’s life, as they grow in maturity, spirituality, and responsibility, preparing them for the final stage in the Hindu life cycle, cremation (ngaben) (Jenson 21). After reincarnation, the life cycle comes full circle, bringing one back to the Balinese childhood rituals all over again. 

Bibliography and Related Readings

Barth, Fredrik. 1993. Balinese Worlds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Belo, Jane. 1970. Traditional Balinese Culture: Essays. New York: Columbia University Press.

Boon, James A. 1977. The Anthropological Romance of Bali, 1597-1972: Dynamic Perspectives in Marriage and Caste, Politics, and Religion. Vol. 1. Cambridge;New York;: Cambridge University Press.

Fischer, Clare B, and Luh Estiti Andarawati. 1998. “Tooth-Filing in Bali: One Woman’s Experience.” Journal of Ritual Studies 12 (1): 39–46. http://search.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000919826&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

Geertz, Hildred. 2004. The Life of a Balinese Temple: Artistry, Imagination, and History

Peasant Village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Howe, Leo and MyiLibrary. 2005; 2006;. The Changing World of Bali: Religion, Society and Tourism. New York; Oxon;: Routledge.

Jensen, Gordon D. and Luh Ketut Suryani. 1992. The Balinese People: A Reinvestigation of Character. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press.

Lansing, John Stephen. 1995. The Balinese. Toronto; Fort Worth, Tex;: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Lim, Robin. 1997. “Growing Up in the Sea of Milk…Bali’s Ritual for Babies.” The Journal of Perinatal Education 6 (1) (Mar 31): 49-57. https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/docview/203562417?accountid=12063.

Peacock, James L. 1973. Indonesia: An Anthropological Perspective. Pacific Palisades, Calif: Goodyear Pub. Co.

Williams, Victoria and Inc ebrary. 2017; 2016;. Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: From Baby Showers to Funerals. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO.

Further Areas of Study:

Marriage

Ngaben

Manusa Yadnya

Separation and burial of placenta ritual

Seven-day ritual

One-month ritual

Month and seven-day ritual

Sibling spirits

Brahmin priests

Shadow puppet displays

bia kaon

Snag Hyang Semara-Raith

Related Articles for more info:

https://www.balispirit.com/community/ceremony-family

https://www.candidasanetwork.com/traditions-in-bali/childhood-ceremonies

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/18/world/asia/bali-indonesia-babies-nyambutin.html

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4757062/Indonesian-teenagers-teeth-filed-village-ritual.html

The secrets of Balinese parenting

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balinese_Hinduism

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Article written by Mackenzie Kure (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

Death rituals in Bali

            While many parts of the world might deem the death rituals carried out by the Balinese to be strange or unorthodox, these rituals are deeply rooted in the beliefs of Hinduism and play a central role in completing what is known as samsara, or the cycling of rebirth (see Hooykaas 22). In Hindu tradition, it is believed that the spirit of a deceased person, known as preta, becomes trapped in the realm of the living, roaming freely to haunt people until it is freed from this realm and allowed to enter the spirit realm (Hooykaas 22). In order to release the soul from the realm of the living so it may transcend to the spirit realm, certain rituals must be completed. Pitra Yadnya, or the rituals for the ancestors, are a common practice in Balinese tradition in order to allow the soul to transcend this reality (Hooykaas 22). In Balinese tradition, it is believed that once the spirit is liberated from the body through an elaborate series of rites, the soul then becomes fused with the collective ancestors who are worshipped in the village temples (Warren 43). Not only do the death rituals practiced in Bali serve to free the spirit from the body and allow it to pass into the ascendant realm, but they are also crucial as they protect the family and community from the dangers associated with the passage between realms (Warren 43). In comparison to Western death traditions, Balinese death rituals are more of a celebration of the rebirth of life rather than mourning for the loss of life, as a result of the contrast in beliefs of the Balinese.

            Pitra Yadnya, also known as ngaben, is comprised of many different elaborate rituals which contribute to the release of the soul from the living realm to the realm of the ancestors. Ngaben, referring to a cremation ritual, is considered to be the most critical death ritual in the Balinese tradition (Gupta 254). Before ngaben is performed, the corpse is washed, and the patulangun, a form of a cremation bier which typically depicts an animal, is prepared for the ceremony (Warren 44). Preparation for the ritual is often a community effort as the fellow people of the village often help to construct the bier and make a large number of ritual offerings required to prepare the spirit for its journey to the soul realm (Stephen 441). It is not uncommon for the body of the deceased to be buried for some time while the bier is prepared, and the family makes ritual offerings (Warren 44). Historically, burial before the cremation has been looked upon negatively as it has been associated with the lower classes as it is typically the result of not having the funds or resources to perform a quick ngaben; however, prior burial has become more positively accepted in Bali (Warren 44). This positive perspective on burial prior to ngaben could be the result of the belief that the deceased should be allowed to rest with the earth mother-goddess before the cremation; however, the body should not be left for more than a year (Warren 44). Once the family has accumulated the wealth and resources for the ritual, the ngaben can then begin.

A recently buried woman’s corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a Balinese village burial rite.

The family will then consult a brahmin, or Hindu priest, in order to select an auspicious day for the ngaben to occur on (Williams 2016). It is especially important to select an auspicious day for the ritual in order to help guide the spirit to the best rebirth possible (Stephen 427). Once the day of the ngaben has arrived, the family will go to the gravesite and perform a ritual known as ngawagen, meaning the awakening, in order to recall the spirit of the deceased person to inherit a symbolic body, known as the pangawak (Stephen 440). After the spirit has been recalled into the symbolic vessel, it is carried home where it is welcomed as though the deceased person has returned from a long absence, which is known as penyapa, meaning ‘greeting’ (Stephen 440). Relatives of the deceased then come to the house to make offerings of food and drink to the deceased (Stephen 440). In cases where the body is not buried prior to cremation, such as the body of a brahmin or the body of someone from a wealthy family, the ritual of ngawagen is omitted (Stephen 440). Instead, the ritual begins with recalling the soul from the pura dalem, meaning the village temple associated with the spirits of the dead, to re-inhabit the body for the ritual (Stephen 440). From this point forth, the only difference between the ritual procession for an immediate cremation and one for a person who had been buried already is the presence of a physical body in the immediate cremation instead of the use of a symbolic body.

After the spirit has been recalled, the bier and tower in which the corpse is to be carried to the cemetery are placed on the main road in front of the house (Stephen 442). The body is then washed with holy water and decorated with jewelry and flowers before being wrapped in white cloth by male relatives and placed in a plain wooden box (Stephen 442). The box containing the body is then placed in the bier with other rituals objects which symbolize the different aspects of the spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical aspects of the deceased (Stephen 443). A ritual known as ngaskara is then performed in order to reunite the body and the spirit of the deceased individual, which is believed to bring the person back to life for a brief period (Stephen 443). This is symbolized by the pedanda, or priest, lighting a lamp at the conclusion of the ngaskara ritual to show that the deceased has come to life again (Stephen 443). During this ritual, the gamelan orchestra provides musical entertainment for those present (Bakan 1999:9). Once the lamp is lit, the family will wait in anticipation for the lamp to go out, symbolizing that the soul has departed on its journey to the spirit realm (Stephen 443). Once the spirit has begun its journey to the spirit realm, it is time for the body to begin its journey to the cemetery.

The tower holding the corpse is carried to the cemetery for cremation in this royal funerary rite in Bali, Indonesia.

The procession to the cemetery is known as pengutangan, in which multiple strong men carry the tower and animal sarcophagus through the town to the cemetery for cremation (Stephen 443). This event is known to be quite public and particularly energetic (Stephen 443). The gamelan orchestra is once again providing entertainment, this time playing rousing music to keep the mood of the ceremony upbeat (Bakan 1999:11). Throughout the procession to the cemetery, the men carrying the tower are frequently spinning the sarcophagus, which is suspected of confusing the evil residents of the lower realm so that they may not drag the soul of the deceased down with them (Stephen 444). In order to prevent the body from falling out of the casket, a family member typically rides atop of the tower as well (Stephen 444). Once the corpse arrives at the cemetery, the coverings are cut open to reveal the face, and the body is washed with copious amounts of holy water (Stephen 444). The body is then wrapped in many layers of fresh cloth, and the symbols of the deceased physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional aspects are placed in the casket with the body, and the funeral pyre is lit beneath the sarcophagus (Stephen 444). While the corpse burns, the gamelan orchestra plays the beleganjur, which is a Balinese battle song believed to ward off evil spirits and help guide the soul to the spirit realm (See Bakan 2011 for more) (Bakan 1999:71). While the cremation has now taken place, this does not mark the conclusion of ngaben.

The corpse is set ablaze in this public royal cremation in Bali, Indonesia.

Once the fire has burned down, the ashes are collected, and any remaining bones or pieces of symbolic items are ground up into a fine paste (Stephen 445). More offerings of food are then made to the departed before the ashes are carried to the ocean for the ritual of nganyut, meaning to cast away into water (Stephen 445). The ashes of the deceased are then cast into the ocean so that they may become one with the elements once again (Stephen 445). Once the family returns to the village, two final rituals are completed to close ngaben. The first is known as mapegat, which is a ceremony where the family severs their ties to the deceased (Stephen 445). The second is called caru, which is a ritual in which the area used for ngaben is cleansed in order to eliminate any negative forces (Stephen 445). At the conclusion of ngaben, the family will continue to make ritual sacrifices in order to regain their ritual purity as death within the family is considered to be ritually polluting (Hooykaas 22).

After having analyzed the Balinese death rituals, it can be seen that there are some differences present between Balinese rituals and orthodox Hindu traditions. One difference between Hindu death practices and Balinese death practices is that if the cremation cannot be performed within two days of death in Hindu traditions, the body may be placed on ice (Gupta 254). In contrast, it is common practice to bury the body for some time in Balinese traditions (Warren 44). Another difference between the Hindu traditions and Balinese is that in Hindu traditions the family is not supposed to severe ties with the deceased until one year has passed, as it is believed that after one year the soul has moved on into another form (Gupta 256). In contrast, the Balinese severe ties at the closing of ngaben in the ritual known as mapegat (Stephen 445). While some differences may be present between the Balinese and Hindu death rituals, both have a powerful influence on Hindu traditions and culture.

In Hindu cultures, the colour white is closely associated with death (Gupta 256). As a result, it is common practice to wrap the body in white cloth, and newly widowed women are expected to wear white clothing during the period of mourning (Gupta 258). Widowed women are also expected to wear a white sari, no makeup, and no jewelry for the remainder of their life to symbolize their mourning (Gupta 258). This understanding can also explain why it is considered to be inappropriate to present a newly wedded couple with an article of white clothing as a gift, as this is seen as an inauspicious action (Gupta 256). In Hindu culture, regular offerings are also made to the deceased person to soothe the soul, which is especially important if the cremation ritual cannot be performed immediately (Warren 43). These offerings to the soul, as well as the gifts presented to the mourning family by other members of the community, highlight the high level of interdependence present in Hindu culture and the secure connections between the living and the dead (Warren 46). Death rituals in Hindu tradition also serve as a way of remembering the deceased, as tradition mandates that any negative feelings towards the person will be disregarded after their passing as the deceased is to be valued no matter what (Gupta 256). In summary, the death rituals practiced in both Balinese tradition and other Hindu traditions are an essential part of the completion of samsara, which is a central value in Hinduism as it shapes many of their beliefs and aspects of their culture (Stephen 427).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bakan, Michael B. (1999) Music of Death and New Creation: Experiences in the World of Balinese Gamelan Beleganjur. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bakan, Michael B. (2011) “Preventive Care for the Dead: Music, Community, and the Protection of Souls in Balinese Cremation Ceremonies.” In The Oxford Handbook of Medical Ethnomusicology,Edited by Benjamin D. Koen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, Rashmi (2011) “Death Beliefs and Practices from an Asian Indian American Hindu Perspective.” Death Studies 35:244-266. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1080/07481187.2010.518420

Hooykaas, Christiaan (1973) Religion in Bali. Leiden: Brill.

Stephen, Michele (2010) “The yogic art of dying, Kundalinī yoga, and the Balinese ‘pitra yadnya’.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 166:426-474.

Warren Carol (1993) “Disrupted death ceremonies: popular culture and the ethnography of Bali.” Oceania 64:36-56. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1993.tb02446.x

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Samsara

Gamelan orchestra

Pancha Mahabhutas

Preta

Pitr

Pitr-loka

Beleganjur

Patulangun

Dewi Pertiwi

Lembu

Wadah

Pitra Yadnya

Pengutangan

Ngaskara

Pura dalem

Ngawagen

Pangawak

Penyapa

Nganyut

Mapegat

Caru

Hindu wedding rituals

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngaben

https://theculturetrip.com/asia/indonesia/articles/a-festive-cremation-balis-ngaben-and-the-celebration-of-death/

http://factsanddetails.com/indonesia/Minorities_and_Regions/sub6_3h/entry-4025.html

https://www.frazerconsultants.com/2017/05/cultural-spotlight-balinese-funeral-traditions/

https://www.funeralguide.co.uk/blog/death-around-the-world-bali

Article written by: Kieran Meadows (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

BALINESE DEATH RITUALS

            Ngaben, also known as pitra yadnya and pelebon, which translates to “turn to ashes,” is a cremation ceremony practiced on the island of Bali in Indonesia. The ceremony is not a mourning ceremony because the dead are not viewed as deceased; instead it is believed that they are asleep and will be reincarnated (Williams 193). Death rituals are central events in the village community and family that often go on for years, from burial to the final “purification” of the deceased. As of recently rituals are usually collective and condensed in order to save expenses, which are extensive, with over a hundred corpses being cremated at the same time (Hobart 2014, np). Because of the economic costs of the rituals, some families bury the deceased while they wait to gain the economic stability to perform the ritual. However, families should not wait longer than a year to perform the ritual (Williams 194). A Brahmin must decide the most auspicious day for the event to take place. The family of the deceased will make a coffin that will be used to transport the corpse, as well as a replica coffin. These replicas are contemporary vehicles for the dead and can take the form of lions, winged elephant fish or bulls (Hobart 2014, np). The replicas are made out of bamboo, wood and paper.

The night before the ceremony a large wooden drum, a kul-kul, is struck to inform people that they should assemble at the house of the deceased (Williams 194). The ceremony begins with the descendants performing a small rite at the household gate, requesting the spirit to leave. If the body was buried and unearthed, it is vital that the remaining bones, corpse or effigy of it is arranged in a special pavilion in the household. Two temporary bamboo altars, which are dedicated to Surya and Brahma are set up next to the pavilion. The corpse is washed and cleansed to ensure the deceased will be reincarnated in an intact and beautiful body. The accompanying mantra ngereka is recited by a Brahmin to reinforce the act of washing and rejecting any separation of body and mind. An anthropomorphic figure made of Chinese coins is laid to the side or on top of the body or its substitute to ensure that the bones are well proportioned. A vessel of palm leaves with a banana sprout is placed nearby to symbolize the concept of rebirth. A magical cloth, known as a kudrang, with sacred syllables is laid over the body so the deceased is appropriately clothed for their journey to the afterlife. After the cleansing rite a coconut-oil lamp is hung in front of the entrance of the house and is lit every night to show the roaming spirit its home and to beckon it onwards (Hobart 2014, np).

The actual cremation takes place in the graveyard and requires one or more Brahmin to make holy water (Hobart 2014, np). The deceased is transferred to the replica coffin while the Brahmin recites prayers and mantras(Williams 195). During cremation, the visible body and the social role grafted on it are disintegrated by the fire sacrifice, and it is believed that the bodies five primary elements water, earth, fire, wind and space are returned to mother Earth, Ibu Pertiwi. The ashes of the body remains are subsequently collected and stored in a coconut shell, and typically 12 days later they are brought to the river or sea, which is considered sacred, and released into the water (Williams 195). This final step of the ritual is the final form of purification of the soul.

Ngaben rituals differ from different regions and communities in Bali, however there are a lot of similarities. In some communities burying the dead is sometimes interpreted as “impure.” However, in other regions it is also believed that the body should not be cremated too early or else the soul will feel the burning of the flames. It is widely believed that upper varnas frequently die before their time because they practiced cremation without prior burial (Warren 44). In the past it is believed that all but priests and kings were buried initially, however according to the Parisada Hindu Dharma, the faster the process, the better, so the idea of immediate cremation was made preferable as times changed (Warren 45). Some traditionalists still believe that it is important to return to the Ibu Pertiwi before being cremated. It is also widely believed that Brahmins must never be buried and should be cremated immediately. This immediate cremation practice is because it is believed that Brahmins have already died once upon their entry into priesthood; this process is known as mati raga (Warren 44). 

Drawatik (185-188) studied the Pacung village in Bali. The Pacung villagers carry out a primary burial, mepegat, followed by the secondary symbolic burial ritual, metuun. The primary burial is carried out directly after death, and the second ceremony is conducted 42 days after the first one. In Pacung, if someone dies during the day, the corpse should be buried before the sun sets and if they die during the night, the community should wait for the following day. The mepegat ceremony does not have to be carried out on an auspicious day as is done in other communities. In the event that the relatives live far away and cannot reach their home village within a day, the corpse cannot be kept at home for more than three days. For the actual burial, a bamboo litter is made, on which the corpse is placed for the mepegat ceremony. The goal of this ceremony is to cut off the relationship between the deceased and their relatives. This separation is symbolized by white strings of cotton that are cut through by using a small piece of resin that has been set on fire. The dead person is provided by the relatives with 11 Chinese coins symbolizing the means of payment for the piece of ground in which the corpse will rest. On top of the corpse the relatives put personal belongings of the deceased as a token of their affection. The corpse is laid out with the head pointed to the north-east and the feet to the south-west. A male corpse is arranged with the face downward and a female corpse with the face upward. Such positions refer to the belief that the male symbolizes the sky and the female symbolizes the earth. The difference in the orientation of the corpse at Pacung to those in the other regions possibly relates to the Sambu sect. In the Sambu sect, death is associated with the north-east where the God Sambu, who is identical to death, resides. Eleven days after the burial ceremony a permanent grave made of cement is built to avoid a possible further digging up of the ground for another burial. The metuun ceremony is a kind of second burial ritual in which the soul of the deceased is invoked to return because it needs to be purified before returning to embang, the eternal world where the souls of those who are dead reside. In case the family needs more time, than the advised 42 days, to accumulate wealth for the ceremony, they are given one year to conduct a ceremony and the date is set by the village. If they are still unable to perform the ceremony after this year, it is the village’s obligation to do so. At the beginning of the ritual Bhatara Ratu Gede Dalem is asked to grant holy water, tirta, so that the deceased’s soul can be purified. A small manikin, jejeneng, which symbolises the deceased, is ritually cleansed and then dressed in white at a site dedicated to the dead, merajapati. The soul of the deceased is then called to enter the jejeneng, which is  carried home and put on the bed of the deceased where a purification ritual is carried out.

A newly-buried corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a village ceremony in Bali.

Stephen (441-444) discusses her first hand experience of the nine important rituals she witnessed during a Ngaben in 2008. The first step, mandak ke pura dalem, occurred at eight thirty in the morning, with the family going to the Pura Dalem, the temple of death, to collect the spirit of the deceased. The second ritual, melaspas petualangan, occurs around an hour afterwards. The Brahmin prepares holy water, while the casket and the replica are placed in the main road. The men, who were preparing to carry the casket, prayed in front of the Brahmin and received the holy water when it was ready. Mandusan, the third step which is performed by a Brahmin, is the cleansing and decorating of the corpse. The body is cleaned with holy water, finger and toenails are cleaned, hair is washed, oiled, scented and combed. The body is then decorated with jewelry and flowers, while members of the family then place money and gifts on the body. The body is then wrapped in a white cloth and placed in a plain wooden box. Natab, ngaskara, pemerasan was the fourth step. The plain wooden box was decorated with ritual objects symbolizing different components of physical, mental, emotional and spiritual aspects of the deceased. Ngaskara was performed by a pedanda buda, with the goal of the ritual to reunite the body and soul of the deceased. It was believed that the deceased was brought back to life for a few minutes and this was symbolized by the lighting of a lamp. When the soul of the deceased had reached the other world, the lamp would go out. Ngaskarahad the pedanda make holy water while the gamelan orchestra played various songs; there was a wayang lemah, a shadow puppet performance, and topeng, masked dances. Pemerasanwas a prayer between the grandchildren or descendants that took place while waiting for the spirit to depart. The fifth step, kesetra/pengutangan, which took place at two in the afternoon. This step is the most available to public scrutiny as it is the carrying of the deceased and replica to the cemetery. The gamelan orchestra continues to play music while there are many offerings of meat required to prevent the chthonic forces from ruining the parade. The men carrying the casket and replica are in such a trance that it is believed they are possessed by these forces and are being pushed, shoved and twirled by them. Once at the cemetery the sixth step, ngenargiang tirta ring setra, takes place. The corpse is placed in the animal shaped replica with the coverings cut open to reveal the face of the deceased. The body is treated with more holy water and the vessels used to pour the holy water must be broken immediately after use. The body is then covered with more layers of new cloth. Finally the piranti, the various symbols of the physical and spiritual components of the deceased that were placed on the body, are put underneath the replica. The eldest son of the deceased then lights the funeral pyre. After the cremation fire burned down the seventh step took place, nuduk galih lan ngreka. The remaining bone fragments were retrieved from the ashes and arranged in the form of a human body. Some of the bone is then grounded up into a paste inside of a special earthenware container. The paste is then placed in a container referred to as a suku tunggal. Stephen (445) discusses the penultimate step known as pamraline and the final step, nganyut. Pamraline begins with the pedanda buda beginning his ritual to make more holy water. When ready, the holy water is sprinkled on the paste inside of the suku tunggal, which is held by a female relative. The suku tunggal is then circumambulated three times in a clockwise direction around a pile of offerings and the temporary altar dedicated to Surya. The procession then proceeds to the mrajapati temple where the family placed food on dapdap leaves, offering it to the departing spirit. Nganyut takes place at the sea, where the suku tunggal, along with the ashes, are cast into the ocean. Two final rituals take place at the village, mapegat whichcuts ties with the deceased, and caru which cleanses the area used during ngaben to rid them of negative forces.

Public Cremation in Bali

The fate of the soul is symbolically tied to the fate of the body (Warren 43). Death rituals affect the transformation and placement of the soul, and the protection of the family and community from the dangers associated with its passage. In Balinese death rituals the elaborate set of rites that are performed break the soul from its material bonds and allows it to become fused with the ancient ancestors worshipped in temples and houses. The essence of the soul is then reincarnated back into its own community and descent group (Warren 43).

References and recommended readings

Drawatik, Marini (2008) “The Burial System at Pacung.” Burials, Texts and Rituals Göttinger Beiträge Zur Ethnologie, 185-188.

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese temple: artistry, imagination and history in a peasant village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Hobart, Angela(2014) “Retrieving the Tragic Dead in Bali,” Indonesia & the Malay World. Vol. 42 Issue 124, 307-336.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Toronto and Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Stephen, Michele (2010)  “The Yogic Art of Dying, Kundalinī Yoga, and the Balinese “pitra Yadnya”.” Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 441-445.Brill.

Warren, Carol (1993) Disrupted death ceremonies: Popular culture and the ethnography of bali. Sydney: Oceania.

Williams, Victoria (2016) Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: from Baby Showers to Funerals [3 Volumes], 193-196. Westport.

Related topics

Antyesti

Indian Ngaben

Pitru Paksha

Raj Ghat

Rasam Pagri

Zoroastrian Funerals

Websites

www.baligoldentour.com/ngaben.php

www.scattering-ashes.co.uk/different-cultures/balinese-ceremony-ngaben/.

https://latitudes.nu/%E2%80%9Cngaben%E2%80%9D-the-balinese-cremation-ceremony-of-the-empress-of-ubud/

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2396549/Sixty-bodies-burned-mass-cremation-Bali.html

Article written by: Michael McTighe (February 2020) who is solely responsible for this content

a. Hindu Rites of Passage (Samskara)

Indian Hindu Childhood Rituals

The Indian Hindu childhood rituals are a set of rites of passage that children in the Hindu religion must experience through their adolescent years. There are a total of four rituals intended for the early years of a person’s life called samskaras, from the smrticandrika section of the Devanabhatta (Michaels 14). The four rites of passage for children are jatakarma (the birth ritual),namakarana (name-giving ceremony), niskramana (the first outing), and annaprasana (where the child is given their first solid food) (Michaels 6). Samskaras are intended for the all-round development of a person, and they give people the ability to face life. Each ritual is performed at a different stage in the child’s life, and they lead them towards a better, healthier way of life (Prasoon 20).

Samskaras, or rites de passage, as coined by Arnold van Gennep in 1909, are universally observed ceremonies to ritually identify changes in life (Michaels 1). Samskaras were shaped during the Vedic period, starting around 500 BCE, where they were formed from the concept of diksa. Diksa was then more of a ritual preparation for the instructor of the sacrifice than a life-cycle ritual, but the two eventually formed into samskaras. The link between life cycle rituals and the social status of individuals brought about the basis of the Hindu caste system (Michaels 5). The Hindu tradition recognizes up to forty samskaras (along with the four childhood samskaras), and sixteen of those have achieved almost a canonical status in the religion, as they are found in the nibhanhas (Michaels 4). It is in the grhyasutras that the detailed descriptions of the main bodily samskaras may be found. The dharmasastras list the samskaras of right conduct (acara) focusing more on marriage and initiation. The four main childhood samskaras can be found in the smrticandrika section of the Devanabhatta (Michaels 4). 

Samskaras are equal parts physical, spiritual and psychological for an individual, and they help an individual achieve perfection in purifying ideas and actions. The main goal of practicing samskaras is to achieve inner purification, the cultivation of higher thoughts and doing greater deeds for the betterment of all (Prasoon 21). The practice of these rites of passage creates an environment of physical, spiritual and psychological balance, parallel to the laws of nature (Prasoon 20). Similar to reconciliation in Christianity, samskaras rid the body of sins, dirt, faults, and deformities, in turn allowing that individual to achieve spirituality (Prasoon 21). However, samskaras are not solely meant for the lives of the religious, but are essential for life in general, as these rituals have scientific aspects to them (Prasoon 23). They have more in depth psychological aspects and are deeply related to our unknown self. Without these qualities within the individual, they become lifeless skeletons which lack the flow of life that makes a man human and different from animals and beasts (Prasoon 23).

Before one can practice a rite of passage, there are preliminaries that must be established before an individual or group can proceed with the ritual. One shared aspect in all samskaras is that one has to feed brahmanas learned in the Vedas (Kane 212). Every rite begins with a cleanse (acamana) by the performer as well as breathing exercises (pranayama), then references to the place (desa), time (kala) and the ritual which they are performing (samkalpa) are made.  In all auspicious rites, the individual must take a bath, tie his topknot, and use a place on the ground which is lined with coloured materials. Two auspicious jars (kalasas) are filled with water and placed on this piece of ground with pots covering the openings (Kane 212). All items necessary for the ritual are then placed north of this piece of ground, and two low wooden stools are placed west of the area (Kane 213). The performer sits on one stool facing east, with his wife to the right of him and a son, if included in the ritual, next to his wife. All Samskaras and other auspicious rites are performed at designated auspicious times only, unless the ritual is to be performed on a fixed day (Kane 213).

Prasoon states that the best samskaras should be given during childhood, as children are very impressionable and whatever is imprinted in their mind remains forever (2009). This gives the samskaras the power to distinguish between good and bad for the individual (Prasoon 71). Kane also states that the samskaras from jatakarma to cudakarma were only to be performed for twice born males (1941). The first samskara performed is the jatakarman (birth ritual) (Michaels 8). This consists of cutting the umbilical cord of the infant, feeding honey (medhajanana), and blessing the child (asusya) and the mother (matrabhimantrana), or touching the shoulders of the child (amsabhimarsana). Eleven days after this ritual is performed and the tension of the childbirth is over, the namakarana (name-giving) ritual is performed (Michaels 8). The name of the child is astrologically determined and whispered by the house priest into the left ear of the child. This name is mostly kept secret and only used for ritual purposes. The third samskara is the niskramana (the first outing) (Michaels 8). This ritual is performed on an auspicious day within the first 3 months of the child’s life. The child is taken out of the house and shown to the sun (adityadarsana), and this marks the end of the impure period. After six months, the last childhood ritual, annaprasana, is performed. This ritual consists of giving the child its first solid food; usually a sweet rice preparation (Michaels 8). By accomplishing these rituals, the accumulated taints due to seed, blood and womb are removed from the child and purity arises within. These samskaras have been treated as necessary for unfolding the capacities of development and inner change within humans (Kane 192).

To this day, almost all traditional Hindu families observe at least three samskaras (initiation, marriage, and death ritual). Most other rituals have fallen out of practice and thought, and are either hardly ever performed, or have been drastically shortened (Michaels 2). For the first of the three major samskaras still practiced, the males participate in the Sacred Thread Ceremony (upanayana) as their initiation into the vedas (Michaels 9). In this ceremony, the boy is given the holy cord and is then taught the gayatri hymn by the priest. Through this process, the males are ritually born into the vedas, and become known as ‘twice born’ (Michaels 9). For the women, their initiation ceremony is the wedding (vivaha, panigrahana) (Michaels 10). The parents of the woman select (gunapariksa) the bridegroom for their daughter. During the marriage procession (vadhugrhagamana), the bestowal of the bride to the groom by her father (kanyadana) takes place, as well as the exchange of garlands between the bride and groom, and the lighting and circumambulation of the sacred fire (agnipradaksina, parikramana, parinayana). For the grhyasutras, a man becomes complete and fit to sacrifice when he is married (Michaels 10). The final major ritual that is still practiced today is the death ritual (antyesti) (Michaels 11). This ritual can also be seen as the third birth, as it is the ritual that takes the deceased and leads them from the underworld to heaven, alongside the other ancestors. Through this ritual, the body is wrapped and brought to the place of cremation. The eldest son or other male relative lights the pyre alongside the priest, then the ashes are usually thrown into a river (Michaels 11).

There are numerous benefits from samskaras. The greatest gifts from performing these rituals are mental and physical health, and enabling individuals to concentrate and to work harder and more effectively (Prasoon 64). Another benefit is the individual receives necessary oxygen and energy for their body through the performance of these rituals. It can rejuvenate and revitalize the soul as well as refine and all-round better an individual’s life (Prasoon 64). It frees people from the poisons of life and leaves them with a feeling of accomplishment and satisfaction (Prasoon 65). One can only receive the best if they do their best, and this is the mentality of the Hindu religion regarding samskaras, making them a vital part of a person’s life (Prasoon 65). Childhood rituals in particular are essential for the growth and prosperity of an individual, as it establishes a sense of what is expected of them in life and how to become an outstanding individual in their religion.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Kane, Pandurang Vaman (1941) History of Dharmasastra Vol II Part I. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

Michaels, Axel (2017) “Rites of Passage” In The Oxford History of Hinduism: Hindu Law: A New History of Dharmaśāstra. Edited by Patrick Olivelle and Ronald R. Davis.Oxford Scholarship Online: Oxford University Press.

Michaels, Axel (2017) “Ritual” In The Oxford History of Hinduism: Hindu Law: A New History of Dharmaśāstra. Edited by Patrick Olivelle and Ronald R. Davis. Oxford Scholarship Online: Oxford University Press.

Prasoon, Shrikant (2009) 16 Hindu Samskaras. New Delhi: Pustak Mahal.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Devanabhatta

Diksa

Grhyasutras

Gayatri hymn

Jatakarma

Namakarana

Niskramana

Annaprasana

Upanayana

Vivaha

Panigrahana

Antyesti

Vratabandhana

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samskara_(Indian_philosophy)

http://sivanandaonline.org/public_html/?cmd=displaysection&section_id=871

https://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/hinduism/ritesrituals/baby.shtml

https://www.hindujagruti.org/hinduism/knowledge/article/why-are-specific-sanskars-performed-after-birth-of-a-child.html

https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195399318/obo-9780195399318-0215.xml

Article written by: Meghan Tkachuk (Spring 2020) who is entirely responsible for this content.

1. Investiture with the Sacred Thread (Upanayana)

The Upanayana Rite

One of the most imperative components of the Hindu religion are the rites that believers take part in. The upanayana rite is fulfilled in a young man’s life around the age of puberty (Pandey 112). The upanayana, otherwise known as the sacred thread ceremony, entails presenting the young man with a sacred thread initiating him into society, and symbolizing the transfer of spiritual knowledge. This rite of passage, or samskara, as it is known in Hinduism, is one of about forty rites that are to be completed by individual Hindus. Samskaras began around the Vedic period and there are various motives to fulfill them, including popularity or cultural motives (Pandey 25). In Hinduism, the total number of rites suggested to be completed is very high, so quite often only the most popular sixteen are accomplished in one’s lifetime (Pandey 23). The upanayana rite is acknowledged as one of the most important rites in Hinduism. The significance of this rite can be observed as mainly a social transformation into adult society (Smith 65). This rite marks a rebirth of those classified as a twice-born, or dvija, in Hindu society (Pandey 112). The ceremony of receiving the sacred thread is a distinguishing act, as it gives entrance to the study of the Vedas, under supervision of a teacher (guru) (Smith 65).

A considerable number of people in the Hindu population are capable of completing samskaras, but distinct portions are denied. The Brahmin, Ksatriya, and Vaisya classes are the three highest ranked classes in Hindu society, and therefore are allowed the privilege of completing the upanayana rite, along with numerous other rites (Smith 65). There is a belief in Hinduism that all people are born in the Sudra class, and remain there until they complete the samskaras that are appropriate based on a person’s gender, age, and other qualifications (Olson 153). The two classes excluded from the initiation are the Sudras and the Untouchables, as they are not considered worthy of such a ceremony by Hindu standards (Orenstein 11). For the upanayana rite, there are also certain ages at which the rite should be performed. For Brahmins, the suggested age is eight, for Ksatriyas the age is eleven, and it is twelve for the Vaisyas (Smith 68). Scholars have also noted that the initiation tends to be performed at various times of the year depending on the seasons. The upanayana rite tends to be performed more often in the spring for the Brahmins, the summer for the Ksatriyas and the autumn for the Vaisyas (Smith 69). Each season is a representation of the nature and professions of the various classes, which hints towards the power they hold to auspiciousness (Pandey 127). Hindus take auspiciousness very seriously, and like any major rite performed, the most auspicious time of the year for each class was taken into consideration before the rite could be fulfilled (Pandey 127). While the class distinctions are necessary for deciding whether or not a person is to be denied completing this samskara, there is also the issue of gender. The Upanayana rite is exclusively for males, and often, the equivalent ceremony for females is the marriage rite, or vivaha (Pandey 158).

Traditionally, the day before the initiation tended to be reserved for trying to appease certain auspicious deities and gods. The young men have their bodies smeared with yellow substance that may be representative or symbolic of the Sudra class that everyone initially is born into in Hindu society (Olson 153). That evening, the individual is also ordered to stay silent for the entire night. The morning of the ceremony, the young man and mother eat a final meal together (Pandey 128). Throughout this meal, the child is fed as he rests on his mother’s lap, and this represents the last meal to be had by the hand of his mother. This symbolizes the entry into the student stage of life, where the mother and son would be separated for a length of time (Pandey 129). The last meal had by the hand of his mother is said to be symbolic of the child’s original birth and embryonic state, as he is entering the world through a second birth (Olson 154). Following the meal, the young men was to have his head shaved, as well as take part in a ceremonious bath; bathing in Hinduism is a spiritually purifying act that is fundamental to samskaras (Pandey 129).

The next important detail for the upanayana rite was ensuring the young men had the proper clothes and accessories for the ceremony. They were offered an “upper garment (uttariya), a lower garment (vasa), a girdle (mekhald), [and] a staff (danda)…” (Smith 70). Based on early literature, it is known that deerskin (a type of ajina) was initially utilized as the piece for the upper garment. Since the textile revolution, it has been more common to use a cotton cloth in the ceremony. Both the upper garment and the girdle were made of different materials for the various classes. The Brahmins quite often wore girdles made of Munja grass, the Ksatriyas wore girdles made of bow string, and the Vaisya of wool. While these materials may be used for the ceremony, soon after it is usually exchanged for a cotton girdle (Pandey 130-131). The girdle is representative of the upper three classes being dvijas, and allowed to participate in the rite (158 upanayana). The girdle is also meant to be a symbol of protection, strength and could be distinguished as symbolic of the student who is “reborn” (Smith 71).

The final and arguably most essential piece to the upanayana ceremony was the sacred thread. This sacred thread (yajnapavita) is often made of different materials depending on which class the young man belonged to. Quite often the yajnapavita was to be cotton for the Brahmins, hemp for the Ksatriyas, and wool for the Vaisyas (Prasad 115). There could also be variation in the colour of the thread worn by each class. Sometimes it was seen that the Brahmins wore white, Ksatriyas wore red and the Vaisyas wore yellow (Pandey 132). The young man wears the sacred thread over his right shoulder when presented it during the ceremony (Prasad 115).

During the ceremony the guru recites the Savitri mantra, which is in Gayatri verse to the new student (Olson 154). Following the learning of the Gayatri mantra, the individual has his first kindling of the sacred fire. This worship of the sacred fire begins at the upanayana and continues throughout the individual’s lifetime (Pandey 138). The fire lit at the rite was not to be put out at the end of the ceremony, but maintained through the marriage ceremony and further becoming the householder fire for the remainder of the young man’s life (Smith 81). Finally, when the young man is ready to begin his life in the student stage, he dawns his new ascetic clothing, staff and accessories (Olson 159). In doing so, he is informing everyone that he is ready to live the full adult life, and ready to be taught from the wisdom of the Vedas. Initially, the key rationale for undertaking the upanayana rite was for educational purposes. Sources concur that many young men completed the rite when they wanted to approach a guru for higher education. In more recent times, the rite has evolved to become more of a religious achievement rather than an educational one (Pandey 116).

Not participating in this rite entails the probable excommunication from the group, as well as exclusion from the opportunities and advantages that are offered upon completion of the upanayana rite (Pandey 112). Without the fulfillment of the rite, one is also denied the privilege of marrying an Aryan girl after reaching that stage of life. Not only are those who do not complete the upanayana rite excluded from society, there are also other negative implications, such as being detested by fellow Aryans (Olson 157).

The upanayana rite marks the end of one era, and the beginning of another. Gone is the childhood of a boy and replacing it is the future of a man, as well as preparation for a time as a student. The union between the teacher (guru) and the student upon entrance into this stage of life is marked by prayer, as well as the touching of the heart. This emphasizes the sacred relationship between student and teacher, and also the harmony required for the relationship (Pandey 136). While the upanayana rite can be considered symbolic in many ways, in Hinduism, the belief is that the boy is truly awakened into a man upon completion of the ceremony (Olson 162). Symbolism is a major part of Hindu beliefs and there is no shortage in the upanayana rite. During the initiation, the girdle represents chastity and obedience, as the young man is about to embark on a journey of education (Olson 158).

As one of the sixteen most commonly performed samskaras, the upanayana is one of a sequence of initiations ensuring the student is eligible to receive Vedic education (Smith 77). The upanayana rite is an important ceremony for Hindu tradition as it initiates study of the Vedas, participation in adult society, as well as the daily fire kindling sacrifice. In the past, this sacrament has been highly influential and significant in Hindu religion, and remains so to this day.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Olson, Carl (1977) “The Existence, Social, and Cosmic Significance of the Upanayana Rite.” Numen, XXIV (August), 152-160. Brill Publishing.

Orenstein, Henry (1965) “The Structure of Hindu Caste Values: A Preliminary Study of Hierarchy and Ritual Defilement.” Numen, IV (January), 1-15. Brill Publishing.

Pandey, Rajbali (1969) Hindu Samskaras: Socio-religious study of the Hindu Sacraments. Delhi: Molital Banarsidass Publishers.

 Prasad, Ramacandra C. (1997) “Upanayana.” The Upanayana: The Hindu Ceremonies of the Sacred Thread. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Smith, Brian K. (1986) “Ritual, Knowledge, and Being: Initiation and Veda Study in Ancient India.” Numen, XXXIII (June), 65-89. Brill Publishing.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Samskaras

Brahmin

Dvijas

Varnas

Diksa

Rite of Passage

Initiation

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic:

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/618595/upanayana

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Upanayana

http://www.talktalk.co.uk/reference/encyclopaedia/hutchinson/m0099099.html

http://hinduonline.co/HinduCulture/Upanayana.html

http://www.sanskrit.org/www/Hindu%20Primer/samskaras.html

http://www.sanathanadharma.com/samskaras/edu1.htm

 

Article written by: Michelle Osborne (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

2. Marriage (Vivaha), f. Marriage and Pativrata

Women and Marriage in Hinduism

Throughout Hindu history there has been a noticeable inequality of the sexes; when considering how ancient the Hindu tradition is, it is only recently that reforms have been made in order to accommodate women as more equal to their male counterparts. One major area of life that has been under reformation when taking into account inequality is the marriage ceremony and life as a married woman. It was not until the passing of the Special Marriage Act in 1954 that there were any reforms to family law in Hindu society (Agnes 91). Before these reforms to Hindu law, women were typically treated as if they were a form of “property” that were owned by their fathers up until their marriage; after marriage the responsibility for such “property” was passed from a woman’s father to her husband (Agnes 11). Manu (the quintessential giver of Hindu law) stated that women “should never be free” in their lifetime, for a woman should be dependent on her father, then her husband, and then her sons as she progresses throughout her lifetime (Agnes 11). Although there have been recent reforms to Hindu law in regards to equality, the genders are still not considered as equals.

For women in the Hindu tradition, marriage is their rite of passage and their official entry into religious life and it can be likened to the upanayana ceremony for males (Rodrigues 135). It has been viewed as a religious ceremony throughout all of Hindu history, dating back to the Vedas (Mitter 208). It was (and still is) a woman’s duty to marry and produce offspring, most notably a male heir; thus we can conclude that the majority of women who entered into marriage had experienced puberty, for it was their responsibility to produce children soon after marriage (Mitter 195-198). Although it was not uncommon for girls to be married before experiencing puberty (infant marriages), most textual sources show that the majority of ancient marriages were between a couple who were of appropriate age to bear children (Mitter 198). Infant marriages were looked upon with disfavour as the union of two immature children rarely resulted in favourable conditions for either the husband or the wife. It was customary for a girl to end her education when she entered into marriage; although this was not always the case, it had the potential to create uneducated women in Hindu society (Chandra 17). Eventually the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929 and the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 were passed which both outlawed the practice of child marriage and required that the potential husband and wife both be of sufficient age (Sarkar 107).

Entering into a Hindu marriage in ancient times took place in one of eight forms as described by Manu in the Smritis; Brahma, Daiva, Arsha, Prajapatya, Asura, Gandharva, Rakshasa, and Paisacha. Of these eight forms, only the first four are considered as appropriate for a Brahmin, whereas the last four are considered as inappropriate practices (Mitter 210). While all of these forms are still seen in Hindu life today, there are two forms that are the most prevalent today: the Brahma and the Asura marriages. All of these forms of marriage can be (and most often are) arranged by the fathers of the bride and groom. Arranged marriage holds for nearly all marriages in earlier times and is still very prevalent among Hindus today. Marriages in Hindu society are not taken lightly, for they are about more than just bringing together a man and a woman; Hindu marriages are considered links between family lineages and can even enhance a family’s jati (Rodrigues 138). The linking of family lineages is why careful consideration is taken with regards as to who is compatible and who is not. Although the “love-marriage” is becoming more popular in Hindu society, the traditional arranged marriage rarely takes into account the opinions of the woman or the man (Gupta 92). The European and Western ideal of a marriage, which is termed a “love-marriage”, is one in which there is an independent decision by two people to marry based on common feelings of romantic love (Gupta 83). Although the practice of the “love-marriage” is the norm in western countries, it is viewed as somewhat unacceptable for Hindu society; “love-marriages” may disregard all formal practice of arranged marriages and the linking of family lineages which are characteristically so important to ancient Hindu tradition.

Another custom found in Hindu history is polygamy, the practice of having more than one wife. Polygamy was prevalent in the Vedic period, even though it was looked upon with disapproval (Mitter 207). In ancient Hindu society, polygamy was customary among the upper classes of Hindus; the higher a Hindu male’s rank in society was an indication they were “allowed” more wives than a Hindu male of lower social rank (Gupta 35). On the other hand, while polygamy was widely prevalent, polyandry (the practice of more than one husband) was considered malevolence (Gupta 36). The most extreme case of polygamy in Hindu history was among the Kulin Brahmins of Bengal; it is recorded that thirty-three Kulin Brahmins were married to two thousand and fifty-one women (Basu 9). Wives in such polygamous marriages did not receive the same amount of love and devotion that a monogamous marriage had to offer and they neither held the same social status that a woman in a monogamous marriage would have. A wife in a polygamous marriage lived in their parent’s household instead of their husband’s, for their husband was always travelling from one wife to the next (Basu 10). The enactment of the Hindu Marriage Act in 1955 made it illegal to practice polygamy and polyandry in Hindu society.

Since Hindu marriages undergo such careful consideration and planning between the families that are about to be joined, there were no methods for terminating such a union through divorce (Gupta 67). Hindu marriages were considered to be permanent and anyone who did divorce their significant other was viewed as being unrespectable; divorce in Hindu society was viewed as the ultimate tragedy in a married household (Gupta 68). More recent reforms in Hindu law have since accepted that some marriages are not meant to work, and divorce is now a more common occurrence among the Hindu community than it had previously been. Although divorce is now allowed among Hindus, it is somewhat difficult to obtain grounds for a divorce as it is still viewed as being moderately disgraceful (Gupta 73).

It was not until the passing of the Special Marriage act in 1954 that there was an attempt to address some of the problems associated with marriage and family law in Hindu society (Agnes 95-96). Although this act did not fully take into account the problem of gender inequality, it was the first significant step toward the future creation of a unified policy for marriage and divorce that had the ability to protect the rights of women (Agnes 96-97). Under the Special Marriage Act, divorce was only attainable by mutual consent thus making the Act a minor step forward in creating the grounds for a future comprehensive code for obtaining divorce (Agnes 96-97). Consent between concerned parties was a major stipulation of the Special Marriage Act; divorce was only possible if both parties were mutually agreeable to such an occurrence (Agnes 97). Without such consent, divorce was not possible. Since this act only addressed family laws, another act was instituted to address the problems of gender inequalities in Hindu society: the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955.

The Hindu Marriage act of 1955 deemed spouses as equals in a monogamous relationship and stated they had equal rights and responsibilities to each other (Agnes 83). When the Hindu Marriage Act was first passed in 1955, it did not address divorce. It was not until major amendments were made to the Hindu Marriage Act in 1976 that divorce by mutual consent was granted (Agnes 97). Although the amendments allowed for couples to obtain grounds for divorce under the Hindu Marriage Act, cruelty was not seen as a viable reason for divorce, which is seen as one of the fundamental problems of the act (Sarkar 107).

The future of Hindu marriage and gender equality is unclear; while there have been major breakthroughs in law and reform for gender equality, it is difficult to predict whether Hindu society will continue moving towards equality between the genders. Marriage is still viewed as a very traditional and religious aspect of Hindu life as it was in ancient times. New reforms to Hindu laws and traditions have outlawed certain practices like polygamy and polyandry and have allowed for other practices such as divorce. While it is difficult to say where Hindu marriage is to go from here, one can definitely say that it has come a long way from its ancient roots.

Bibliography

Agnes, Flavia (1999) Law and Gender Inequality: The Politics and Women’s Rights in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Basu, Monmayee (2001) Hindu Women and Marriage Law: From Sacrament to Contract. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Chandra, Sudhir (1998) Enslaved Daughters: Colonialism, Law and Women’s Rights. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, A.R. (1982) Women in Hindu Society: A Study of Tradition and Transition. New Delhi: Jyotsna Prakashan.

Mitter, Dwarka Nath (1913) The Position of Women in Hindu Law. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2005) Hinduism: The eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics; Online Books, Ltd.

Sarkar, Lotika (1999) “Reform of Hindu Marriage and Succession Laws: Still the Unequal Sex.” In From Independence Towards Freedom: Indian Women Since 1947, edited by Bharati Ray and Aparna Basu, 100-119. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Related Readings

Hindu divorce

Hindu Marriage Act

Child marriages

Polygamy and polyandry

Gender inequality

Brahma marriage

Daiva marriage

Arsha marriage

Prajapatya marriage

Asura marriage

Gandharva marriage

Rakshasa marriage

Paisacha marriage

Pativrata

Related Websites

http://www.vivaaha.org/

http://www.expressindia.com/

http://www.sudhirlaw.com/

http://www.vakilno1.com/

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/

Written by Jerri-Lynn Winters (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

2. Marriage (Vivaha)

The Marriage (Vivaha) Samskara

Introduction:

Vivaha refers to marriage within the Hindu tradition. Because of the great importance attached to married couples and their roles within society, vivaha is considered the most important samskara (life cycle rite) undertaken by individuals (Harman 126). Marriage and the ensuing ghrastha (householder) stage is deemed crucial within Hindu society for a variety of reasons. During their marriage the couple is expected to cultivate three of the four goals of life. The first goal is dharma (duty), and is achieved through their joint performance of sacrificial offerings to the gods. The art of love, pleasure, and fulfillment of sexual desire is known as kama and facilitates procreation. This enables the couple to repay their debt to the ancestors. Finally, as householders they participate in the greater social order by pursuing artha (the pursuit of wealth and material possessions) (Sharma 75).

Importance & Symbolism of Marriage:

In many ways, marriage symbolizes the beginning of social life for both women and men. For women, it also enables their participation in religious matters. The vivaha samskara is akin to the upanayana (sacred thread) ceremony undergone by males during the sisya (student) stage (Harman 131-132). Thus, after marriage, a woman may fulfill her religious duties. The importance of marriage for women is paralleled in Hindu literature. Unmarried goddesses are often portrayed as dangerous and uncontrollable (as in the case of Mariyamman – the fever goddess), reinforcing beliefs surrounding the inauspiciousness of unmarried, divorced, or widowed women [See Harman (1989) for an interesting analysis of the symbolism and role of marriage within Hindu religious mythology]. Comparatively, in the epic, Ramayana, the hero Rama and his wife Sita represent an idealization of marriage that is upheld for Hindu couples to aspire to (Sharma 72).

Marriage is of near equal importance for men. Within the social realm, vivaha is especially important for males of lower class varnas. It may be one of the few samskaras performed for lower class males or combined with several other life cycle rites to reduce the associated costs. With few exceptions, males cannot perform sacrificial offerings without a wife and marriage is seen as necessary to live in accordance with dharma (Harman 128-132; Sharma 75). This importance is likewise symbolized within Hindu religious mythology and unmarried gods may be depicted as powerless. For example, in one of the representations, the god Siva is a corpse until his marriage to Sakti animates him (Harman 9). Hence, vivaha serves both religious and societal functions within Hinduism that are mirrored within the religious literature itself.

Betrothal:

In India, arranged marriages are still the norm (Harman 126). Within the upper varnas (classes), it is traditionally the bride’s family who initiates the search for an appropriate partner. Interclass marriage (unions between different varnas) is generally not tolerated. However, hypergamy, or marrying up for women within one’s own varna is usually the goal of the bride’s family (Sharma 73; Fowler 54). The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 made dowry (payment to the groom’s family by the bride’s family) illegal in India. Nevertheless, expensive gifts or other financial arrangements are still made (Fowler 54). Polygamy and caste restrictions in India were also abolished by the Hindu Marriage Act, along with child marriages and restrictions on divorce [See Sharma (1985) for a more detailed discussion of the Hindu Marriage Act]. Despite these legal amendments, many of these traditions are still observed in rural areas (Fowler 54).

Parental consent to marriage is important within Hindu society as marriage links not only individuals, but lineages as well (Harman 126). There are eight types of marriages recognized within the influential Dharma Sastras: brahma, daiva, arsa, prajapatya, asura, gandharva, raksasa, and paisaca. The first four are arranged with the approval of the bride’s family and are considered the most desirable (Harman 13). To illustrate, the marriage category of brahma is an arrangement where a father gives his daughter to a man who has studied the sacred literature. Typically, this type of marriage is the most highly regarded and would be preferable for individuals within the brahmana (priestly) class [See Harman (1989) and Rodrigues (2006) for further details pertaining to marriage types]. Within the remaining four types where consent is not always issued, raksasa refers to the abduction of a bride against her will and is considered suitable for ksatriyas (warrior classes), whereas gandharva describes a love match between the bride and groom and is generally thought to be inauspicious (Harman 13).

Auspiciousness is of great concern in Hindu society and marriages are no exception. Before a marriage can be arranged, the families involved must consult the astrological charts of both the bride and groom to determine the auspiciousness of the match, as well as to determine the best time for the ceremony to take place (Sharma 73). Great care is taken in determining auspiciousness and a union considered inauspicious is abandoned (Rodrigues 81). Once a suitable partner and time is found, preparations can be made for the ceremony itself.

Ceremony & Associated Rituals:

Weddings are lavish affairs, meant to display the families’ social status within the community (Harman 127). The rituals associated with vivaha may carry on as long as twelve days, however, the wedding ceremony alone generally lasts only a few hours and traditionally should be performed at night. A great canopy is set up where the rituals and ceremony will take place and the canopy is elaborately decorated with lights and other ornaments (Fowler 52-4). Weddings are considered a time of great ritual purity. Persons deemed inauspicious or polluted (such as widows) are forbidden to attend. During this time the bride and groom are treated as if they were deities and are thought to be living embodiments of gods and goddesses. Their status is elevated to such a point it is said the couple receives the right of way over individuals who normally carry a higher status than themselves (Harman 128-31). The bride and groom are ritually bathed and anointed with oils. The bride will be dressed in her finest jewels and sari and will have her hands and feet colored with henna. A brahmin priest is contracted to preside over the rituals (Fowler 55-6).

The actual wedding ceremony varies considerably from place to place, however, Sharma (1985) outlines six rites commonly observed. The first is madhuparka in which the groom and his party arrive at the bride’s house, traditionally on horseback. They are received by the bride’s family and the groom is honored as a deity. The second element is that of kanyadana. This is where the father gives his daughter to the groom and the couple lights a fire in the sacrificial pit. During panigrahana, the groom takes the bride by the hand and presents her with a mangalasutra, or pendant, that is tied around her neck (73-5). [Rodrigues (2006) describes this pendant to be similar in nature to the yajnopavita (sacred thread) that is given to twice born males at their upanayana ceremony].

Following the ritual of panigrahana, the bride steps on the north stone by the sacrificial fire. This is known as asmarohana and symbolizes the couple’s strength against their enemies. During asmorahana, the bride throws three oblations of rice into the fire (lajahoma). The final rite during the wedding ceremony is considered the most important and is what legally seals the marriage. Referred to as saptapadi, the bride and groom circle the sacred fire seven times with corners of their garments tied together. Also known as the seven steps, each step symbolizes a different aspect of the marriage such as friendship, wealth, and fertility. By taking the seventh and final step, the marriage is made official. After completion of the ceremonies, there is typically a celebration held that includes dancing, singing, and feasting. Varagrhaprasthana marks the bride’s departure from her family’s home to her husband’s, where she will remain during the course of her marriage under her in-laws care. Consummation of the marriage does not take place until 3 days after the marriage ceremony and is known as caturthikarma (Sharma 73-5).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Fowler, Jeaneane (1997) Hinduism: Beliefs and practices. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press.

Harman, William P (1989) Sacred Marriage of a Hindu Goddess. Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary P (2006) Introducing Hinduism. New York: Routledge.

Sharma, Arvind (1985) Marriage in the Hindu religious tradition. Journal of Ecumenical Studies: 22(1): 69-80.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Asramas

Auspiciousness / inauspiciousness

Deities & marriage

Divorce

Dowry Traditions

Ekapatnivrati

Grhastha

Mariyamman

The Marriage Act

Pativrata

Polygamy

Rama & Sita

Same-sex marriage

Samskaras

Siva & Sakti

Widowhood

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.bangalinet.com/bengali_marriage.htm

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/h_marriage.asp

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_wedding

http://www.hinduism.co.za/marriage.htm

http://hinduism.about.com/od/matrimonial1/a/wedding_rituals.htm

http://www.vivaaha.org/newpage3.htm

Article written by: Katherine Mitchell (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice)

Death and Cremation

Cremation in Hinduism is classified as the last samskara (life cycle rites); the last ritual to perform that concludes a life. Cremation is considered a samskara because it is changing the state of the person from one realm to another; it is viewed as a medium between life and the ancestral realm (pitr-loka). There are many different frameworks as to how the cremation ritual is completed, yet the outcome is always the same. Cremation is an important aspect of Hinduism because it is freeing the spirit from the current world. Sacrifices, transformations, and the knowledge of how to perform the ritual surrounding the cremation are all aspects of this particular samskara.

Knipe, as quoted in Richard Davis’ Cremation and Liberation: The Revision Of A Hindu Ritual states, “ With few exceptions, the Hindu rites at the time of death and the procedures for cremation (antyesti) are fairly uniform throughout the regions of India…This conformity in ritual across vedic, epic, pursnic, and agamic periods, and on into modern practice, is remarkable”
(39). A basic intention of the cremation ritual is to prevent the spirit from coming back and haunting its family. This basic intention can be known as a Preta (spirits that are not properly installed in the ancestral realm) [haunting/harassing the family- this information can be found and expanded upon in the Hinduism eBook (177)]. Death throughout the Hindu tradition is looked upon as dangerous because it is during this time that the body is between cycles of life and rebirth. Weightman states that in Hinduism, the prevailing “fire and its illumination symbolize either the cosmic cycle of creation and dissolution or samsara [To flow together; to wander; the cycle of repeated rebirths], the earthly cycle of birth and death” (1).

Davis further support the notion of birth and death cycles, as stated above by Weightman, by illustrating another aspect of the cremation ritual. This aspect is known as the third birth. Davis argues, “A person is indeed born three times, as follows: First he is born from his mother and father. One whose lot is to sacrifice is born a second time when he performs sacrifice. He is born a third time when he dies, and is placed upon the fire, and he arises again…” (41). Death and cremation are the processes that allow the spirit from the dead body to leave this world and enter the ancestral realm, where the bodies “…receive nourishment through the sraddha [funerary rites] offerings made by his descendants” (Davis 41). Death is not viewed as the final stage in Hinduism; it is merely a transition from one place to another.

Cremation is the main ritual for disposing of a body in Hinduism (Davis 44). “[T]his same basic physical and ritual act of cremation has been very differently conceived and has performed very different functions within different metaphysical frameworks”(Davis 44-45). In other words, although cremation is the preferred method, there are numerous different ways to understand this last samskara (Davis 44). For example, cremation is a path for some into the ancestral realm, while for others, like the Saiva Siddhanta [a group of people who worship the god Siva above all others; Siva centered groups] it is defined as the souls last barrier on the path to moksa [liberation from the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth] (Davis 45). In both instances the rituals performed are designed so each individual can be set in the right direction for the next stage of the transformation (Davis 45). Both Weightman and Davis emphasize the importance of the life cycle rites; the importance of death and rebirth in the Hinduism tradition.

Funerary Pyres at Pasupatinath Temple near Kathmandu, Nepal
Funerary Pyres at Pasupatinath Temple near Kathmandu, Nepal

In contradiction with dominant western religions, funerals in the Hindu religion can take place only hours after the death has occurred. The funerals are performed after the purification rites have been performed [purification rituals are performed on the deceased to rid him or her of all impurities before the transformation into the other realm occurs]. However, “[T]he waiting period from ascertained death to the elimination of the corpse by cremation, can extend up to three and a half days” (Filippi 131). This promptness is due in large part to the fact that there is a fear among those close to the deceased that something could happen to the body. This is also why it is now routine to carry the body to the cremation site (Filippi 131).

Royal Cremation in Bali

Once it is certain that the individual has passed away, kinsmen care for the body by first cleaning it and then decorating it. It is at this point in time that the body is transferred to the cremation grounds [cremation grounds are called smasana and are often located outside of the city. More information can be found in Dying the Good Death by Christopher Justice]. Davis describes the intricacies of the beginning of the cremation ritual as follows, “Like any sacrificial terrain, the place of cremation must be ritually constituted. The officiant, preferably the eldest son of the deceased, purifies the ground by sprinkling water, circling the spot counterclockwise…” (45). Once all of this has been completed and the body is facing south [this is done so the deceased is facing the kingdom of Yama; more information can be found in Gian Giuseppe Filippi’s MRYTU: Conecpt of Death In Indian Traditions], the sacrificial wood is brought in and fires are started in three different places around the pyre (Davis 45). The body is then laid upon the pyre with the individual’s personal sacrificial offerings placed around and on the being (Davis 44). Davis provides examples of items placed on the individual by stating how, “The sacrificial spoon [is] in his right hand, the wooden ladle in his left, the wooden stirring sword on his right side, the ladle used in fire oblation on his left…” (45). In accordance with Davis, Filippi states that depending on which class you are from, a certain item will be placed into the individuals hand. For example, if one were born into the Brahmin [priests and scholars] class, a piece of gold is placed in the hand, but if one were born into the vaisya [merchant] class, a jewel would be placed in the hand [more information can be found in Gian Giuseppe Filippi’s MRYTU: Concept of Death In Indian Traditions 137]. Certain items are placed around the body on the pyre because it is these items that the deceased has previously practiced sacrificial rituals with. They are returned back to him during the cremation ritual (Davis 45). Normally the eldest son (the officiate) will then contribute his own offering into the ritual in support of certain gods and a Rg mantra will also be recited while the pyre is lit from the three sacrificial fires (Davis 45). The reason the cremation ritual is often performed by someone the deceased has known is because it is assumed that the individual will undeniably arrive in heaven along with the smoke of the fires if the ritual is performed this way (Davis 45).

Once the cremation has taken place the officiate circles the ritual site three times (in reverse direction) with a jar that sits upon his left shoulder. The officiant will then moisten the ground by drizzling droplets of water and when he reaches a position that is near the head of the dead body, he will break the jar and leave. He will then be followed by the others at the ritual (Davis 45). After the ritual has been performed the individuals who knew the deceased will experience a period of impurity (savasauca). The length of the period of impurity varies depending on how well they knew the deceased. After this is done, the family will then perform the sraddha rites that will ritually place the body into another realm. The reason sraddha is performed is because it replaces the old body that was cremated (Davis 46).

After the cremation ritual, Parry states that “A funeral priest presides over the rituals performed by relatives for the “ghost” of the departed for eleven days after cremation, accepting gifts from the deceased’s family. It is his [funeral priest] job to confer salvation and allow the soul of the departed to “swim across” to the other world” (Gesler and Pierce 1). The rituals that are performed post cremation are just as important as the cremation ritual itself because it is these rituals that send the ghost or spirit of the deceased to the ancestral pitr-loka [world of ancestors] (Gesler and Pierce). This is why eating is seen as an important aspect of the post cremation ritual; the old body must be “eaten” when the soul of the deceased attains a new body (Gesler, Pierce). “The Brahman priest who performs the ceremonies is likened to a medieval European alchemist who, using a philosopher’s stone, can turn base metal into gold, or to the Ganges, which transforms the city’s sewage into holy water” (Gesler and Pierce 1). Cremation rituals and post cremation rituals are equally important.

Cremation Pyres in Varanasi (Harischandra Ghat)

Banaras is thought to be a place in India that is very important for cremation. Thousands upon thousands of bodies are brought there every year to be cremated. In 1989 alone 24,000 bodies were brought in from around the world to be cremated there [more information can be found in Dying The Good Death by Christopher Justice]. It was also found that many will make a one way trip to Banaras to die there and be thrown into the Ganges River (Justice 21). Some families even send the cremated remains to Banaras in order for their loved ones to be placed in the Ganges River; this is common when the whole funeral procession cannot be done there due to external circumstances (Justice 21). Varanasi also holds an extremely elevated position in the eyes of many Hindus for their final resting place. However, no matter where the cremation takes place, the ritual is believed to be equally important.

Bibliography

Davis, Richard (1988) “Cremation and Liberation: The Revision Of A Hindu Ritual”. History of Religions, Vol.27, No. 1, pp.37-53.

Filippi, Gian (1996) MRTYU Concept of Death In Indian Traditions. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.

Gesler, Wilbert M.and Pierce, Margaret (2000) Hindu Varanasi. Geographical Review, Vol. 90 Issue 2. P222, 16p.

Justice, Christopher (1997) Dying the Good Death. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism The eBook: An Online Introduction. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Related Topics

Antyesti

Moksa

Pitr-loka

Preta

Samsara

Samskara

Shmashana

Sraddha Rites/Rituals

Related Websites

http://www.geocities.com/lamberdar/cremation.html

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/h_death.asp

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/concepts/samskara.asp

http://www.experiencefestival.com/hindu_rituals_dictionary

http://www.hindugateway.com/library/rituals/

Written by Rachel Jose (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

2. Marriage (Vivaha)

Arranged Marriage

In the Hindu tradition arranged marriage is the most prevalent form of marriage. Rather than a man or woman seeking a relationship with a partner, family members, kin or community elders will select a mate based on particular criteria and the couple will enter into a marriage. Mate selection is not taken lightly; it requires a certain amount of expertise and can take anywhere from six months to over three years to successfully arrange a marriage (Dhruvarajan 36). Although some may think that this is an ancient or outdated practice, the majority of marriages in India are still arranged, even among the educated middle class population of modern India (Medora, Larson & Dave 414).

In Hindu society, marriage is not only a union between two individuals; it is also the joining together of two families. The primary importance of a marriage is the sharing of common goals among families rather than merely achieving personal happiness (Hamon & Ingoldsby 214). Marriage in Hindu tradition is not only a ritual celebration but a religious, economic, political and social event for both the couple being married as well as their family and community (Mullati 18).

India is a collectivist culture in which emphasis is placed on the needs and goals of a group, particularly the family and extended family, rather than on the individual. In Hindu tradition the extended family system is considered to be the most essential institution and it thereby defines the social norms and values (Hamon & Ingoldsby 211). Due to the nature of collectivism there is greater emphasis placed on the needs of the family as a unit. Arranged marriages have the potential to benefit one’s family and therefore it is one’s duty to allow their family members to select a mate for them. In comparison, western cultures are individualistic and place a larger priority on individual happiness and success. In individualistic cultures love and romance are considered to be of vital importance when choosing a marriage partner (Hamon & Ingoldsby 213), whereas among Hindus, intense emotional affection can be viewed as threatening the structure of the family (Levine, Sato, Hashimoto & Verma 3).

In Hindu tradition, love and romance are not considered prerequisites for marriage. In fact, love is often considered a weak foundation for marriage and is expected to develop after marriage takes place (Hamon & Ingoldsby 213). Many Hindus believe that feelings of love or romantic attraction can overtake more appropriate traits in a spouse and hinder the traditional purpose of arranged marriage (Hamon & Ingoldsby 213). In arranged marriage dating is not considered to be a necessary step, however feelings toward this may be changing among modern Hindus.

In mate selection there are many factors to be considered and potential partners are carefully screened to ensure compatibility. Family ideals, values, history, and background are assessed as well as social, educational and economic statuses to ensure they are compatible with one’s own (Hamon & Ingoldsby 215, Mullatti 19). Religious and caste endogamy are also considered to be vital factors (Mullatti 18). In Hindu tradition, individuals believe that their marriage partner is predestined (Gupta 77). Many Hindu families will consult an astrologer to ensure that prospective partners are indeed compatible. The astrologer will match the partners’ horoscopes and predict important aspects such as financial success and future children (Hamon & Ingoldsby 218).

The most important consideration in a Hindu marriage is caste endogamy, in which members belonging to a certain caste marries within that caste (Hamon & Ingoldsby 214). Following traditional endogamous rules, a girl’s family status may be improved if she marries a boy of a higher sub-caste; such a match is known as Anuloma. However, Pratiloma matches, which refers to a girl marrying a boy of lower sub-caste, are considered taboo (Mullatti 19). To marry outside of one’s caste or religion is often still considered taboo, however the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 legalized inter-religion and inter-caste marriages (Mullatti 18).

Most young Indian adults prefer arranged marriage because they believe that their elders have more wisdom and knowledge than they do, and therefore are better equipped to select prospective mates. It is believed that choosing a spouse is a significant issue, which is better left to more responsible members of the extended family (Gupta 77). In modern Hindu society there is an increasing trend to consult the young adults and obtain input regarding their prospective mates, this trend is leading to marriages that are semi-arranged (Hamon & Ingoldsby 216).

The influence of western media (movies, television, Internet, etc.), widespread education, urbanization and technological progress has resulted in transformations among youth in modern India regarding their values, ideals, attitudes, beliefs and perceptions. These influences have caused many young people to desire greater freedom and independence to express themselves and make their own decisions, including the decision of whom they marry (Hamon & Ingoldsby 219). A minority of Indian youth who are influenced by western ideals are opting to select their own marriage partners and are therefore choosing to be in love marriages, against the approval of their parents.

In order to find the perfect mate, the use of matrimonial advertisements is becoming increasingly popular, so much so that they are becoming routine in major Indian newspapers (Hamon & Ingoldsby 216). As respondents reply to these advertisements the pool of prospective partners are narrowed down and the young adults may meet, talk on the phone and occasionally go on a chaperoned date. After a few encounters the man typically proposes to the woman. If the woman accepts the proposal the extended families are informed of their decision to marry (Hamon & Ingoldsby 217).

Arranged marriages have been prominent throughout Hindu tradition and continue to be prevalent in modern times. A marriage that is arranged by one’s family and elders in the community is not based on love; rather it is based on the needs of the family as a collective unit. Great consideration is put into the pairing of individuals to allow for the best possible union for both the couple being married and the extended family. Although attitudes may be shifting somewhat, modern Hindu young adults still prefer arranged marriages, as they feel that they do not possess the necessary knowledge and wisdom to choose their own mate. The attitude change that has occurred has allowed young adults to be consulted regarding their potential partners and allowed them more control over their final marriage partner.


REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Dhruvarajan, V. (1989) Hindu women & the power of ideology. Granby, Massachusetts: Bergin & Garvey Publishers Inc.

Gupta, G. R. (1976) Love, arranged marriage, and the Indian social structure. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 7, 75-85.

Hamon, R. R., & Ingoldsby, B. B. (Eds.) (2003) Mate selection across cultures. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications Inc.

Levine, R., Sato, S., Hashimoto, S., and Verma, J. (1995) Love and marriage in eleven cultures. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 26, 554-571.

Medora, N.P., Larson, J.H., & Dave, P.B. (2000) East-Indian college student’s perceptions of family strength. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 31, 407-425.

Mullatti, L. (1995) Families in India: Beliefs and realities. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 26, 11-25.

Related Topics For Further Investigation

Hypergamy

Samskaras

Vivaha

Hindu Marriage Act of 1955

Brahma

Daiva

Arsa

Prajapatya

Asura

Gandharva

Raksasa

Paisaca

Dowry System

Noteworthy Websites Related To The Topic

http://www.kamat.com/indica/culture/sub-cultures/arranged_marriage.htm

http://weddings.iloveindia.com/features/arranged-marriages.html

http://www.aryashaadi.com/UserArticle/Article/love_vs_arranged.aspx

http://www.indianetzone.com/2/classification_marriages.htm

http://www.pardesiservices.com/tradition/arrangedmarg.asp

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arranged_marriage

Written by Lisa Foster (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

3. Householder’s Samskara

Birth Samskaras

Samskaras are sacraments that pertain to the rites of passage in Hinduism. Sacraments are evident in many religious traditions, for example the baptismal rites within the Catholic Church. Sacrament refers to a “religious ceremony or act regarded as outward with a visible sign of inward and spiritual grace” (Pandey 15). As they appear in the Sanskrit language, sacraments are necessary for the successful membership of an individual into their society. Samskaras are important to orthodox Hindus, in that they certify one as a member of the tradition (Rodrigues 131). According to Sanskrit, scriptures such as the Grhya Sutras, the sacraments prepare an individual for the four stages of life, which are student, householder, forest-dweller and renouner. They form an important section of the “Karma-kanda or action branch since they mark the various occasions of one’s life from conception in the mother’s womb to the cremation of the body at death” (Sankar 4).

The Samskaras are said to be forty in number, beginning with the ceremonies that take place from conception (garbhadhana) and ending with the funeral (antyesti) (Sankar 4). However, the following article will describe those pertaining to the birth rites alone. The birth and babyhood of a Brahmin, as prescribed in the Grhya Sutras, present significant transitional points for children as they eventually grow to be independent of their parents’ care. The article will describe prenatal customs common among Indian women that include the simantonnayana sacrament, the welcoming of the newborn within the birthing rites (jatakarman) and the naming of the child (namakarana).

Prenatal Care and the Simantonnayana Samskara

In the nine months it takes to create a life there are many customs in which Indian women like to partake in order to make the pregnancy a happy and healthy one. In India, pregnant women will often find solace from strenuous work and potential harm within the walls of their family home. Not only may a pregnant women do no housework, “but she must do no sewing, or anything else that binds things together: for instance, she must not close up the outlet of the great grain jar, or replaster the earth” (Stevenson 1). Here she will get ready for the baby’s arrival, by preparing a birth chamber where the child will be welcomed into the world. There is much care taken in preparation of the room. The room, if possible, is separated from the common rooms of the home, with the blinds drawn and the bed carefully aligned. For example, “great care is taken that the bedstead not lie exactly under the great beam that holds the house together, since some Hindus believe that the god of death perches on this” (Stevenson 2). In order to ensure the longevity of the mother and child, evil spirits are warded off with the simantonnayana sacrament in which the hair of the wife is parted by her husband.

This sacrament is performed to ensure the physical and spiritual health of the baby by keeping the mother in good morale. In order to keep her content, “she is addressed as full moon and one with beautiful limbs” (Sankar 5). As the husband begins to part the hair of his wife, he ties a small branch of the fig tree around her neck with the words “Rich in sap is this tree; like the tree rich in sap, be thou fruitful” (Sankar 5). Then the following blessings are uttered, “be the mother of heroic sons and be the mother of living sons” (Sankar 5). The seemantonnayana samskara and the prenatal precautions that take place prior to birth promote the well being of both mother and child. The child is brought into the world through the delivery and the welcoming ceremonies which include the Jatakarman sacrament.

Welcoming the newborn: Jatakarman Samskara

Present at the birth is the women’s mother and midwife whom delivers the child and offers spiritual and medical remedies to ease the pain. A medical remedy the midwife may turn to may include, “tearing down the cobweb of a spider, which she will roll into a ball, fill with cloves and place in the womb” (Stevenson 3). After the birth the Jatakarman sacraments take place and are usually performed prior to the umbilical cord being severed. The ceremonies include a series of verses to inspire strength, intelligence, and long life. During this Vedic ceremony, the child is given a gold coin to lick, besmeared with honey and clarified butter (Stevenson 6). The father recites words of strength to his newborn child, “Be a stone, be an axe, and be an imperishable god. From each limb of mine you are born, you are born especially from my heart. You are my own self bearing the name ‘son’; may you live for a hundred years” (Sankar, 5).

It is important to note here that it is not common practice for the man to be present within the birthing chamber so often this ritual is omitted. However, one custom preceding the birth which continues to be popular is the three day feeding of molasses and water, referred to as galasodi. The woman who is in charge of preparing the mixture is evaluated based on her personal characteristics, since it is believed her qualities will be shared with the newborn. Later on in life “if the child turns out badly, its friends reproach it by reminding it of the noble character of the women who gave it its first molasses” (Stevenson 7). Preceding the three day feeding custom, the child is bathed and given to the mother to begin nursing.

As the child is welcomed into the world the precise date and time are carefully noted in order to foretell the child’s life path. Astrology plays a key role in deciding auspiciousness, that is, the fortitude of the child’s future endeavours. For example, a proverb claims “that a girl born on a Wednesday will result in her father or brother dying or suffering loss within a year (she is called their Bhara or burden), but she herself will be very rich” (Stevenson 8). Each day and month within the year is regarded as either auspicious or inauspicious depending on the various proverbs. Should the predictions assume misfortune the parents may take preventive action. For example, “a bronze cup is filled with clarified butter, and a silver coin is put in it. The child is made to look into the cup, which is then taken to the father, who also gazes at his reflection” (Stevenson 8). After which the cup is given to a Brahmin, is it safe for the father to embrace his son. This kind of preventative action allows the son or daughter to overcome their ill-fate of being born on an inauspicious day. Astrology also plays a vital role is determining an auspicious day for the wedding ceremony further on in the child’s life.

The birth of a child is always considered auspicious. However, historically in Hindu culture a first born male seems to induce a more positive celebration by the relatives and especially the parents. The desire for a boy results from the male’s ability to pass on the family name and his ability to save the father from hell by performing his funeral ceremonies. Therefore, the wife bearing a boy ensures her place within the home of her husband. Nevertheless the birth of a girl is also an auspicious event and the parents still rejoice and welcome her however differently. If the first born be a girl the parents will rejoice and claim “Laksmi has come” (Stevenson 4). Laksmi is the Hindu goddess of prosperity. When the girl later takes a husband this “brings her parents as much merit as the performance of a great sacrifice” (Stevenson, 4).

Naming of the Child: Namakarana Samskara

The naming ceremony namakarana occurs on the twelfth day after birth. However this can vary depending in gender as to which day is auspicious for the child whether it is an even or odd day. After the day is chosen the parents invite all the relatives over to share in ceremony, “where a mixture of millet, coconut and sugar is distributed amongst the guests present and sent to the houses of those who are not able to attend”(Stevenson 13). There is a threading procedure that takes place which joins the child to his/her cradle in protection against the Evil eye. The aunt who performs the threading also brings with her two pieces of gold, each weighing perhaps half a gram, one of which she ties on the cradle and one at the waist of the child for luck (Stevenson 13).

As this is taking place, within the common room of the house the family gathers to prepare for the aunt to announce the name of the child. Within the room a “square portion of the floor has been smeared with red clay, and on this pipal leaves have been placed” (Stevenson 13). The naming sacrament is also symbolic of the baby’s transition from the birthing room into the rest of the rooms within their new home. The baby girl is dressed in a red sari and placed in a hammock above the smeared red clay square. The corners of the sari “are held by the four nearest relatives of the child, they sing, and at the strategic moment the aunt pronounces the name” (Stevenson 14). The song runs (in Gujarati), “Cradle and pipala tree and leaves of the same, Aunt has chosen a name (Rama) as the baby’s name” (Stevenson 14). The child’s name takes much consideration. Not only do the first letters have to be synonymous with that belonging to the constellation under which he was born, it should also represent a great god. The child is given two additional names, one of which related to his fathers and that of his family.

Conclusion

The article has provided a detailed description of the preliminaries and celebrations that take place within a traditional orthodox Hindu household throughout birth and babyhood. The article only mentions three of approximately fifteen of those described/prescribed within the Dharma and Grhya Sutras. The first of which was the simantonnayana samskara which highlight the prenatal care of the mother and unborn child. More specifically, the protection of the pregnant mother is emphasized through the parting of the hair from superstitions and the promotion of longevity. As the child is welcomed into the world he/she is celebrated with the jatakarman samskara which inspires strength, intelligence and long life. The three day feeding ritual referred to as galasodi which often takes place after the jatakarman samskara is also a reflection of the child’s character. The final samskara mentioned in relation to birth rites is the namakarana samskara; the naming of the child. This sacrament provides the child with a name of which is symbolic of its astrological sign, the Hindu gods and his/her family name.


REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READINGS

Pandey, Bali Raj (1969) Hindu Samskaras. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism: The Ebook. Journal of Buddhist Ethic Online Books.

Saskar, Priyamvada (1992). “The Rites of Passage in Hinduism: Sacraments Relating to the Birth.” Ecumenism No. 108 p. 4-6.

Stevenson, Sinclair (1971) The Rites of The Twice Born. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation.

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Astrology

Smarta Brahmins

Upanayana

Dvija

Student (sisya)

Householder (grhasta)

Forest-dweller (vanaprastha)

Renouncer (samnyasin)

Moksa

Atman/ Brahman

First Tonsure

Gayatri Mantras

Marriage (vivaha)

Laws of Manu

Laksmi

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic:

http://hinduism.iskcon.com/practice/600.htm

http://www.amritapuri.org/cultural/samskara/shodasha.php

http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-59788/Hinduism

http://www.sanskrit.org/www/Rites%20of%20Passage/RitesPassageIndex.htm

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/concepts/samskara.asp

Article written by Barbara Edwards (March, 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.