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5. Significant Figures, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan

Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan

Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888 – 1975)

Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was a philosopher, politician and academic and was considered one of the greatest Indian thinkers of the twentieth century.  He was born on September 5, 1888 and lived to age 86.  Throughout his adult life he was a well known public figure in his native India, serving as both Vice-President and President. In addition to his political career, he was also a renowned writer on Hindu philosophy. Radhakrishnan is known to some as a “bridge builder” between the East and the West for his efforts to expand Western society’s knowledge about India and their understanding of Hindu thought and religion. He showed that the philosophical systems of each tradition are comprehensible within the terms of the other (Behur 1-4). One is hard pressed to find Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s own words about his life story since he steadfastly refused to write an autobiography (Braue 1-2).

Early Life

Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan was born during a time when Hinduism was in the midst of being renewed and restored in the hearts of millions of Indians (Harris 2-3). He was the second of five sons and one daughter born to Sarvepalli Veeraswamy and Sitamma, poor Brahmins living in the town of Tirutani in Tamil Nadu state.  Tirutani had a population of about 170 000 and was considered a pilgrimage destination due to its major Subrahmanya temple (Minor 4). Radhakrishnan’s family kept the name Sarvepalli as an indication of their place of origin. In the middle of the 18th century the family moved from Sarvepalli to another village located in the Nellore district of Andhra Pradesh. All were devout Vaisnavaties and worshipped the well-known god Krsna (Minor 3-4).  Radhakrishnan’s early life was spent in the religious centers of the small towns of Tirutani and Tirupati.  His father was employed as a subordinate revenue official in the service of the local Zamindar [landlord] and with limited income the family lived in relative poverty.

Education

Radhakrishnan grew up in a traditional Hindu atmosphere (Harris 3). His parents were very orthodox and his father did not want his son to learn English [his mother tongue was Telugu] and pressed his boy to become a priest. However, despite their orthodox views, his parents sent him away to several Christian Missionary Institutions – the Lutheran Mission School in Tirupati (1896 – 1900), Voorhee’s college, Vellore (1900 – 1904) and Madras Christian College in Madras (1904 – 1908) (Kohli 38-39). Sarvepalli was an excellent student and was awarded multiple scholarships which helped sustain him throughout his academic career.

In 1906, he received a B.A. with honours in philosophy, and in 1909 obtained an M.A. and was a most distinguished alumni. He main interest was in the Vedas and Upanishads and spent much of his time specializing in these subjects as well as studying Hindi and the Sanskrit language. He wrote his thesis for his M.A. on the ‘Ethics of the Vedanta and its Metaphysical Presuppositions”. At only age 20 his thesis was recognized and published. Radhakrishnan’s passion for philosophy developed more by chance than choice. A cousin, recently graduated from the same college, was kind enough to pass on his textbooks in philosophy.  This generosity decidedly influenced his academic path (Kohli 40-41).

Marriage and Family

In 1903, at age 16, it was arranged by his family that Radhakrishnan was to be married to Siva Kumaramma, his 10 year old first cousin (Minor 4). The couple had their first daughter together in 1908, the first of six children over the proceeding fifteen years. Their family included four daughters and two sons, one of which died shortly after birth (Kohli 39). Their youngest son, Sarvepalli Gopal, would go on to become a distinguished and notable historian and biographer (Braue 4). Radhakrishnan’s devoted wife, Sivakamu, died on November 26, 1956 and their marriage was “the end of a long chapter”, as he put it.

Teaching Career

Sarvepalli’s education had shaped a most disciplined mind and strong individual, acquiring many qualities of a potentially great leader. Spanning from 1909 to 1952, his career had three notable phases, teacher of philosophy, leader in higher education and finally politician and statesman.

In 1909 he accepted a teaching position at the Madras Presidency College in the Philosophy department where he spent seven years teaching and researching in the area of Indian Philosophy and Religion.  In 1916, he advanced to a full professorship (Braue 4).  He impressed the senior professor of philosophy so much that his mentor actually ended up asking him to lecture his classes. Radhakrishnan was endowed with a great intellect and gifted with an amazing memory enabling him to employ a vast vocabulary and eloquent communication style, to great advantage (Kohli 38-40).

The Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calcutta took notice of this extraordinary academic mind and offered Sarvepalli the King George V Chair of Mental and Moral Science, a prestigious position which he occupied twice – from 1921 to 1931 and again from 1937 to 1941.  He was clearly honoured by this appointment and described the position as “the most important philosophy chair in India”.  As chair, he represented the University of Calcutta at the Congress of the Universities of the British Empire and the International Congress of Philosophy at Harvard in 1926.  Radhakrishnan also presented many lectures at numerous universities: Chicago, London, Manchester and Oxford.  He then accepted a position at Manchester College in Oxford in addition to teaching comparative religion at the University of Oxford (Braue 4).

In 1931, he was knighted by England for his great services to education and subsequently stepped down as the King George V Chair in order to accept the Sir Sayaji Rao  Gaekwad Chair at Banaras Hindu University. Later in his academic career he also occupied the Spalding Chair in England until 1952, when he was appointed Professor Emeritus at Oxford. (Braue 4-6).

The second key phase of Radhakrishnan’s life, as a leader in higher education, spanned from 1931 to 1962.  He was made the Vice-Chancellor of Andhra University and served as a member of the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation of the League of Nations. Throughout this time he delivered many presentations at universities all over his native India.

During World War II he also toured and lectured in China (Braue 6-7), and from 1953 to 1962 he held the post of chancellor of Delhi University.  In 1940, he achieved a milestone by being the first Indian to be elected as Fellow of the British Academy. As a professor, he was always very popular with his students and was loved and respected as a remarkable teacher. The genesis of his popularity was his genuine empathy and his great ability to engage people of all ages. This combination of attributes and skills continued to win him respect throughout his long and memorable public life (Behura 3).

Rise in Politics and Political Career

After the end of the Second World War, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan began a shift from his academic career with a view to apply his philosophy and religious studies toward political and social development.  He served as head of the Indian delegation to the UNSECO conferences held in Paris from 1946 – 1952 (Braue 7) and was later elected to the position of Chairman of UNESCO in 1948.

When India received independence from Great Britain in 1947, Sarvepalli was still India’s key representative at UNSECO. He would later also be awarded the titles and responsibilities of Ambassador-Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of India to the Soviet Union from 1949 to 1952 (Kohli 44).  Radhakrishnan was widely thought to be one of the most respected and successful of all diplomats in Moscow at the time. He had met Stalin twice, as the Ambassador of India, with Stalin commenting, “ You are the first person to treat me as a human being and not as a monster. You are leaving us and I am sad. I want you to live long.” (Kohli 45). Dr. Radhakrishnan, the diplomat, was considered a very sympathetic and humane person, open to other viewpoints, and never considered to be an elitist intellectual.

After his return to India in 1952, Sarvepalli was elected as India’s first Vice-President, an inaugural position that had been created under the new constitution. He would be re-elected in 1957, not long after the death of his wife. During his many tours around the world his main objective was to impress upon foreign leaders India’s viewpoint on major international issues and increase his country’s role on the global stage.

In many of his books and dissertations, Radhakrishnan takes great pains to interpret Indian thought in a way that Westerners could relate to. (Kohli 45) Through his public life he remained steadfastly committed to high principles, dignity and moral authority. This integrity of purpose made him a highly revered figure in India and internationally he became one of the best-liked and respected public figures of all time.

In May of 1962, this well regarded philosopher and statesman was elected President of the State of India, succeeding Dr. Rajendra Prasad, becoming the second Head of State of a newly independent India. During his presidency, India was faced with war on two separate occasions, first with China and subsequently with Pakistan. In 1967,  Sarvepalli made an emotional farewell broadcast to the nation and told his loving country that he would not seek another term as President and would retire from public life.

After the death of Nehru in 1964, he described the former leader as “an earnest of the age to come, the age of the world men with world compassion.” And went on to say, “The best way to honour his memory is to get on with the work which he left unfinished, his work of peace, justice and freedom at home and abroad” (Dehruy 8).  Radhakrishnan’s dedication and efforts made a great contribution towards the realization of Nehru’s objectives.

Philosophical Beliefs

Sarvepalli often described philosophy as “ the attempt to think out the presuppositions of experience, to grasp. By means of reason, life or reality as a whole”(Braue 42). He attained prominence due to his eloquence in describing Indian philosophy according to Western academic standards, enabling non-Indo cultures to understand and consider Eastern philosophies and, most particularly, from India. He once stated his greatest challenge was that western philosophers, despite claiming to be objective, were inevitably influenced by the theological teachings of their own cultures.

Radhakrishnan’s philosophical work took two distinct directions. His philosophy is Indian idealism (Braue 44). First, his Indian Philosophy was defined as Radhakrishnan interpreted it. Originally what he presented was no different than the “Vedanta” which he had defined earlier.  Later, he changed its designation to “Hinduism” or the “Hindu View”. The second direction was the construction of a philosophical system from experimental grounds without relying on Indian thought (Minor 43).

Radhakrishnan tried to clarify for his western audiences that Hinduism is a progressive unity and that the history of Hinduism is of evolutionary advancement. He saw the method of “Hinduism’s” historical development as characterized by a critical attitude toward the traditions of the past in a modern sense, not just accepting past thoughts (Minor 45). Radhakrishnan was also an advocate of the class system of Hinduism. He believed that it was the only democratic solution to racial problems. Caste was a way to organize society and suggested that it is entirely functional, not a “mystery of divine appointment” (Minor 45-46). Thus, the foundation of the caste system are the ideas of free will, equality and democracy (Minor 45-46).

Radhakrishnan wrote many books on his philosophical beliefs and he was well known for his ideas on the Prasthana Trayi, the Bhagavadgita, the Upanishads and the Brahma Sutra.

Death

Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan died on April 17,1975 after a prolonged illness. At that time, Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi said, “As a teacher, he was deeply involved with the welfare of youth. As a statesman, he had deep understanding of the practical problems of nation building. He contributed significantly to the consolidation of our political parliamentary traditions. Now death has claimed him, but the memory of his commanding presence, the resonance of his voice and the radiance of his thought cannot fade and will remain a part of our legacy.” (Kohli 48)

Every year on September 5th, on Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s birthday, “Teachers Day” is celebrated all across India and the government gives national awards to teachers. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan will remain one of the greatest Indian philosophers of the 20th century and of all time (Kohli 48-49).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RCOMMENDED READING

Braue, Donald A. (1985) Maya in Radhakrishnan’s Thought. New Delhi: Narendra Prakash Jain.

Dehury, Dinabandhu (2010) Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan as Statesman. Orissa: Orissa Government.

Gopal, Sarvepalli (1989) Radhakrishnan, a Biography. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Harris, Ishwar C. (1982) Radhakrishnan: the Profile of a Universalist. Columbia: South Asian Books

Hawley, Michael (2003) “The Making of a Mahatma: Radhakrishnan’s Critique of Gandhi”. Studies in Religion 32(1-2), 135-148.

Kohli, A.B. (2001) Presidents of India. New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House.

Kumar Behura, Dillip (2010) The Great Indian Philosopher: Dr. Radhakrishnan. Orissa: Orissa Government.

Michael, Aloysius (1979) Radhakrishnan on Hindu Moral Life and Action. Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.

Minor, Robert N. (1987) Radhakrishnan A Religious Biography. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Minor, Robert N. (1997) Radhakrishnan as Advocate of the Class/Caste System as a Universal Religio-Social. International Journal of Hindu Studies 1(2), 386 – 400.

Murty, K. Satchidananda and Vohra, Ashok (1990) Radhakrishnan: His Life and Ideas. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Schilpp, Paul A. (1992) The Philosophy of Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers

Sharma, Arvind (2002) Modern Hindu Thought. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

 

Indian political system

Rajendra Prasad

Sarvepalli Gopal

Comparative Religion

Maya

Vedanta

Jawaharlal Nehru

Rabindranath Tagore

 

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

 

Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli

http://www.uramamurthy.com/srk_phil.html

http://www.preservearticles.com/201104306172/sarvepalli-radhakrishnan.html

http://pib.nic.in/feature/feyr98/fe0898/f2808981.html

Article written by Ryan Booth (Spring 2012), who is solely responsible for its content.

The Chola Dynasty

Rajaraja I

Rajaraja I: The Great Cola King

The medieval period in India is not romanticized period like its European counterpart, but it is nonetheless important for the development of both modern Indian Society and the Hindu religion. Like Europe at the same time, areas of the Indian subcontinent were ruled by dynastic kings, and one of the most influential and important of them is the Cola Dynasty of the Tamil region. The Cola’s conquered almost the entirety of the South of India, using their military to expand their borders. The Cola Dynasty lasted from the 9th century C.E. to the 14th century C.E. and oversaw a period of religious transformation, particularly in the Hindu tradition. One of the most important leaders of the Dynasty was Rajaraja I (r. 985-1017 C.E.), who was responsible for a great deal of religious change, and was perhaps best known for his temple reforms focused on taking the power away from bhakti temples and placing it in his own sphere of influence (Vasudevan 15).

Collossal Entry Gopura at Rajarajesvara (aka Brhadesvara) Temple in Thanjavur
Collossal Entry Gopura at Rajarajesvara (aka Brhadesvara) Temple in Thanjavur

Like so many other kingships throughout the medieval world, power was passed along within the family lineage. The importance of a ruler having a son was therefore intensified in its importance, and the emphasis placed on having a male heir is still seen today (Kaimal 34). In medieval India, kings were especially emphatic about honouring their lineage and any warrior ancestors from whom they had descended. This was done as a way of legitimizing their own power and status as a great warrior, which was necessary of a king (Kaimal, 35). The early Cola kings were no different in this regard, as they focused on making their family and themselves appear to be great warriors and in many ways godlike (Veluthat 30). However, the Cola’s also began to use religion as a way to legitimize their position by financing the construction of temples and using them as places of worship and administration. Temples in the Hindu tradition were steadily gaining importance throughout the first millennium C.E., as Brahmanical Hinduism based around temple worship gained more and more influence (Vasudevan, 13). This was especially true during the reign of Rajaraja I, who sought to bring the focus of worship to his own royal temples and in turn advance his personal prestige and influence. Rajaraja was known as ‘The Great Cola King’ in part because of his impressive usage of temple construction and administration to consolidate his power, and in part because of his successful military exploits.

Prior to the rule of Rajaraja, the borders of the Cola kingdom were confined strictly within the Tamil region on the Southern portion of the Indian subcontinent. When Rajaraja came to power, he went about conquering territories both to the North and South of the area he first controlled. He was ultimately quite successful in these military exploits, conquering the Telugu and Kannada regions to the North, and the area known as Ilam to the South (Vasudevan 16). As a result, Rajaraja became renowned as a great conqueror and military strategist who earned the complete loyalty of his soldiers, which helped to further secure his authority and respect of his subjects as a warrior king. The military conquests also gave him a large empire over which he tried to implement uniform administration practices (Vasudevan 43). In order to do this, Rajaraja strategically placed armies and military resources throughout the conquered regions and had them enforce his will and laws. However, this was a costly way to administer an empire, and the Cola king schemed new ways to administer his domain peacefully. The solution to the problem was to build and use temples as both a place of worship and as a place where the king could exercise considerable political power in order to better control his subjects and add to his kingdoms wealth (Vasudevan, 16). This in turn led to a resurgence in large scale temple building spearheaded by the central government of Rajaraja. Such building operations not only allowed for Rajaraja to better control his subjects and earn more prestige, but to be the cause of the further entrenchment of Brahmanical Hinduism in Southern India.

During Rajaraja’s reign, the temple became a political and economic centre that functioned in a way similar to a Lordly estate did in Europe at around the same time. Many of the tasks and duties assigned to temples under Rajaraja were similar in nature to those of a Lord to his peasants in a feudal system, though the relationships between priests and commoners were much different. Temples were given land grants by the king or private patrons so they could raise the money needed to run the services they had to provide; this was known as devadana (Vasudevan 62). The temples acted as banks in that they lent money and earned profit on the interest, as well as invested in local business ventures in things such as agriculture and so on. Another duty was to oversee land exchanges and other business transactions. All of these ventures were designed to make the temple money, and since Rajaraja sponsored so many, much of the profit from these royal temples went straight back to the crown. On top of these duties temples already had in the community under Rajaraja, they also acted as his personal tax collectors, with the Great Royal Temples like Rajarajesvaram acting as the feudal-like lord of multiple villages (Vasudevan 62). In this regard Temples played a key role in the day to day affairs and running of the Cola kingdom during the rule of Rajaraja.

Entrance to Rajaraja I's royal palace, now the Palace Museum in Thanjavur
Entrance to Rajaraja I’s royal palace, now the Palace Museum in Thanjavur

While temples functioned as the economic and political centres of a given area, they also served their purpose as places of religious worship as well. In the temples, Brahmin priests performed the rituals they were requested of upon payment to those who qualified via their class or jati. This is a relatively obvious function for a religious temple, though what particular god was focused on individual temples was varied. For example, in the very large royal temple of Rajarajesvaram, which was built by Rajaraja, Siva appears to be the most commonly worshipped god (Schwindler 163). Hindu deities appear all over the temple in carvings and sculptures, but Siva is depicted the most and in the most prominent places. This could be partly due to Siva’s high place in the pantheon, but it is equally likely that this was done because of the parallel between Siva being a great warrior and Rajaraja also being a great warrior, or at the least wishing to be portrayed like one (Schwindler 164). At this location, an inscription on a done at the behest of the king recorded all of the individuals in the temple’s employ. In total, there were over seven hundred people on the payroll of the temple; some for religious purposes and others to take care of the temple’s other duties (Vanamamalai 27). It has been thought that this temple was built by Rajaraja in dedication to Siva, using the arts as a means to draw people to the temple (Vanamamalai 27). Siva worship was therefore obviously an important aspect to the rule of Rajaraja, as was the recording of any business transactions in which the temple was involved.

In conclusion, the rule of Rajaraja I was complex and important to the history of India and the Hindu tradition. ‘The Great Cola King’ ushered in an era of prosperity for his kingdom and became a renowned figure in the history of India. He was able to vastly increase the size of his kingdom and give himself an empire by conquering vast areas of lands to the North and South, essentially stretching the Cola’s borders from sea to sea. Rajaraja was able to accomplish this through brilliant military strategy and commanding the complete loyalty of his armies, creating himself into an all important great warrior king like his ancestors before him. He was also a skilled politician and ruled his domain extremely well through both the use of occupational military forces and temples. Temples under Rajaraja were the major centres of the kingdom, responsible for most social, economic and political duties in a given region. This extension of temples as a form of power for the king led to the mass building of royally funded and patronized temples, the most magnificent being Rajarajesvaram. The new temples were used to bring power to the king at the expense of public, or bhakti temples. Siva worship was very important in these new temples, as it drew a comparison between the Siva as a great warrior and Rajaraja as a great warrior king. All in all, the system created by Rajaraja I to administer his kingdom was complex and important to the development of the Hindu tradition in Southern India.

Bibliography

Kaimal, Padma (1996) “Early Cola Kings and “Early Cola Temples”: Art and the Evolution of         Kingship”, Artibus Asiae , Vol. 56, No. 1/2, pp. 33-66.

Schwindler, Gary J. (1987) “Speculations on the Theme of Śiva as Tripurāntaka as It Appears           during the Reign of Rājarāja I in the Tanjore Area ca. A.D. 1000”, Ars Orientalis , Vol.         17, pp. 163-178.

Vanamamalai, N. (19754) “State and Religion in the Chola Empire: Taxation for Thanjavur            Temple’s Music and Dance”, Social Scientist , Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 26-42.

Vasudevan, Geeta (2003) The Royal Temple of Rajaraja : An Instrument of Imperial Cola             Power. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.

Veluthat, Kesavan (1993) “Religious Symbols in Political Legitimation: The Case of Early             Medieval South India”, Social Scientist , Vol. 21, No. 1/2, pp. 23-33.

Related Readings

Maloney, Clarence (1970) “The Beginnings of Civilization in South India”, The Journal of Asian   Studies, Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 603-616.

Sewell, Robert (1883) A sketch of the dynasties of Southern India. Oxford: Government Press.

Related Research Topics

The Cola Dynasty

The Pallava Dynasty

Rajendra I

Noteworthy Websites

http://www.templenet.com/

Article written by Greg Blow (Spring 2012), who is solely responsible for its content.

1. Hinduism and Ecology, f. Auspiciousness and Inauspiciousness

The Sacred Cow

The sacrality of the cow is an ancient, but common custom to most Hindus. The concept of zebu cattle (go) as an important part of society in India has been dated back to the times of the Harappan civilization. During post-Harappan times, the Aryans, who were pastoral cattle herders would also have known of the importance of the cow in a functioning agricultural society. This may be part of the reason why there are frequent references to cows associated with various deities in the Vedas (O’Toole 61). Despite the natural predator-prey relationship that would be expected to form between them, the Hindu people and cattle share a different type of bond. Archaeological evidence suggests that cattle, especially the bull, were elevated to a more prominent status than that of a mere food source. Through numerous representations of seals and figurines depicting domestic zebu cattle, collected over time, one can come to understand the level of significance the cow has played in the history and development of the Hindu religion.

Cow sitting amid the debris of temple flower offerings (Varanasi)

The principle of noninjury to living beings (ahisma), which began to develop near the end of the Vedic period, is heavily applied to cows and bulls in the Hindu religion. Sometimes, this attitude can be taken exceedingly seriously (Korom 188). For instance, an anti-cow-slaughter legislation has been proposed and protected by the constitution of India. The sentiment for cow protection was at a climax during the “Anti-Cow Killing” riot of 1893, where riots between Hindus and Muslims broke out over the public demonization of those who consumed beef (Yang 580). Many Hindus practice vegetarianism, which is encouraged in verses from The Laws of Manu (Buhler 100). Although consumption of beef is considered taboo in orthodox Hinduism, numerous other cow by-products are found useful in everyday life (Rodrigues 117). It is obvious that the issue of cattle treatment is very sensitive to the Hindu people, and if agitated it has the potential to become reason for violence.

Devotion to the cow is displayed in a great deal of the religious, domestic, and social customs of the Hindu people; the use of cow ghee is popular in religious and household practices and for Hindus, it is not unheard of to have a cow inside one’s house (Crooke 277). Vedic literature suggests that the economic aspects of the cow were portrayed as having vital roles in sacrifices (yajna), which were held to maintain the cosmic order (rta). Along with being victims of the sacrifice, the goods produced from cattle were used for oblation (havis) (Korom 187). Cow products, including ghee, milk, urine, and dung are commonly used in many Hindu practices and household rites (grhya). Often, a Hindu may apply a mark to their forehead (tilak) made from a mixture composed of several natural ingredients, including cow dung. Usually, this mark is indicative of sectarian affiliation, but can have different symbolisms as well (Hawley 252). It is clear that for many Hindus, cows can easily be an inherent part of everyday life.

Large bas-relief depicting a domestic scene with cows, who are revered in the Hindu tradition; Mahabalipuram, India
Large bas-relief depicting a domestic scene with cows, who are revered in the Hindu tradition; Mahabalipuram, India

Hindu scriptures have been interpreted to describe cow worship and reinforce the concept that cows are a sacred part of the Hindu tradition. Collectively, cattle are depicted more often than any other animals in Vedic literature (Korom 187). The Vedas have equated the cow with the mother of gods, Aditi, the earth (prthivi), cosmic waters, maternity, poetry, and speech (vac) (Jha 38). Vedic myths may also portray cows as the cosmic waters from which the cosmic order (rta) is established. A Rg Veda myth also equates the calf with the sun, as a pregnant cow may be responsible for such aspects of creation as water, heat, and light (Korom 190).  In the Atharva Veda X:10 the cow is praised and its body parts are depicted as giving rise to all aspects of life itself (Embree 40-41). The Rg Veda describes numerous hymns dedicated to the worship of cows, where they often appear as symbols of wealth and rivers (Srinivasan 161). Although expressive of the important role of the cow in Hindu society, Vedic literature possesses little evidence to suggest the concept of non-violence (ahisma) towards cattle was applicable at that time (Korom 187). In more recent literature, ahisma appears to have become more prominent. The term is mentioned several times in the Bhagavad Gita, and presents itself in the closely related religions of Jainism and Buddhism (Korom 188). Also, being a highly influential text, although not divinely perceived (smrti), The Laws of Manu have influenced the customs of many Hindu people by discouraging eating meat, drinking liquor, and carnal intercourse (Buhler 100). The cow has also appeared as a goddess (devi) in Hindu mythology. For example, Kamadhenu, a wish-granting bovine-goddess was believed to have emerged from the churning of the Milk Ocean (Rodrigues 308). Thought to have originated from a similar fashion as Kamadhenu, the Vedic goddess of glory, Sri, was thought to be linked with the fertility of the land and to have had an abode composed of cow dung (Rodrigues 317). The Hindu epics (itihasa), particularly the Mahabharata, and the puranas also serve to provide justification of the orthodoxy of cattle (Korom 189).

Evidently, the sacred cow practice is a vital element of Hindu culture. Since they give seemingly limitless useful products, but take nothing but grass and water, cattle as symbols of benevolence and generosity are frequently recognized and supported by many Hindu texts. The ideal of preserving life has resulted in a widely environmentally friendly approach by much of the Hindu population. The belief in reincarnation after death, and following of the Dharmic ideal has undoubtedly influenced the vegetarian diet practiced by many Hindus. Of course, not all Hindus take part in vegetarianism or cow-worship, but it is safe to assume that the higher status of the cow is accepted as a norm for much of the Hindu culture.

Bibliography

O’Toole, Therese (2003) Secularizing the sacred cow: the relationship between religious reform and Hindu nationalism. New Delhi : Oxford University Press

Korom, Frank J. (2000) Holy Cow! The apotheosis of Zebu, or why the cow is sacred in Hinduism. Asian Folklore Studies 59 (2): 181-203.

W. Crooke (1912) The Veneration of the Cow in India. Folklore 23 (3): 275-306.

Embree, Ainslie T. (1996) The Hindu Tradition: Reading in Oriental Thought. New York: Random House Inc.

Rodrigues (2006) Hinduism – The Ebook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Yang, Anand (1980) Sacred Symbol and Sacred Space in Rural India: Community Mobilization in the “Anti-Cow Killing” Riot of 1893. Comparative Studies in Society and History 22 (4): 576-596.

Hawley, John (2006) The Life of Hinduism. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Srinivasan, Doris (1979) Concept of the Cow in the Rigveda. Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass.

Jha, D.N. (2002) The Myth of the Holy Cow. New Dehli: CB Publishers.

Buhler, George (2008) The Laws of Manu. Charleston, South Carolina: Forgotten Books.

Related Research Topics

Ahisma

Aryans

Dharma

Grhya

Kamadhenu

Laws of Manu

Prthivi

Tilak

Rig Veda

Related Websites

http://www.religionfacts.com/hinduism/things/cow.htm

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/manu.htm

http://hinduism.about.com/od/vegetarianism/a/holycows.htm

http://history-of-hinduism.blogspot.com/2008/09/holy-cow.html

Holy Cow: The Holiness of Hindu Herds (reprise)

Article written by Janine Andreas (Spring 2012), who is solely responsible for its content.

b. Saivism, Notable Women in Hinduism

Mahadevyakka

Mahadevyakka was a twelfth century female mystic/saint within the Virasaivism movement.  Mahadevyakka renounced her life and devoted herself to the worship of Siva.  From her experiences she composed poetry in which she conveyed her stories and her love for Siva, whom she believed to be her husband (Blake-Michael 363).  Mahadevyakka is also known for her rebellions against social norms of the time.

Mahadevyakka was born in Udutadi, a village in Sivamogga (Ramanujan 111).  Mahadevyakka’s religious devotion began as a young girl.  At a young age she became a Siva-worshipper and continued to grow up as a devout worshipper of the Lord.  The form of Siva that she worshipped in his ascetic form as Cennamallikarjuna, translated as “the Lord White as Jasmine” (Ramanujan 111).  It is said that Mahadevyakka’s beauty caught the attention of King Kausika who wanted to marry her.  It is debated by scholars as to whether she did marry him or if she rejected his proposals.  One story claims that she married the King against her will.  Mahadevyakka was very upset about the marriage because the King was a follower of Jainism (Blake-Michael 362).  She asked him to convert but he refused.  One evening, after rejecting his sexual advances, Mahadevyakka left the palace naked, covered only by her braids (Ramanujan 111).  This began her spiritual journey in pursuit of spiritual union with Siva.  She would wander to different towns and areas in search of union.  Mahadevyakka believed that she was already the wife of Siva and would not marry any other man.  In her journey Mahadevyakka found herself in Kalyana, which was a central city for Virasaivism at the time.  She was, at this point, accepted into the group of saints after being questioned by the other saints (Blake-Michael 363).  The dialogue between Mahadevyakka and Allama, a guru of the school, has become a famous legend.  In this legend Mahadevyakka won over Allama and joined the group as a result of her powerful and convincing words.  She was able to prove to Allama that she has complete devotion to Siva as a good wife to her husband (Blake-Michael 363).  After many years in Kalyana, Mahadevyakka decided to continue on her spiritual journey and left Kalyana.  Her journey ended in her late twenties when she reached Sri Saila, a holy mountain.  It is recounted that it was here that she found union with Siva (Ramanujan 113).  A union of this variety cannot be expressed and only experienced, although Mahadevyakka used her poetry as an attempt to express her love for Siva and her pains of separation from his union.  Her poetry and her opposition to social norms made her a revered saint of her time.

Mahadevyakka was a member of a Saiva sectarian movement called Virasaivism, which was founded in the twelfth century in South India by a man named Basava (Basavanna).  Virasaivism translates as “heroic Saivas.”  They still flourish today and are known as Lingayats, “wearers of the Linga” (Olson 409).  This group, which has been referred toas a protest movement, rejects many of the social constructs of the time period.  This group rejects the caste system and the marriage of children.  They also allow widows to remarry and the dead are buried rather than cremated.  Finally, they declare the sexes equal and that temple worship, sacrifices and pilgrimages are unnecessary.  Virasaivis devotees believe in the equal access of salvation for everyone (Blake-Michael 361).  With these protests to the social constructs of society of her time, Mahadevyakka became known as a rebellious woman but at the same timean important figure in the anti-Brahminical and anti-caste movement.  Unlike the other female saints within Virasaivism, Mahadevyakka was viewed as even more rebellious than other devotees.  This was because she chose to wander naked and was unmarried.  One half of the other female saints within Virasaivism at the time were married (Ramaswamy 43).  The marriage status of these women was important in the explanation of their spirituality.  Mahadevyakka remained independent from male domination.  Her spiritual quest was different than that of the married housewives of Virasaivism because she did not rely on guidance from any male figures; she only trusted in her devotion to Siva.  According to traditional Virasaivism, one was to work and be self reliant, and Mahadevyakka represented a paragon of self reliance (Ramaswamy 52).  Typically, both presently and in the past, Virasaivism female saints who were married, were thought to collaborate with their husbands in their spiritual quests (Ramaswamy 22).  Studies indicate that Mahadevyakka was criticized by other female saints for not wearing clothing.  Her nakedness was seen as an ultimate defiance and thus Mahadevyakka is not paid homage to in any of the other female saints’ writings (Ramaswamy 43).  As a result of the anti-Brahminical and anti-caste beliefs of Virasaivism, Mahadevyakka became symbolic of rebel and female saint.

Mahadevyakka chose to reject the traditionally prescribed roles of a Hindu woman.  Traditionally, it was believed that only high caste men were able to become renouncers.  Hindu society identified women with family and sexual pleasures, and thus were not seen to possess the ability to become ascetics.  Mahadevyakka disagreed with the power of the Brahmins.  As a rejection of the traditional roles of men and women, Mahadevyakka strove to transcend her gender through her spiritual practices.  As she described in her poetry, she is female in form, but is the male principle (Ramaswamy 14).  Through this sentiment Mahadevyakka was able to dissolve the notions of women as untrustworthy and temptresses.  Sexual transcendence was seen as a higher stage of spirituality. The gender boundaries were erased and the saint becomes asexual.  As Mahadevyakka expresses:

Transcending the company of both,

I have attained to peace.

After forgetting this cluster of words,

What if one lives

An integral life?

Once I am joined

To Lord Cennamallikarjuna,

I do not recognize myself

As anything. (Olson 498)

It is at this point that the saint becomes naked.  For male saints this does not represent any social disturbance, yet for female saints this was seen as even more freeing due to the prohibitions placed on females within society (Ramaswamy 40).  Mahadevyakka renounced her family and her clothing and freed herself from any social conventions.  She had but her braids to cover her private body parts to decrease the temptation of others (Ramaswamy 41).  For Mahadevyakka and many other saints, she viewed her body as an aide to her self realization and spirituality.

A further act of rebellion by Mahadevyakka was that she remained unmarried physically to a man.  This resulted in society viewing her as ‘deviant’ (Ramaswamy 27).  Within Hindu society, unmarried women are largely viewed as temptations to men yet Mahadevyakka believed that she was married to Siva and that he was her groom (pati) (Ramaswamy 34).  She also journeyed with no male escort.  In conventional society, this would be viewed as a very dangerous act for a woman.  Mahadevyakka believed she had transcended gender and caste and thereby believed that she could take part in living as any of the other male ascetics and saints.  Through Mahadevyakka’s poetry it is clear that her spiritual quest is for union with Siva.  Her poetry exemplifies her beliefs and quest for union with Siva, while she opposed society’s views and presented the independent strength of the female saint.

The poetry of Virasaivism was passed on orally for centuries prior to being collected into what is called Sunyasampadane.  The type of poetry that Mahadevyakka composed was medieval bhakti (devotion) poetry called vacanas or sayings of their saints.  Mahadevyakka’s poetry consists of what can be interpreted as the three forms of love: love forbidden, love during separation, and love in union (Ramanujan 113).  Her poetry expresses her quest to find love and union with Siva, while wandering:

O swarm of bees

O mango tree

O moonlight

O koilbird

I beg of you all

one

favour:

If you should see my lord anywhere

my lord white as jasmine

call out

and show him to me. (Ramanujan 122)

In her poetry Mahadevyakka refers to Siva as “…my lord white as jasmine,” or, as in the previous poem, “Lord Cennamallikarjuna”.  Through her poetry, Mahadevyakka also expresses her emotions of being torn between being female and at the same time as being human.  Her yearning is expressed by her desire to transcend the boundaries placed on her as female and human to achieve true union with Siva.  As she states with reference to gender limitations:

As long as woman is woman, then

A man defiles her;

As long as man is man,

A woman defiles him.

When the mind’s taint is gone, is there room for the body’s taint?…

(Ramaswamy 15)

Further study of Mahadevyakka’s poetry reveals her life story.  One can follow Mahadevyakka’s life through her poetry with respect to her marriage to Siva.  Her poetry begins with King Kausika, her rejection of the world and ends with her final union with Siva through whom she escapes the human world.  Her final union with Siva is described in her vacana:

Hear me, O Father Linga:

This feeling has become my life…

Mark you, Cennamallikarjuna:

Worshipping Thee with all my heart,

My wheel of births has ceased! (Olson 495)

Mahadevyakka’s metaphors of human love are expressions of her mystic journey. She is revered as the most poetic saint among the Virasaiva saints (Ramanujan 113).

References and Further Recommended Reading

Blake Michael, R. (1983) “Woman of the Śūnyasampādane: Housewives and Saints in Virasaivism.” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 103, No. 2.

Olson, Carl (2007) Hindu Primary Sources.  New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.

Oxtoby, Willard G. (2002) World Religions: Eastern Traditions.  Oxford: Oxford

University Press.

Ramanujan, A.K. (1973) Speaking of Śiva.  Hollingsworth : Penguin Publishing.

Ramaswamy, Vijaya ( 1996) Divinity and Deviance: Women in Virasaivism.  Oxford: Oxford University Press.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Female mystic

Saint

Guru

Virasaivism

Lingayats

Linga

Basava (Basavanna)

Female Pollution

Bhakti

Siva

Saiva Devotionalism

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.indiayogi.com/content/indiangurus/female-saint-mahadeviyakka.aspx

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akka_Mahadevi

http://sacred-songs.blogspot.com/2007/06/mahadeviyakka.html

Article written by: Virginia Williams (April 2010) who is solely responsible for its contents.

d. Vedic Rituals (Yajna), Other Rituals

The Agnicayana Ritual

In earliest forms of Aryan religion [1000 BCE] there are Vedic hymns, the oldest being the Rg Veda Samhita, which consists of over 1000 hymns in praise (Rg) of various deities. Two other samhitas were produced through the Rg Veda Samhita, being Sama Veda Samhita and Yujur Veda Samhita, which together count as early orthodox Aryan scripture. The Sama Veda Samhita contains mainly scriptures of the Rg Veda which explained ways of sacrificial offerings and Vedic rituals performed with chanting (saman) performed by a certain group of priests (udgatrs) (Rodrigues 54). Included in the majority of the rituals in the sacrifice of soma, a hallucinogenic plant, and the construction of fire altars. The Agnicayana ritual exemplifies the Rg Veda chants requiring the construction of a fire altar (agni) as a gateway to pour sacrifices into over a twelve day period where it is believed that to have the host performing the sacrifice for personal gain[wealth, offspring, vitality, etc] (Rodrigues 64). It has been dated as originating around 1000 B.C., however it has been an on again-off again ritual, and has only been captured and observed once in 1975. The ritual has been best translated from the Vedic Yajnavalkya section of the Satapatha Brahmana (SB), stating that the Agnicayana rite is for a yajamana (the patron of sacrifice) to instill an immortal body on himself, in the rebuilding of the “unstrung” body of the god Prajapati (Converse 83).

A fire altar must be built in order for the Agnicayana ritual to take place. The preparation can take up to a year before the ritual can fully take place, and the timing of the ritual must be precise as well. The ritual must take place in between the time of the new moon and the full moon in spring (Rodrigues 64-65), and then preparations for the ritual space must be concise and made in sequences “The ritual site is a recon­struction of the cosmos itself, whose dimensions are mirrored in that of the human microcosm. One sees, in this ancient rite, early applications of the astronomical sciences in the necessary timings of each event, of mathematics, in its computations and structural geometries, and of the physical sciences in the casting of bricks, the making of fire, and the offering of oblations” (Rodrigues 65). The fire altar can be made into different shapes, however the most common shape is that of the bird of prey (syena) that is dedicated to the god Agni. Agni has been described as eating the forest, a killer of demons and enemies, and although a god, he is never disengaged from his element, fire. Agni is closely interconnected with the home/family/clan/rituals, being represented by domestic fires that burn constantly; Agni guards the home and all within it (Staal Vol. I). Through the Agnicayana ritual, one prays to Agni to help in the desired outcome of the ritual.

Agnicayana is the building of the fire alter, which is an important part of the ritual. The fire altar includes placing of a minimum of 10 800 kiln-fired bricks, placed in a specific and detailed layout, in five layers with the sacrificial layer placed on top. Fire altars in other rites are normally made of packed earth.  The Agnicayana ritual uses bricks, and every brick is placed with a special mantra attached to each individual one; with special actions carried out, and the religious meanings of each part of the rite carefully explained (Converse 83). Recently, the most common shape of the alter is that of a falcon, syena or suparna; even though the altar can be made into different shapes, the bird shaped alter is most common. The altar dimensions and brick pilings have been considered to be partly based on the cosmos, where every piece has a number and that number signifies a time and place, which fits into the ‘astronomical code’ or symbolic associations with shapes and time. The bricks are classified into two different kinds: ordinary (lokamprna) and special (yajusmati). For the yajusmati bricks, each brick is shaped a certain way and labeled/marked in a unique way, and the total of the bricks made is to be 396. This aids in the symbolism, as there are 360 days in a year and then the additional 36 days left as the days of the intercalary month. The first layer laid out with the yajusmati bricks has 98, the second 41, and third 71, the fourth 47, and the fifth 138; all containing certain equations within each of the numbers and together to form the number of days in a lunar year, half year, and a naksatra year. For the lokamprna bricks, there are a total of 10 800, and this refers to the number of muhurtas in a year, and are divided up in 3 ways for the layout: 21 go into the garhapatya, 78 to the eight dhisnya hearths, and the rest to the ahavaniya altar (Kak 7(1995)). The five layers of the bricks indicate the five divisions of the year, the five physical elements, and five senses (Kak 1 2005). Many of the sequences and numbers are grouped together in triples; this symbolizes the relevance to the cosmos during the Agnicayana ritual. At the home, the patron will have three altars: one circular (earth), half-moon (atmosphere), and the last square (sky), which symbolizes the head, heart, and body of the Cosmic Man (purusa). During the Agnicayana ritual, the two altars representing the sky and the atmosphere will be built to the east end of the ceremony (Kak 2 (2005)). After the five layers a wooden mortar is placed on top (a ‘sixth layer is the heavenly world’), and on top of the mortar the ukha will be placed (which represents a ‘seventh layer, immortality’) (Kak 3 (2005)). The connectedness of the cosmos with the construction of the fire altars are very precisely practiced and honored during the Agnicayana ritual.

After all the preparation and during the correct time, the Agnicayana ritual is officially held over a twelve day period, where each day signifies the beginning of a new layer to the altar and sacrifices given to certain deities. The first day begins with the yajamana (patron of sacrifice) and 17 different priests carrying three sacred fires in different pots (Staal Vol. I); the ukha pot, the main ritual vessel which symbolizes Sakti, the womb of all creation, is prepared from clay. The yajamana goes through various rites of passage [one instance has the yajamana given a sacred garment and staff to wear for the remaining twelve days until the final bath on the twelfth day (Staal Vol. I)], and a vow of silence for the remainder of the ritual aside from during the Vedic prayers (Rodrigues 66). During the second day the mahavira pot, the main vessel of the Pravargya, is prepared from clay, and on the third day measurements of mahavedi and the bird-shaped offering altars are laid out in the east of the enclosure. The fourth day consists of the starting of the construction of the first layer of the fire altar, where mantras are spoken to each brick by the advaryu priest on behalf of the yajamana; a new domestic altar is constructed to replace the old hearth; soma, a hallucinogenic plant, is purchased while the subrahmanya priest invites Indra, Agni (as Rudra), and other Brahmins to join the Soma ingestion on the sutya day; and the first Pravargya (offerings of boiled milk) and Upasad (offerings and oblations of clarified butter (ghee)) are executed in the morning and at night. On the fifth, sixth, and seventh day a morning practice of the Pravargya and Upasad is performed, followed by the building of a new layer to the altar accompanied by prayers and hymns, and then closes with the Pravargya and Upasad. On the eighth day the Pravargya and Upasad open the morning with the laying of the fifth layer to the altar while the yajamana prays for the original desires of the ritual for himself, and a oblation of substances are made into the fire for Rudra (Agni) with the Udgata priest singing chants around the altar, and then closes with the evening Pravargya and Upasad. The ninth day opens the same, with the Pravargya and Upasad performed, and then the mahavira pot and other things used in the Pravargya are put down on the new offering altar in the shape of a man; the ukha pot is placed in the middle of the bird shaped altar; oblations of ghee are made into the sacrificial fire with a large wooden ladle (preseka) called the ‘flow of wealth’ and is followed by many more offerings and oblations; and the Agnisomiya animal sacrifice is performed. From the tenth – twelfth day the pressing of the Soma is conducted and ceremonies will continue for two days and nights with the constant consumption and offerings of Soma to the priests and gods; fires are installed on the hearths in the sadas; eleven animals are sacrificed for various deities; the yajamana and his wife and the priests take the avabhrtha bath; a final goat is sacrificed for Mitra-Varuna. In closing, the yajamana and his wife go back home bringing with them three of the fires from the ceremony where he will then place them in the home, and keep performing the morning and evening Agnihotra for the rest of his life (Staal Vol. I). The last step helps in the patron keep the connection with the gods and his promise to them he had made throughout the Agnicayana ritual.

The Agnicayana ritual was traditionally performed as an important aspect to the Vedic literature in India, and preserves the earlier features of India’s culture in distinguishing between Buddhism and Hinduism (Staal Vol. I).

References and further recommended readings

Converse, Hyla S. (1974) History of Religions: the Agnicayana Rite: Indigenous Origin?. The

University of Chicago Press.

Kak, Subhash C. (1995) From Vedic Science to Vedanta. Louisiana: Adyar Library.

Kak, Subhash C. (2005) The Axis and the Perimeter of the Temple. Los Angeles: Sangama 2005.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism – the Ebook: An online introduction. Journal of Buddhist

Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Staal, Frits (1983) Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar. Vol. I. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass

publishers.

Tull, Herman W. (1989) The Vedic Origins of Karma: Cosmos as Man in Ancient Indian Myth

and Ritual. New York: State University New York Press.

Related Topics

Srauta

Agni

Yajamana

Adhrarya

Pravargya

Upasad

Agnicayana

Syena

Mahavedi

Sutya

Udgata

Sada

Acchavaka

Agnihotra

Veda

Agni

Cosmos

Aryan

Soma

Article written by: Erica Wendland (2010) who is solely responsible for its content.

Siva

Bhairava

Bhairava, the fierce form of Siva, has many monikers. He is Siva’s form of terror and transcendency (Kramrisch 471). He is Siva in his entirety, yet displays ugly characteristics unbecoming of an all-powerful god. Bhairava is known to have eight names and representations: Kala Bhairava (that which time is afraid of), Kalaraja (lord of time and death) Kapaline (skull carrier), Asitanga (one with black limbs), Sahara (destruction), Ruru (storm) Unmatta (raging) the Supreme Beggar, and Rudra (Knappert 49) [literature consistently discusses his 8 names, but rarely does one source list them all]. His name is derived from the Hindu word bhiru, meaning timid or fearful. Bhairava’s physical description is controversial at best, for there is not one stock image of what he should look like – no single image can truly personify the fearful mystery that is Bhairava. Some say he is emaciated and ghoulish looking, others believe he is stern and bloated, with long, black matted hair, occasionally surrounded by flames, and as black as Kala, with a coy smile of his face (Kramrisch 297). Still other sources indicate he has flaming hair with a necklace of skulls and a viper coiled around his neck (Knappert 49). The differing arsenal of physical traits of Bhairava is a testament to his enigmatic, mysterious presence. Some similarities between literary descriptions of Bhairava are his general lack of clothing, be it nakedness or filthy rags emphasizing his nakedness, and fangs that glint whenever he smiles (Kramrisch 297). He is armed with a pasha (noose), trishula (trident), damaru (drum) and a skull in his left hand (Knappert 49). It seems bizarre that a holy deity such as Siva could have such a dark side. The myth explaining the creation of Bhairava will untangle the complexities and seeming idiosyncrasies of this mystery.

Prajapati and Brahma are the successive names of The Creator in Hindu mythology, each name representing the same entity in a different eon (Kramrisch 251). Prajapati, in the form of an antelope, lusted after his daughter and was shot by Rudra-Siva in disgusted anger. The head of the dead antelope flew into the sky and became a constellation. In a gesture of compassion, Prajapati-Brahma was revived and given four heads, one for each cardinal direction (Kramrisch 252). Four heads did not prove enough though. Once again overcome with lust for his daughter, the lust from which his four heads had been created, Brahma sprouted a fifth head to gaze at her as she ascended towards heaven.

Brahma refused to accept the testimony of the Vedas, which declared Siva the Ultimate Truth of the Universe, and scolded Siva for his sexual activities: ”‘How could the Brahman [i.e.; Siva], free of all attachment, lustily sport with his wife in the company of his troops of deformed churn goblins?’” (Visuvalingam 160). In a rage, Siva appeared as an infinite column of fire. Not heeding this warning, Brahma lied, saying he had gone and seen the top of the fire-linga, further inciting Siva’s wrath. Brahma then reminded Siva that he was, in fact, created from the forehead of Brahma, and patronized him further by calling him ‘son’ and offering him protection.

Out of Siva’s rage Bhairava was then created, in a human form. Bhairava, or Kala-Bhairava, is called the ‘Lord of Time-Death’ and was created of the most terrible, horrifying features, inconceivable to even the most imaginative dreamer. Time itself is afraid of Bhairava. With a subtle movement, Bhairava decapitated Brahma’s fifth head with the fingernail of his left thumb, or, in other versions of the origin myth, with the nails of the fingers of his left hand, or after a great battle (Kramrisch 261). The skull instantly became melded with Bhairava’s left hand, and could not be dislodged. In penance for his crimes, Siva ordered Bhairava to wander the earth as a renouncer with the skull as his begging bowl (Visuvalingam 161). The Brahmanicide would be absolved once Bhairava reached the holy city of Kasi.

Bhairava, through his wanderings, eventually came upon the Deodar forest. Here he stumbled upon a group of sages (rsis) and their seven wives. His stark, naked, erotic presence and kingly aura attracted the women and infuriated the seers (Kramrisch 288). Bhairava was castrated after sleeping with the wives of the rsis who were helplessly attracted to his god-aura. His severed linga created a momentous event as it fell to the earth, erupting into a fiery pillar without beginning or end that traversed the universe, much like the pillar from which he was created (Kramrisch 288). The sages fell and worshipped the linga, and Siva vanished. It was during this incident in the Deodar forest where Bhairava became known as the Supreme Beggar (Kramrisch 288). After wandering further, Bhairava came upon the house of Visnu to find the entrance blocked by the doorkeeper, Visvaksena. Bhairava impaled him on his trident and walked into Visnu’s abode with the guard dangling limply from the weapon. Unphased, Visnu attempted to fill the skull with blood from a vein on his forehead, but it was unquenched and would not fill, not even after one thousand years [other sources merely cite ‘eons’] of Visnu’s pouring blood (Kramrisch 293). Visnu agreed that Bhairava must proceed to Varanasi [referred to as Kasi or Banaras in other literature], the holy city. Upon finally reaching Kasi, Bhairava must have been a sight to behold, a naked wanderer with a skull in his left hand and an impaled body on his trident. Once within the limits of the holy city, Bhairava sank into the ground, the skull falling from his left hand. He had been freed from his Brahmanicide. The holy ground upon which he is said to have sunk into is known as Kapalamocana (Visuvalingam 161).

Bhairava (c. 10th century); Asian Civilizations Museum, Singapore 2006

The origin myth is an extremely detailed, rich story recalling the creation and journey of Bhairava as he attempts to absolve himself of the most unholy of sins, Brahmanicide. As with all things Hindu, symbolism and meaning abound in Bhairava’s myth. In this section, I will delve into some of the major motifs and symbols used in the origin myth and explain their significance as it relates to modern Hinduism.

The origin myth is permeated throughout by transgressions from different gods, in many different situations. The origin of transgression derives from the creation of Brahma’s fifth head. The fifth head is often described as having the long hair and unkempt appearance of an ascetic. Representing an outgrowth of uncontrolled desire, the fifth head is used as a symbol for transgression across India (Kramrisch 255). The head was said to have brayed like an ass, proposed incest to Brahma’s daughter, directed evil sounds towards Siva and even to lie (Visuvalingam 170). It is the fifth head of Brahma that lead to his beheading by Siva. Just as Prajapati in past eons had singled himself out for Rudra’s arrow by consorting with his daughter, Brahma’s fifth head likewise displayed an unnecessary lust, and once again provoked Siva; indeed, only Siva of all the gods had five heads, and Brahma’s fifth head of transgression negated all that which Siva’s fifth head had symbolized (Kramrisch 255).  Bhairava’s theme of transgression is obvious, due to the nature of his very creation, and continues with his naked appearance and erotic persona. Bhairava is often shown with a dog or as a dog, the dog being one of Hinduism’s least auspicious animals (Knappert 49). The murder of Visvaksena, Visnu’s doorkeeper, further increases his deviance. The use of his left fingernail to decapitate Brahma, an inauspicious side, further stresses his negativity (Visuvalingam 165). On the human side, even the rsis, whose wives Siva lures into his clutches, commit a heinous sin by castrating Bhairava.

Yet, in modern Hinduism, there is celebration, worship, and even festivals of Bhairava [to be explained further in the reading]. How did such a ‘bad’ god and transgressive myth become associated with joyous festivities? The key is that all of these transgressions are eventually appeased – Brahma is punished with decapitation, Siva is forced to make Bhairava wander to Kasi for absolution, and even the seers are repentant after Siva exposes himself as a fire-linga to them. It is in this pursuit of ‘forgiveness’ from their transgressions that the characters become holy and sanctified, and from this pursuit comes the empathy of Bhairva’s worshippers. The condemnation of Bhairava as a heretic for the decapitation is simultaneously accompanied by his worship for truly valourizing Brahma by serving out his punishment in due course (Visuvalingam 166). Had he not cut off Brahma’s fifth head, he would not have achieved his infamy nor his fame. Through his act of transgression he achieved Brahman. From night came day, and from fire came water. The origin myth is sacred and good because even throughout the inauspiciousness, it preserves the dharma inherent in the universe.

It is interesting to note that there is no force stronger than Siva that could oblige him to comply with the Brahmanical law, in other words, no ‘deity police’, per se, which could punish Siva for his Brahmanicide. It seems as though Siva makes Bhairava comply with the Brahmanical laws only out of due respect for Brahma; in a sense, trying to seem apologetic for his deeds. “Visnu venerated him as the Supreme Being, untainted by sins like Brahmanicide, and acknowledged that [Bhairava’s] degradation and dependence were a mere fancy.” (Visuvalingam 161). This quote, from a conversation between Bhairava and Visnu in his forested home, indicates that even Visnu realizes that there is nothing keeping Bhairava on earth to continue his plight other than goodwill from Siva. This realization that Siva-Bhairava is adhering to Brahmanical law and striving for auspiciousness further reinforces the positivity and worship associated with Bhairava in modern Hinduism, and has also earned him the name of Sin-Eater (Visuvalingam 169).

The first and most important temple dedicated to Kala Bhairava was located on the banks of the Kapalamocana Tirtha river, where the Sin-Eater waited permanently to devour the past wrongdoings of pilgrims and devotees (Visuvalingam 163).

Bhairavastami [alternatively called Bhairav Ashtrami], the festival of Bhairava, is a temple festival derived from the Brahmanicide myth. It is held on the eight night of the waning moon in the month of Margasirsa (Visuvalingam 159). The transgressions of Bhairava can be seen symbolized in the inauspicious setting of the festival. Those who fast all day and stay awake all night during Bhairavastami are freed from great sins (Visuvalingam 161). If one performs ablutions at Kapalamocana (the holy site where the skull fell from Bhairava’s hand) they become absolved of Brahmanicide. During Bhairavastami, various large vegetables such as pumpkins, jackfruit, watermelons or coconuts are used as sacrificial human heads and placed at a stake within the temple. Some sources state it is likely that in much earlier times real human sacrifices were made (Visuvalingam 169).

Bhairava is also honoured during the cosmogonic New Year festival in Bhaktapur (Nepal). He is symbolized in linga form as two large poles crossing over each other, with the earthen holes holding them in place being the yoni. Bhairava is said to come and witness/supervise the ritual death of two snakes during this festival (Visuvalingam 184).

It is not surprising that, being the Time-Death god, Bhairava is associated with Hindu funeral procedure. His occasional moniker ‘Lord of Ghosts’ illustrates the extent to which he is associated with death (Visuvalingam 178). Pilgrims on their way to Gaya to pay respects to their deceased ancestors (pitr) and can give offering to Bhairava enroute (Visuvalingam 178).

Certain sects of Hinduism worship Bhairava at a higher level than the average Hindu. The Kaulas, or Kapalika-Bhairava, are an offshoot of Hinduism which advocate impurities such as transgressive sexual union, excessive consumption of meat and wine and other inauspiciousness. (Visuvalingam 196). They have adopted Bhairava as “a symbol of reality more ultimate than even the Brahman of Sankara” (Visuvalingam 159). Kapalikas are also known to take up a skull and staff of a Brahman in order to do a pilgrimage in Bhairava’s footsteps (Visuvalingam 164). Bhairava is held so closely to them because his transgressions, impurity and eroticism match up very well with the beliefs of Kashmir Saivism. The Kapalikas will also participate in human blood sacrifice in order to please Siva-Bhairava and truly display their dedication to the impure god (Visuvalingam 164).

On a less extreme level, Bhairavic worship is still very common in modern day Hinduism. On special days of worship the Brahman priests will offer patrons meat, wine and fish, and occasionally devotees will perform an animal sacrifice on special days (Visuvalingam 206). The Kala-Bhairava temple is still the most popular temple to the deviant god, offering regular goat sacrifices and ‘head’ sacrifices (pieces of fruits as explained above) to please Bhairava. In Nepal, Bhairava is honoured by the royal community (the Newars) in their entirety at the Bhairavi Rath Jatra festival. It culminates in the sacrifice of multiple buffaloes and goats, whose outpouring of blood symbolically feeds the eternally empty skull-begging bowl (Visuvalingam 208). Criminals in Nepal testify in front of the police-magistrate of Kasi (Bhairava) are swear an oath while touching the foot of Bhairava. It is said that any liars will be killed on the spot (Visuvalingam 210).

Bhairava has permeated throughout Hindu religious practices in many convoluted ways. Much of the lore concerning him has been lost over generations, but the central theme of his transgressions and their absolution has remained as a reminder as to just how important he is. Bhairava is a great example of the ways in which Hindu mythology contains ethical transgressions, such as decapitation of a god, and uses these issues to explain the universal truths with realistic emphasis. Elizabeth Visuvalingam states this concisely at the end of her chapter:

“Although much of the symbolism surrounding Bhairava is no longer understood even by his most ardent devotees and the cult itself is being rapidly effaced, one only has to replace those symbols in their original context to recognize the transgressive mode of sacrality that inspires them.” (210)

References

Knappert, Jan (1991) Indian Mythology: An Encyclopedia of Myth and Legend. Michigan: University of Michigan Aquarian Press (Harper Collins).

Kramrisch, Stella (1981) The Presence of Siva. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press

E. Visuvaligam (1989). Bhairava’s Royal Brahmanicide: The Problem of the Mahabrahmana. In Criminal Gods and Demon Devotees: Essays on the Guardians of Popular Hinduism. Hiltebeitel, Alf (ed.). Albany: State University of New York Press.

Related Readings

Eck, Diana (1999) Banaras: City of Light. New York: Columbia University Press.

Lorenzen, David (1972) The Kapalikas and Kalamukhas, two lost Saivite sects. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Stientencron, Heinrich von (2005). Hindu myth, Hindu history: Religion, Art, and Politics. Delhi: Permanent Black.

Topics for Further Investigation

Kasi/Banaras

Kapalamocana

Bhima

Bhairavastami

Animal vehicles – the dog, the donkey

Kala

Visnu

Brahma

Linga – religious importance

Blood sacrifice

Transgression in Hinduism

Noteworthy Websites Related to Bhairava

http://www.svabhinava.org/TSHT-old/index.php

http://www.philhine.org.uk/writings/tt_wrathful.html

http://www.shivashakti.com/bhairava.htm

http://www.experiencefestival.com/bhairava

http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/Bhairava

Article written by: Adrian Tomei (April 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.

2. Vaisnava Schools

The Swaminarayan Movement

The Swaminarayan religion was founded by Sahajanand Swami in the 19th century. Though two hundred years old the Swaminarayan religion is still considered new, “a modern development in Hinduism” (Williams 1984:xi), for the Hindu religions of India are very old, reaching back as far as 1500 BCE in the case of the Vedic religions. The faith took form in India’s western most state of Gujarat during a time when the British still held control. As the British developed political supremacy Sahajanand also spread forth his movement in the area. Sahajanand Swami’s movement was one of reform that came about when Gujarat was in the midst of rebellion, famine, social and political change. During this time Sir John Malcolm, the British governor of Bombay, also sought out similar reforms and looked for aid from respected Indian leaders such as Sahajanand Swami to help institute these reforms. The meeting between the two figures is today displayed in pictures in many Swaminarayan temples showing that two men of very different worlds both strived for the common goals of social order and harmony. In 1830 Sahajanand Swami died and left his disciples the teachings and ideas that he had tried to pass onto to others. The Swaminarayan faith is called a sampradaya, “a tradition which has been handed down from a founder through successive religious teachers and which shapes the followers into a distinct fellowship with institutional forms” (Williams 1984:xii).

The Swaminarayan religion is categorized as one that follows Vaishnaivism. This is to say that the followers are worshippers of the Hindu God Visnu and the avatars associated with him such as Rama or Krsna. During the beginning of the 19th century the Indian state of Gujarat was experiencing civil war, famine, and disaster. It was also going through political and social change under the influence of the British who had established control in the area. Followers of the Swaminarayan faith believe that these times coincide perfectly with the rise of Sahajanand Swami his movement. As Vaishnavites it is traditionally believed that “such periods of decay and despair call forth a great religious teacher, a manifestation of god, to bring peace and order” (Williams 2001:8). Sahajanand Swami was born in a village outside of Gujarat called Chhapia. Chhapia is located near Ayodhya, the birth place of Rama in the Hindu epic Ramayana. His day of birth falls upon the day of the festival that celebrates the birth of Rama. His birth name, Ghanashyam, is also known as one of the childhood names of Krsna who in the Hindu epic Mahabharata is an avatar of Visnu. All this reaffirms the belief of Swaminarayan followers that Sahajanand Swami, also called Swaminarayan, was an incarnation of Visnu manifested on Earth to bring balance. It was during this time of depression and plight that the Swami took stage and developed a following of people, guided by the ideas of reform that he brought into action in the state of Gujarat.

Devotees of the Swaminarayan movement must all take vows, which Sahajanand required of all those who followed him. All followers are required not to steal, not to commit adultery, not to eat meat, not to drink intoxicants, and not to receive food from another person who belonged to a caste that was lower than their own. Those devotees who desired to become ascetics out of devotion to the Swami were required to take further vows such as the renunciation of worldly goods, abstaining from all forms of violence, and a vow of absolute celibacy. The reasoning for this high level of discipline required of the Swaminarayan followers was due to the chaotic state of Gujarat society that Sahajanand believed was the cause for the breakdown of ascetic discipline. The Swaminarayan faith sought reform and change from the disorganized and uncontrolled state that many people had fallen into, requiring committed discipline that its followers must adhere to. Some ascetics during the beginning of the movement and at the point of greatest resistance were initiated to the Swami’s highest state of asceticism. This state was known as Paramhansa, a state of “total renunciation, no rules or regulations that are prescribed in the scriptures applied to them and they had no actions to perform” (Williams 2001:22). This extreme from of asceticism was used so that the members of the Swaminarayan movement would go unnoticed by their enemies. By ridding themselves of all outwardly marks they would be invisible to those around them. Those of the Paramhansa status were characterized by ending their names in “ananda” to signify this status. These high class ascetics, however, were only temporary for the beginning of the movement. They were no longer ordained by Sahajanand after the Swaminarayan became more established and less targeted by those that did not support the movement. At this point, the movement was aided by the British who had established solid control in Gujarat during this time.

Further reform developed in the Swaminarayan works that strived to benefit the social welfare of the area. Followers of the movement helped rebuild destroyed buildings, dig new wells, and repair roads. This broke from regular custom found in Hindu society. Devotees of higher caste found themselves helping those of lower class. Ascetics who were believed to be above the station of those who did manual labor were found doing just that. All followers of the Swaminarayan movement were found working as carpenters, masons, and other professions to build homes, temples, and any other structures thought needed to construct a better society. During times of famine and plague the ascetics opened what could be called early day soup kitchens to provide aid for the sick and hungry affected by disaster. In this way the Swaminarayan faith and its followers are characterized by their project works to benefit social welfare. This particular show of compassion also resulted in converting many people to the faith once the realization was gained that even the ascetics, those who some considered a burden, were laboring just like everyone else. The people were attracted to the ideas put forth by the movement, “Sahajanand followed a strict moral code and had a profound influence for good in the lives of his followers, many of whom came from the least restrained portion of the population” (Williams 2001:69). The idea of those of higher caste giving aid in those places of lower caste was an alluring aspect.

The Swaminarayan movement experienced a lot of controversy because of its reforms. One such aspect that caused others to frown upon the movement was its attitude towards the caste system. Although prescribed in their vows not to accept food from those of lower caste, the Swaminarayan movement still acts in a manner as to help others, which includes the high class ascetic Brahmins helping those of lower classes. Being a vegetarian and being against all forms of violence were both vows that needed to be taken by all followers. With these ideals held high and strictly followed, many traditional customs and practices of regular Hindu society were considered for change. Sacrificial rituals, for instance, could not be done by the Swaminarayan. To ritually sacrifice an animal involved both the killing of an animal and an act of violence. Such actions were condemned by the faith. Sahajanand believed that rituals could be done in a different manner, “In AD 1808 he staged a large sacrifice (yajna) without animal sacrifice in Ahmedabad” (Williams 2001:24). This was not taken well by more traditional Hindus. Other large bloodless sacrifices were performed as demonstrations to others that such traditions could still be done without the need for spilled blood. Eventually it was decided upon that sacrifices would no longer be used to preach the ideals of the Swaminarayan. Instead it was decided upon that the Swaminarayan would congregate in organized meetings of members of the faith that would be held twice a year. Other ritual such as the sati, a ritual in which the wife of a dead husband burns herself on the funeral pyre along with the deceased is also condemned by the Swaminarayan sect.

The Swaminarayan is a monotheistic group, but not in the Western religious sense. As stated the Swaminarayans are Vaishnavites or followers of Visnu. As a reformer, Sahajanand moved away from several traditional beliefs and practices that other Hindu religious sects followed. Not all people were ready to throw away such beliefs and their worship of more than one God but some were. Although the Swaminarayan devotion focused mainly on Visnu, they still gave worship to four other deities that were deemed very important “Siva, Ganapati, Parvati, and Surya, the major deities worshiped by Smarta Brahmins” (Williams 2001:25). This did not mean that they did in fact worship more than one God. In March of 1825 Sahanjanand Swami met with the Bishop Heber and discussed the Swaminarayan religion with him. The main focus that the Bishop was interested in and topic they discussed most was the monotheistic ideals that the Bishop had heard the Swaminarayan followed. In Sahajanand’s opening statements to the Bishop he said “Many names there may be, and have been, given to him who is and is the same, but whom we as well as other hindoos call brihm” (Williams 2001:70) which is to say that there are many ways to say the name God or as the Hindu people call it, Brahman. To identify God with another name such as Visnu is only to give character to one aspect of that which is Brahman. It is not to say that all deities they give worship to are called God.

Today the Swaminarayan movement is still thriving. In 2001 it was estimated that the faith was numbering upwards of five million members, the bulk of which reside in the homeland of Gujarat. However, it is important to note that there are two main divisions of the Swaminarayan movement. At the time in 2001 it was believed that “3.5 million associated with Vadtal and Ahmedabad and 1.5 million associated with the Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushattam Sanstha” (Williams 2001:68) but it is hard to tell exactly how many belong to each division and how many follow both. It is difficult to judge just how many there are but it is reasonable to believe that there may be even more devotees today. One thing that is now used to gather hundreds of thousands of people are modern mega-festivals. These festivals attract “both faithful followers and the idly curious – to religious events that concentrate the transmission of tradition in various media at a single site over a specific period of a few days or a month” (Williams 2001:176) which relates all the way back to when Sahajanand Swami decided to have large organized meetings with the members of his faith instead of non-violent sacrifices. The Swaminarayan are mostly consolidated in India but have expanded all over the world in smaller numbers.

References and further recommended readings

Williams, R. B. (1984) A New Face of Hinduism: The Swaminarayan Religion.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Williams, R. B. (2001) An Introduction to Swaminarayan Hinduism Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

Related topics for further investigation

Ahmedabad

Vadtal

Bochasanwasi akshar purushottam sanstha

Muktas

Smarta Brahmin

Paramhansa

Sampradaya

Gujarat

Vaishnavism

Note Worthy Websites

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swaminarayan#cite_note-73

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/sects/swaminarayana.asp

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaishnavism

http://www.indianetzone.com/8/sahajananda_swami.htm

http://www.religionfacts.com/hinduism/sects/vaishnavism.htm

http://philtar.ucsm.ac.uk/encyclopedia/hindu/devot/swamin.html

Article written by: Kevin Storoz (March 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.

(Revised on April 10, 2010)

e. Purity and Pollution

Vegetarianism in Hinduism

A commonly recognized trait of the Hindu tradition is the notion of religious vegetarianism.  A major reason that the study of Hindu vegetarianism is of particular interest is that the practice emerged some time prior to the Common Era (Bryant 194).  The practice of vegetarianism is not universal among Hindus and the instance of practice varies amongst the various classes and the region of the country the sects originated.  The exact percentage of vegetarians among Hindus could not be found but it should be noted that based on the 2004 census about a quarter of India’s population are vegetarians placing them as the minority.  Early Hinduism was heavily involved in animal sacrifice, which still is common among some sects.  In order to get a full understanding for the practice of vegetarianism, many aspects of the religion must be looked into. These include prescriptions in the religious texts such as the Vedas and the epics, as well as religious aspects such as Dharma and reincarnation, and religious guides such as the Laws of Manu.

The reason to discuss the ritual of animal sacrifice in an article about vegetarianism is because it is important to see where the practice came from and how it came to be.  Animal sacrifice has long been a ritual carried out in the Hindu tradition.  The Vedas contain material specific to sacrifice, much of which are hymns used in the sacrificial ritual (Bryant 195).  One of the most notable sacrifices is the as vamedha or the horse sacrifice.  This ritual was undertaken by kings who wished to have a son.  This is considered one of the most powerful sacrifices and required many animals to perish in the ritual’s enactment.  This is considered a very powerful ritual and is also very expensive, but was done according to Vedic specifications to appease the gods in order to get what the king needed.  The animals used in the sacrifice first had to be ritually slaughtered for use in that sacrifice and the meat was later consumed by those in the Brahmin class (Bryant 195).  This is a stark contrast to the Brahmins of modern vegetarian sects, who are commonly the individuals who abstain from eating meat.  This is not to say that the symbolism of sacrifice is not still important to Hindus.  Offering the gods sacrifices to ensure that they are pleased by humans is still a big part of the religion.  However according to the Laws of Manu that a sacrifice composed of butter and flour is sufficient to please the gods (Bryant 198).

There are many aspects of the Hindu tradition that would lead to a vegetarian lifestyle.  In the Hindu tradition every being on the earth, including animals and insects, contain an atman and also has the ability to be reborn in the next life as one of any number of entities (Bryant 194).  If humans lead a life full of bad karma and an absence of dharma then they could be reborn into a lower class, e.g. as a sudra, or possibly even an animal.  With the idea of an atman also came the notion of ahimsa which translates roughly as non-violence.  Ahimsa in the Hindu tradition is extended to all beings with atman which is every animal.  Since it is believed that all beings have an atman then killing and eating any of these beings would not be dharmic.  The killing of animals for the purpose of a humans own enjoyment or for a human’s subsistence is believed to bring bad karma. For instance, scripture has stated that slaying a beast outside of the ritual context of a sacrifice to a god will cause the slayer to dwell in hell for as many days as there were hairs on the beast’s body (Bryant 197).  It is also stated that those who avoid meat altogether obtain all their desires and fruits equivalent to those obtained with the as vamedha, they can even become a sage even in the stage of householder (Bryant 197). So, for an individual that lives the vegetarian life style, it is much easier and cheaper to obtain all the advantages of a high profile sacrifice (Bryant 197).

In the Hindu tradition there is not a single god that is in the highest position, it depends on the worshipers and the god.  The notion of vegetarianism thus extends even to the gods. Those only engaging in vegetarianism maintain a form of purity higher than those that are offered animal sacrifices.  Those gods that are strictly vegetarian are considered superior “sanskritic” deities and are held above the meat eating deities. The sanskritic deities are also held to be of a purer nature and are more difficult to defile, and if they do become defiled they become pure more easily.  For instance in one temple located in the south of India there are two gods worshipped, Aiyanar and Karuppan.  Aiyanar is a vegetarian god and Karuppan is a meat eating god.  This is an interesting case study because these two gods are housed in the same temple.  When an animal sacrifice is made to Karuppan, a cloth is draped over Aiyanar so that he cannot see the slaughter (Fuller 90).  “These two deities exemplify the two fundamental categories of deities, pure vegetarian versus impure meat-eater, as well as the relationship between them is homologous with that between high-ranking vegetarian castes and low ranking non-vegetarian castes”(Fuller 90).  All deities are the objects of puja at which vegetarian offerings are made, but Karuppan is additionally offered animal sacrifice. In addition, no deities are ever offered only animal sacrifice because that would make them not a deity at all but a demonic spirit craving blood alone (Fuller 90).

The epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata are ancient Sanskrit tales that depict ideal actions in different situations such as the actions of an ideal king.  These epics also have lessons on killing animals and defiling deities.  In the Ramayana there is a saying “whatever food a man eats the same is the food to be offered to his deity” (Fuller 103).  This means that those worshipping a vegetarian god should be vegetarians in order to maintain that god’s purity.  The Mahabharata contains some of the strongest statements against the harming or animals and the consumption of their flesh (Bryant 198).  The Mahabharata in fact has three entire chapters dedicated to the evils of eating meat.  In one story a sage was impaled on a pike by some thieves. When he asked the god Dharma why this had happened he was told that he had once pricked an insect with a blade of grass and he was now feeling the karmic consequences (Bryant 198).  Several other stories found in the text depict great spiritual sages either being punished for harming animals or even causing themselves harm in order to save animals.  Some of the most powerful words against the eating of flesh come from Bhisma, when he is talking to Yudhisthira, who in the epic is an extremely dharmic character.  Bhisma tells him that humans who indulge in a diet of meat are of the vilest of human beings.  He also tells him that the righteous in previous ages had gained entry into heaven by sacrificing their lives to protect the lives of other creatures (Bryant 198).  The goal in Hinduism is to become liberated and to move beyond the cycle of reincarnation. Because of this it is easy to see why Hindus take on the practice of vegetarianism in order to avoid harming other creatures.  These epics are deeply influential in the Hindu tradition and beings such as Bhisma and Yudhisthira are models to be followed examples.

The Laws of Manu is a text that is influential for prescribing laws of action in the Hindu tradition.  It is classified as a smirti (remembered texts), so it is not revealed by the gods.  It does not state that animal sacrifice is wrong in fact he states that he subscribes to the customs of the Vedic forefathers.  He also states that one who desires to increase his own flesh by the flesh of an animal is the greatest of sinners and that those who harm animals in order to please himself will never find happiness (Bryant 197).  This goes back to the notion that all living beings are regarded as having an atman and to extinguish this for your own pleasure is unforgivable.  “It is in Manu that we find the popular etymology of the term for meat: mam sah “me, he” (i.e., the animal whose flesh I eat in this life will devour me in the next world” (Bryant 197).  Even though it is acceptable to eat the meat of a sacrifice, vegetarian Hindus avoid the meat altogether in order to ensure that no harm is ever caused to animals by them.  The consequences of slaughtering an animal has implications on anyone who is involved in any step of the processing; this includes the butcher, the transporter, the merchant and finally the person consuming the meat.

Whether a Hindu is a vegetarian or not, usually has to do with the caste that they belong to and where they are located.  An example of this is in southern India where Brahmin culture tends to be strictly vegetarian.  The practice is sometimes shared by high ranking non-Brahmin castes and these individuals tend to claim a higher status because they are following the Brahmin’s superior dietary code (Fuller 93).  The Brahmins of the north are also usually vegetarians and it is held in high regard.  Fish and meat are more widely eaten in the northern region and individual Brahmins tend to have more “lapses” in their strict vegetarian diets; so vegetarianism is less of an index to Brahminhood then it is in the south (Fuller 93).  The warrior caste or Ksatriyas were traditionally a meat eating class.  This is so because as the warriors and defenders of the other castes they needed to eat meat in order to increase their material strength.  In fact meat eating by this class is held higher then vegetarianism even though it holds less prestige.  The merchant class or Vaisyas follow in the footsteps of the Brahmins and are usually vegetarians, sometime even more strictly then the Brahmin caste.

Bibliography & Related Readings

Bryant, Edwin (2006) Strategies of Vedic Subversion The Emergence of Vegetarianism in Post-Vedic India. Chichester, New York: Columbia University Press.

Fuller, C.J. (1992) The Camphor Flame Popular Hinduism and Society in India. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Related topics

Dharma

Karma

Puja

Reincarnation

Mahabharata

Ramayana

Atman

Castes

Websites

http://censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/baseline/baseline2004.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_vegetarianism

Article written by: Mike Stevenson (April 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. The Vedic Samhitas

The Atharva Veda

The Atharva Veda is the fourth of four Vedic hymn collections that are revered by Hindus.  It has twenty books in total; its primary purpose is to provide directions on how to act auspiciously within the Hindu tradition (Bloomfield xxix). Although the Atharva Veda is considered Vedic literature, it is fairly different from the other texts within the Vedic canon.  The Atharva Veda focuses on “spells, charms and incantations”, which promise to “fulfill all worldly desires of human mind” (Karambelkar xi).  This differs greatly from the sacrificial themes of the three other Vedas (Karambelkar xiii).  However, despite the Atharva Veda’s uniqueness, it still has a vital place in the Vedic canon.  The structure of the Atharva Veda, its directions on how to act auspiciously, and its influence in Hinduism are important to discuss when examining the Atharva Veda.

The Atharva Veda’s twenty books incorporate seven hundred thirty-one hymns, which are then subdivided into six thousand verses (Winternitz 120).  There are three major divisions of the Atharva Veda—the first grand division (books 1-7), the second grand division (books 8-12), and the third grand division (books 13-18).  Since the last two books of the Atharva Veda were added at a later date, they are not included in the three grand divisions.

The first grand division contains short hymns, which consist largely of charms and curses (Whitney cxlvii).  This division of the Atharva Veda is regarded the most important section of the text; out of all the divisions, its hymns are the most widely read (Whitney cxlviii).  The second grand division consists of longer hymns than the first division (Whitney clv).  These hymns provide instructions on how to perform priestly duties in an auspicious way (Whitney clv).  The third grand division contains books that are characterized by “unity of subject” (Whitney clviii), meaning that the remaining six books of the Atharva Veda have been kept together, and “constitute [as] a whole by itself” (Whitney clviii).

Instructions on how to act auspiciously is a main theme throughout the Atharva Veda. Its hymns can be categorized into different types—those to obtain long life, those to acquire desired good wishes from deities for households, those to ward off misfortune, and those to excuse errors, to name a few (Joshi ix).  There are also sorceries in the Atharva Veda, but these are used to benefit oneself and to harm others, and are therefore considered as auspicious (Bloomfield xxix).

The role of the Atharva Veda was very important in the Indo-Aryan culture.  Karambelkar reasons that agriculture and raising livestock were probably the main professions of people of that time (58).  The Atharva Veda contains incantations that protect cows and their calves, along with charms that are performed to protect the sowing and harvesting of crops (Karambelkar 58-59).  Verses in the Atharva Veda also describe other aspects of ancient culture—weaving, metal smiths, and chariot builders (Karambelkar 61).  In addition, the incantations of the Atharva Veda reveal something about how the medical practices of the Indo-Aryan culture were performed.  Through reference to the Atharva Veda, it can be concluded that citizens of that time believed that disease was “caused by supernatural powers, particularly demons” (Karambelkar 77).  Incantations in the Atharva Veda were used as a means to defend against different diseases incurred amongst the Indo-Aryan citizens.  The contents of the Atharva Veda give scholars some idea about the Indo-Aryan culture—both its practices, and its belief system.

Despite all the cultural information that the Atharva Veda gives, describing Indo-Aryan lifestyle is not its main focus.  Instead, “magic is the main and essential subject matter of the [Atharva Veda]” (Karambelkar 91).  The magical incantations that the Atharva Veda consists of are both “defensive magic” and “offensive magic” (Karambelkar 91).  In other words, the purpose of magical incantations is to remove unpleasant powers, to preserve blessings and to avoid harmful things.  The Atharva Veda is divided into two parts—the Atharvana discusses auspicious practices, while the Angirasa concerns itself with sorcery (Karambelkar 92).  The hymns of the Angirasa section are “full of the spirit of intense hatred”, condemning to death anyone who interferes with the magical incantations (Karambelkar 92).  On the other hand, people performing from the Atharvana “generally invoked Heaven and Earth”, with an understanding that both entities would participate in the magical blessing (Karambelkar 96).  Both sections focus on magic as a means to bring about desired effects, whether that is prevention from the bad, or calling upon the good.

Because the Atharva Veda is largely filled with magical chants and incantations, Bloomfield believes that it received strong opposition in ancient Indo-Aryan culture (xxix).  In fact, some followers of Hinduism actually question the authority and authenticity of the Atharva Veda because of its magical contents (Bloomfield xxix).  However, Adhikari suggests that the religious contents of the Hindu tradition “are infected with magic in inseparable identity” (135-6).  Bloomfield agrees, stating that witchcraft and sorcery are incorporated into every aspect of Hindu religious thought and action (xxxix); he argues that witchcraft has “penetrated…the holiest Vedic rites” (xlv).  Despite the fact that many oppose the position of the Atharva Veda in the Vedic canon, Bloomfield suggests that its place in the Vedic scriptures is essential to the Hindu tradition (xl).

Since the Atharva Veda discusses auspicious behavior in the Hindu tradition, it seems appropriate to discuss the rituals described in the text, which are intended to bring about auspiciousness.  The first way in which the Atharva Veda promotes auspicious behavior is the way in which its hymns are categorized into different ganas, which are groupings of mantras (Karambelkar 167).  Hymns of the same type compose a gana.  The grouping of similar hymns assists in the correct recitation of hymns in the Atharva Veda (Karambelkar 168). This promotes auspicious behavior.  Water is a very important aspect of the Atharvan rituals because it is considered a protection against demons and a healing remedy (Karambelkar 168).  Fire is also important because it is used for priestly rituals and sacrifices that accompany the recitation of hymns (Karambelkar 168-9).  Symbolism is another very important part of Atharvan procedures.  Certain things like the shooting of arrows, the color of a cow’s milk and the burning of chaff demonstrate auspicious behaviors, which Atharvan rituals promote (Karambelkar 171).  Chanting in ganas, the use of water and fire in sacrifice, and symbolism are all important aspects of Atharvan ceremonies.

To demonstrate some of the different aspects of correctly reciting a hymn from the Atharva Veda, it is appropriate to examine a specific hymn and its recitation rituals.  An example of an Atharvan ritual is the hymn to heal ksetriya (inherited disease).  First, the priest “washes the patient outside of the house while reciting II.8.1,2 at dawn” (Karambelkar 173).  This chant consists of the following:

1. Up have risen the majestic twin stars, the vikritau [italics added] (‘the two looseners’); may they loosen the nethermost and the uppermost fetter of the [ksetriya] (inherited disease)!

2. May this night shine (the [ksetriya]) away, may she shine away the witches; may the plant, destructive of [ksetriya], shine the [ksetriya] away!” (Bloomfield 13).

The second portion of the ritual is to recite the third verse:

3. With the straw of thy brown barley, endowed with white stalks, with the blossom of the sesame—may the plant, destructive of [ksetriya], shine the [ksetriya] away!” (Bloomfield 13).

While this hymn is being chanted, the priest crushes up the plant aforementioned, collects mud, and sews up a freshly hunted animal, tying it to the leg of the diseased patient as a type of good luck charm (Bloomfield 287).  The next section of the ritual is to chant the fourth verse:

“4. Reverence be to thy ploughs, reverence to thy wagon-poles and yokes!  May the plant, destructive of [ksetriya], shine the [ksetriya] away!” (Bloomfield 13-4).

During this portion of the ritual, the priest places a plough and cattle near the diseased patient, while pouring water over it (Karambelkar 173).  The fifth and final part of the ritual sees the priest pouring ghee into a pot holding water, which is then placed in an empty house while reciting the fifth verse (Karambelkar 173):

“5. Reverence be to those with sunken eyes (?), reverence to the indigenous (evils?), reverence to the lord of the field!  May the plant, destructive of [ksetriya], shine the [ksetriya] away!” (Bloomfield 14).

Thatches from the empty house which contains the pot of water are placed in a ditch (Karambelkar 173-4).  Ghee is then placed in this ditch, followed by the patient, who drinks the water (Karambelkar 173-4).  More treatments are given to the patient and eventually the ritual ceases.

This example demonstrates some of the aspects within the Atharvan ritual—the different uses of water, the employment of priestly activity, and the many different applications of symbolism.  While the symbolism is not completely clear, the practices “seem at any rate to be built up…in the sense of ‘field’” because of its references to plants, fields, and plowing (Bloomfield 287-8).  Since agriculture was a major part of Indo-Aryan culture, the symbolism refers to things that many citizens could recognize and identify with.  Along with the usage of symbolism, explicit instructions are provided on how to perform this ritual properly.  This example, along with numerous other hymns in the Atharva Veda, emphasizes and promotes auspicious actions.  The Atharva Veda instructs individuals and priests how to perform auspicious behavior through the use of rituals and chants.

The Atharva Veda is not something irrelevant; it holds authority in present-day Hinduism.  Its instructions on auspicious behavior, its rituals, and its magical incantations contribute a unique and vital aspect to the Hindu Vedic canon.  The Atharva Veda is a valuable tool to ancient scholars, as well as modern-day readers and interpreters, in describing the actions of the Indo-Aryan culture and their religious rites.  The Atharva Veda’s use of symbolism, along with its instructions on how to recite hymns auspiciously, is essential to the Hindu tradition today.  The structure of the Atharva Veda, its role in the Indo-Aryan culture, and most importantly, its directions on acting in an auspicious way through the incorporation of magic, are all important aspects of the text.  The Atharva Veda holds an essential role within the Vedic canon.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READINGS

Adhikari, T.N. (2002) “Some Socio-Magical Aspects of the AtharvaVedaParisista.” In Abhijit Ghosh, ed.  Atharvavana: A Collection of Essays on the AtharvaVeda with Special Reference to its Paippalada Tradition. Kolkata: Sanskrit Book Depot.

Bloomfield, Maurice (1969) Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, Together With Extracts From the Ritual Books and the Commentaries. New York: Greenwood Press.

Joshi, K.L. (2002) Atharva-Veda Samhita. Delhi: Parimal Publications.

Karambelker, Vinayak Waman (1959) Atharvavedic Civilization, Its Place in the Indo-Aryan Culture. Nagpur: Aryabhushan Press.

Veer, Yjan (1979) Language of the Atharva-Veda. Delhi: Inter-India Publications.

Whitney, William Dwight (1996) Atharva-Veda-Samhita. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Winternitz, Maurice (1972) A History of Indian Literature. New Delhi: Pearl Offset Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Paippalada

Stauda

Mauda

Saunakiya

Jajala

Jalada

Brahmavada

Devadarsa

Caranavaidya

Rsi

Gana

Atharvana

Angirasa

Amulet

Sruti

Vedas

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/av.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atharvaveda

http://www.punditravi.com/atharva_veda.htm

http://www.intratext.com/ixt/ENG0042/_INDEX.htm

Article written by: Julie Steeves (April 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.

e. Hindu Pilgrimage

Kailasa Mountain (Significance and Pilgrimage)

Mount Kailasa is believed by Hindus to be the home of Siva and his wife Parvati. The mountain of Hindu lore is believed to have a number of sacred properties. Kailasa is said to be at the center of six mountain ranges, forming a lotus, and it is also said to be the source of four sacred rivers flowing into India (Bernbaum 8). Siva, the destroyer deity in the Hindu pantheon, is believed to be the ultimate ascetic. He is believed to sit atop Mount Kailasa in meditation, which allows him to dissolve the world of illusion and to observe all that is happening in the world.

In the mountains of Tibet there is a mountain that has come to bear the name Kailasa. This mountain is sacred to all of the religions in the area: Hindu, Buddhism, Bon and Jainism (Huber 128). To Hindus, this mountain is the fabled Kailasa. While it is not at the center of six mountain ranges, it is indeed the source of four rivers which flow through India. Hindus also believe that, in addition to being the source of a tributary of the Ganges, the Karnali, Kailasa is also the heavenly source of the Ganges itself. They believe that after touching earth at Kailasa the Ganges invisibly travels 140 miles through the locks of Siva’s hair to the physical source of the river (Bernbaum 8).

The Tibetan mountain, which is near the borders of India and Nepal, is a site of remarkable beauty. At 6,714m (22,028ft) above sea level the mountain is not the tallest in the Himalayas, although the lack of significant peaks around it makes it appear loftier than it is. The base of the mountain is very square, with four steep cliffs rising from the ground. Above these cliffs, the rock begins to taper and the mountain is noticeably stratified, giving the impression of stairs to its peak.

At the southern foot of the mountain are two large lakes. The easternmost is Manasarovar, which is round in shape and contains ice cold fresh water (Johnson 41). Hindus consider the waters of Manasarovar to be nearly as holy as Mount Kailasa itself, and scriptures hold that Brahma, one of the Hindu gods, provided Manasarovar to a group of Siva worshipers so that they could perform their required ablutions (Johnson 42). It is believed by Hindus that bathing in Manasarovar will cleanse away a lifetime of bad karma, and completely immersing oneself in the icy cold waters will ensure rebirth as a god (Johnson 48).

West of Manasarovar is Rakshastal, a lake which Hindus hold in much lower esteem. Rakshastal is said to have been created by the demon King Ravana during his own worship of Siva. Rakshastal’s waters are salty and do not support either fish or plant life. Pilgrims worshiping at Manasarovar are instructed to give only a glance in veneration toward Rakshastal, as the dark forces of the lake are too powerful for those who linger (Johnson 41).

Between Manasarovar and Rakshastal is a narrow channel, said to have been tunnelled by a golden fish. This channel, known as Ganga Chu, ebbs and flows with the water level in the lakes, and for most of the last century has been dry. Tibetans believe this to be a bad omen, and that when the holy waters of Manasarovar flow through the Ganga Chu to purify Rakshastal, the world is in harmony (Johnson 41).

Pilgrimage to Kailasa was once an extraordinarily difficult venture for Indian Hindus, and it was considered the greatest pilgrimage that could be made (Bernbaum 12). While some extreme ascetics still opt to make the entire journey on foot, through several high Himalayan passes, it is now much more common for pilgrims to fly to Tibetan or Nepalese cities such as Kathmandu, and take vehicles to the Tibetan town of Darchen, before setting off on foot for the last leg of the journey (Johnson 22).

Once pilgrims reach the foot of Mount Kailasa, they must decide how they will perform their circumambulation. Hindus and Buddhists traditionally circle the mountain in a clockwise direction, setting off to the west from the mountains south face. Jains and Bon Po will instead travel in a counter clockwise direction. Even with direction dictated by faith, the pilgrim must determine if they are healthy enough to make the 52km (32mile) journey in one day or three, or if they wish to prolong the experience by prostrating themselves every step of the way. The prostration circumambulation takes at least four weeks to complete. Most pilgrims will make the journey in three days, opting to spend each night in one of the temples along the well established path (Huber 131).

Recently, the pilgrimage to Kailasa has been established as a tourist industry by the Tibetans. Many tourist packages are available online, even from North America, most costing approximately 150,000 rupees or $2200 USD. These trips which range from 3 days to a month, will often include transit to Darchen, rental of Yaks, and a guided trip around the mountain.

In addition to the spiritual significance for Hindus, Mount Kailasa is also sacred to Buddhists, Jains and Bon Po. While the Bon religion was founded in the vicinity of Kailasa itself, Buddhists believe a story which tells of a yogi, Milarepa, who flew to the summit of the mountain in a race with a Bon priest. This is believed to be how Buddhism became the dominant religion of Tibet. Jains believe that the founder of their religion, Rshabhadeva, attained Nirvana atop Kailasa (Bernbaum 11).

The mountain is arguably one of the holiest sites on the planet, held sacred by more than half a billion people, and revered for its beauty by anyone who witnesses it, especially during sunset. The mountain forms a powerful landscape, spiritually and physically, and sets forth upon India some of the holiest waters in the subcontinent.

Resources

Bernbaum, Edwin (1990) Sacred Mountains of the World. Hong Kong: Toppan Printing Company (HK) Ltd.

Huber, Toni (1999) Sacred Spaces and Powerful Places in Tibetan Culture: A Collection of Essays. New Delhi: Indraprastha Press.

Johnson, Russel and Kerry Moran (1989) The Sacred Mountain of Tibet: on Pilgrimage to Kailas. Rochester: Park Street Press

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Ganga/Ganges

Ganga Chu

Himalaya Mountains

Karnali

Manasarovar

Parvati

Pilgrimage

Rakshastal

Siva

Noteworthy Websites

http://www.sacred-destinations.com/tibet/mount-kailash

http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/mount_kailash

http://www.sacredsites.com/asia/tibet/mt_kailash.html

Article written by: Brandon Southgate (April 2010) who is solely responsible for its content.