Category Archives: H. Major Hindu Sects, Deities and Purāṇic Myths

e. Goddess and Women in Tantra, Sakta Deities (Hindu Goddesses)

Kubjika

THE GODDESS KUBJIKA

One of the most obscure goddesses in the Hindu religion is the Tantric goddess Kubjika. The obscurity is due to the fact that she is mainly worshipped by a small Newar cult called the Transmission of the Mother (avvakrama) in Nepal (Dyczkowski 2004: 253). Although recognized as a great Indian goddess (Mahadevi), comparable to Kali, she is practically unknown outside Nepal. The proof of her once being an Indian goddess comes from the Kubjika Tantras. They describe her as the goddess of the city of Candrapura and the land of Konkana, India (Dyczkowsi 2004: 129). While she is quite a unique goddess physically and figuratively, she also shares many common characteristics with other, better known goddesses, specifically those worshipped in India. Another cause of her obscureness is the fact that she is found only in the Kaula Tantras, specifically the Sakta Kaula Tantras, which are mostly unexplored to those outside the Newar cults (Dyczkowski 2004: 193). The unusualness of this is that these Tantras are very large for such an unknown goddess. Although it has been determined that Kubjika was at one point a Southern Indian goddess, most of the manuscripts dedicated to her, the most celebrated being the Kubjikamatatantra, come from Nepal, where Kubjika is primarily worshipped (Dyczkowski 2004: 175-176).

The Kubjikamatatantra is a very large Tantra with over 66 manuscripts. A Tantra is a text composed of many scriptures that describe techniques and rituals including meditative, sexual practices, yoga, and religious practices. As a great goddess, Kubjika is the energy of universal, absolute consciousness and is said to be both creative and destructive (Dyczkowksi 2001: 43). Today Kubjika is most well-known as an erotic goddess and a hunchback. Though there are other goddesses in Hinduism who are considered erotic and are ugly, Kubjika stands out among them, by the methods by which she is worshipped and those who worship her. She is also unique in that she incorporates other goddesses into her own appearance and actions.

Kubjika and the cult associated with her were not discovered until the late 1980’s due to the secretive nature of her story. In actuality, the first texts on Kubjika date back to 11th century, in the Kathmandu Valley in Central-Eastern Nepal. These are Tantric texts that describe the following and worshipping of the goddess Kubjika, such as the Kubjikamatatantra and the Manthanabhairavatantra. The schools dedicated to the worship and study of the goddess Kubjika are known as the Kubjikamata, where the Kubjikamatatantra is studied (Dyczkowski 2004: 112). These schools are most commonly found in Nepal, the center for the cult of Kubjika. This cult consists of the Newar people of Nepal.

The Newar people make up approximately half of the current population of the Kathmandu Valley (“Newar People”: 2007). Their language comes from the Tibeto-Burman family, compromising of 250-300 languages, spread throughout Asia. The Newar people were strongly influenced by Indian religious institutions as their population is mostly Hindu and Buddhist. Although influenced by India, the religious tendencies in Nepal were unique in their own right. They are known for combining older forms of practicing Hinduism with newer, more modern approaches as well (Dyczkowski 2001: 2). While they do still focus on more common, major, typically male gods such as Visnu and Siva who fit within the outer domain, the cults like those of the Newar people, have tendencies to put their religious focus on smaller, more obscure, typically female goddesses such as Kubjika, who are found within the inner domain (Dyczkowski 2001: 2).

Another unusual practice of the Newar people is that they believe strongly in ancestral worship. They believed that elderly men and women had the opportunity to achieve the level of a deity by going through specific rites of passage (Dyczkowski 2001: 17-18). This belief caused the uncommon and odd religious tendencies of the area. This abnormal form of faith explains why said cults were not discovered by outsiders until quite recently, as they remain to this day, quite secretive. It is common practice in Hinduism to keep the teachings of the Tantras a secret and the Newar people are strong believers in this tradition (Dyczkowski 2001: 2). Mark Dyczkowski was one of the first outsiders who discovered Kubjika in 1981 when he received a copy of the Kubjikamatatantra as a wedding gift from another scholar, which inspired him to further investigate the subject. He found that Kubjika was a Hindu Tantric goddess who originated in India but is mostly unknown to all those except the Newar people. The proof of worship was not existent until Dr. Dyczkowski found himself as part of the Kubjika cult in 1987. Dr. Dyczkowski’s acceptance into the cult allowed him to share their traditions and beliefs with the world, allowing other people and scholars to explore it aswell.

The initiation into the Newar cults of Kubjika was not a simple nor common occurrence. Intiation was restricted to only high caste, or twice-born Newar people. Another restriction is that only the Rajopadhyaya Brahmins, the former family priests of the Malla kings, can give initiation to those who do not belong to their own family. The Malla kings ruled Nepal from 1201-1779CE and declared themselves Ksatriyas (“Malla”: 2018). Also known as Karmacaryas, they were able to initiate their own family members into the cult. The Karmacaryas were also unique in the sense that they focused their worship on the mother goddesses, such as Kubjika, who were believed to be protecting their community. These initiates made up a small group who were the sole worshippers of Kubjika and other goddesses. They worshipped in private shrines that were only accessible to the cult members. The worship of Kubjika is not traditional in the sense that she does not have a clear iconic form and is mainly only worshipped in her mandala. At home initiates perform daily worship by tracing a triangular diagram into the palm of their hand with one of their fingers and at the beginning of the rite, imaging said triangular diagram as the yoni (vulva) of Kubjika (Dyczkowski 2004: 176).

Another unusual aspect of the cult is that it consists primarily of householders. The householder stage (grhastha) is the middle/second stage of life. It is the stage for marriage and achieving kama (pleasure) and artha (skill/power) which appeals to the erotic tendencies of the goddess Kubjika (Dyczkowski 2004: 176).  In addition to all the specifics, Kubjika was also regularly worshipped through stones (pitha) instead of the more common methods of openly worshipping other Hindu gods and goddesses in temples (Dyczkowski 2001: 19). The stones were found in human settlements and the countryside and were believed to be watching over and protecting the area in which they are found.  The size of the protection zone was dependant on the status of the stone.

Kubjika was a goddess who was described with many identities and forms, although there is little photographic/artistic evidence of said forms. The Tantras describe her origin as an embodiment of the creature of desire (iccha) of the god Bhairava [her “father”] (Dyczkowski 2001: 41). In one of her iconic forms she is shown with six faces. Amongst those six faces, the uppermost face is the goddess Para and is described to be as white as milk and possessing 17 energies (Dyczkowski 2004: 182). The top head is Malini, the face of the sky and is white to represent peacefulness. The eastern face is Siddhayogesvari, a face described to be full of rage, which is also adorned with the form of the mantra. The southern face is Kalika, the worst looking face with large protruding teeth and described like a dark-blue lotus. The northern face is that of the goddess Tripura. This face is red like a pomegranate flower and is round like a full moon, portraying peace and bliss. The last face is the face of Umakhecari and is also white.  Each of the six faces was said to have three eyes, one for the sun, one for the moon, and the one in the middle was for fire.

Although there are stories in the Kubjikamatatantra describing her origin, there are no stories or myths as to how and why these other goddesses came about as Kubjika’s faces. In this form she had 12 arms each carrying a different item. These items included, the stick of the world, a great lotus [symbol of beauty and fertility], an ascetic’s staff (khatvanga), a noose, a rosary, a bouquet of brilliant jewels, a number of scriptures held along with a conch (sankhapala), a skull, a trident, the gesture of fearlessness, the gesture of granting favours, the mirror of Karma, and the five immortal substances (Dyczkowski 2004: 182). She is depicted sitting on a lion throne, adorned with many ornaments. The lords of snakes serve as her anklets (connection to Siva), zone, belt, chock, and tiara. She also wore scorpions as rings on her fingers. On her head she wears a garland of vowels and a necklace of letters along with a necklace of 50 scorpions around her throat (Dyczkowski 2004:182).

Kubjika’s iconic form is generally described as bright and often blue, and the goddess Kali and her darkness is the shadow-like counterpart of Kubjika (Dyczkowski 2001: 39). Her heart shines like a clean mirror, her face shines like a newly risen sun, her hair in a topknot made of light that emulates lightning, and her breast place made of brilliant energy. Her weapon is the Fire of Time that was known to lick up the worlds and was hard to bear which starts to describe her destructive side (Dyczkowski 2004: 182)

Some of the most interesting aspects of Kubjika is how she is described as many different goddesses. The primary being the goddess of pottery which is still very known today but the others being more definitive. In her Kubjikamata schools, she is known as a tree goddess (Dyczkowski 2001: 70). She is also considered a lunar goddess, similar to the goddesses Kali and Tripura, who she shares connections with. Kubjika’s creative and destructive tendencies are perpendicular to the shift between light and dark we see with the moon. Her lunar whiteness is also representative of Sukra which means female sperm, thus matching her eroticism. Along with these two qualities, she is also considered a goddess of fire which closely relates to her destructive side.

Kubjika is known as a creator, as described in her erotic ways, but also a destroyer, comparative to the goddess Kali (Dyczkowski 2001: 62). She had darkness within her that was feared. The creator aspect of Kubjika’s personality is also associated with her hunchback figure. The purpose of her being hunchbacked is so that she was able to impregnate herself without a second party by licking her own vulva and creating her own bliss and pleasure (Dyczkowski 2004: 242). This benefits the goddess and makes it easy for Kubjika to expand the universe as she can do it independently. As explained in her origin myth found in the first three chapters of the Kubjikamatatantra, she becomes hunchback due to the embarrassment of being asked to be the god Bhairava’s teacher by giving him a favour of empowerment (ajna), which in simple terms, comes from her vulva (Dyczkowski 2004:179). This event also explains how the goddess Kubjika is androgynous. During her realization (as told in the myth, see Dyczkowski 2004: 176-184) she takes the form of Linga (phallus). During her embarrassment, she must transition from Linga to Yoni (vulva). This transition explains how she is capable of being male and female, thus meaning androgynous. When Kubjika is in the form of Yoni she is aroused and fertile and the energy that comes with this is the flow of her emission, which is Sukra (female sperm) and Sukravahini (she who causes sperm to flow) (Dyzckowski 2004: 181). These factors are what makes her the most well known as being an erotic, hunchbacked goddess.

The goddess Kubjika, although widely unexplored, is very unique and full of depth. The small Newar cult that worships her has chosen to remain secretive and exclusive. Still centered in a small region in Nepal, they embody Hindu orthodoxy while also creating and following their own methods of practicing Hinduism and worshipping the gods and goddesses. The Newar people have very strict initiation rites and keep to themselves which explains why the goddess Kubjika was not made known to the rest of the world until the 1980’s. The goddess herself has very few evidential forms and is worshipped primarily by her mandala, stones, and very small, private shrines, very unlike the large one’s seen dedicated to better known Hindu gods and goddesses. She is know known mainly as the erotic, androgynous, hunchbacked goddess who embodies the faces and characteristics of other goddesses such as Tripura. She has a very detailed iconic form that is similar to other great goddesses in India, as represented by her multiple heads and arms, which indicate power. It is proven that she was originally from India, though she is practically unknown in that region today. The goddess of pottery, trees, and fire is very important in the Sakta Kaula Tantras and the Hindu religion in general.

REFERENCES

Avantazi, Beatriz and Gutman, Alejandro (2013) Tibeto-Burman Languages http://www.languagesgulper.com/eng/Tibeto.html

Dyczkowski, Mark (2001) The Cult of the Goddess Kubjikā. Stuttgart: Nepal Research Centre; No. 23

Dyczkowski, Mark (2004) The Journey in the World of the Tantras. Varanasi: Indica Books

Goudriaan, T. and Schoterman, J. A. (1988) The Kubjikamatatantra; Kulalikamnaya Version. Leiden: Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gupta, Kanchan and Prine Pauls, Elizabeth (2007) Newar People. Encyclopaedia Britannica https://www.britannica.com/topic/Newar

Setis, Veenu and Matt Stefon (2009) Tantra; Religious Texts. Encyclopaedia Britannica https://www.britannica.com/topic/Tantra-religious-texts

Wikipedia contributors. (2018, October 28) “Malla” (Kathmandu Valley). Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Malla_(Kathmandu_Valley)&oldid=866087689

Wikipedia contributors. (2018, October 31) Hindu iconography. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Hindu_iconography&oldid=866548354

Wright, Daniel (1990) Malla (Kathmandu Valley). Wikipedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malla_(Kathmandu_Valley)

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Bhairava

Kali

Kalika

Karmacarya

Kathmandu Valley

Kaula Tantra

Kubjikamata

Kubjikamatatantra

Linga

Malini

Malla Kings

Manthanabhairavatantra

Newar people

Rajopadhyaya Brahmins

Sakta Kaula Tantras

Siddhayogesvari

Transmission of the Mother

Tripura

Umakhecari

Yoni

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.anuttaratrikakula.org/godess-kubjika-and-her-influence-on-sadaasaya/

https://citybanjaran.com/2018/08/22/kubjika-tantric-goddess-with-a-hunchback/

Article written by: Shay Routly (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

c. Vaisnavism, Visnu

Vaisnavism

Vaikuntha Visnu with avatar heads (Kashmir, 7th century CE), Museo Del Arte Orientale (MAO), Turin, Italy.

The core concept of Vaisnavism is the worship of Visnu as the supreme deity of the Vedic pantheon and ultimate reality in a panentheistic sense. This essential idea appears in one way or another in most Vaisnava sects today, however  not all groups practice the religion the same way nor do they point to the same literature as the most important source material (Chari 31-34). The actual period during which Vaisnavism arose is unclear, however there is inscriptional evidence of a Vaisnava sect as early as the 2nd century B.C. (Chari 21) and there was certainly a well-established tradition by the 6th century A.D. (Jash 933). To understand Vaisnavism and its many faces it is necessary to understand its history, including what texts it derives its theology from.

A monotheistic approach centring on a single god within the Hindu multiplicity can be traced all the way back to the Rg Veda (Chari 4). Although this text praises many deities – recognizing the individuality of them all – there are a few verses which have been pointed out as evidence for a monotheistic take on the pantheon, such as the much-quoted line “There is one Being (sat) but wise men call it by different names (ekam sat vipra bahudha vadanti)” (Chari 5). The Upanisads offer an even clearer description of this idea in the form of Brahman and Narayana, which constitute the Supreme Reality that Visnu is associated with (Chari 4). Narayana specifically refers to a very panentheistic concept of ultimate reality as apart from and a part of creation (Chari 13-14). This concept gives a solid Vedic base for the later vision of Visnu; in fact, the Ramayana directly associates him with Narayana: “Rama, you who have truth as your valour. You are the god Narayana…. Sita is Laksmi and you are Visnu” (Doniger 202-203). Because of these monotheistic readings of the Vedas, Vaisnavas often retrospectively cite them as a true source of Vaisnava doctrine (Chari 13), however in reality Visnu is a very minor character until later in Hinduism (Jash 933). After the Vedas, the Agamas – religious treatises surrounding proper modes of religious worship – realize Vaisnavism in full, elaborating on concepts of the Supreme Deity found in the Vedas. The Vaisnava Agamas emphasized exclusive worship of Visnu and introduced practices of arca (worshipping the god in an image form), the consecration of icons, the building of temples, and prescription of daily rituals, all in a specific Vaisnava style (Chari 15).

It is after the Agamas, however, that perhaps the biggest development occurs. That is with the two great epics of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, both of which feature Visnu as their hero.  In the Ramayana, dharma is of key importance but in terms of Vaisnava doctrine the most valuable concept in this story is self-surrender or prapatti (Chari 263). An example of this tenet is the episode wherein Vibhisana deserts his worldly life for the refuge of Rama, visualizing the spiritual process of total surrender to God. This epic is also a great celebration of Laksmi. In most sects of Vaisnavism Laksmi, or Sri, is inseparable from Visnu, so the celebration of her firm dharmic character in the Ramayana is as much a testament to her as it is to Srivisnu (Chari 17). In the Mahabharata, Vaisnava doctrine is broadly consolidated, and this is particularly compelling evidence for Vaisnavites as Visnu himself in the guise of Krnsa is expounding much of these beliefs. The Bhagavad Gita especially reads almost like an encyclopedia of Vaisnava doctrine when read from that perspective; it points out three different potential paths of worshipping Visnu (jnana, karma, bhakti), it describes the essence of his endlessness, it lays out the state of complete focus on Visnu that is necessary to be a Vaisnavite, and it contextualizes many of the existing forms of Hindu worship in a Visnu-centric way (Chari 123-138).

Visnu directly associates himself with Narayana and the Bhagavan (the ultimate soul that is one with Brahma), and heavily endorses bhakti–yoga – an essential element of Vaisnavism – in this text. Bhakti worship is a huge development not just in Vaisnavism but in all of Hinduism. Although there is evidence of a concept like bhakti worship in older sources, it is not until the Bhagavad Gita that bhakti is focused explicitly on (Prentiss 17). As well, this text is the very first to prescribe the practice as a direct path to moksa. Bhakti gained popularity and was transfused into many different sects due to its ability to satisfy multiple spiritual goals at once, and appeal to most people:

“…bhakti presented an alternative to dominant forms of religiosity, both the asocial sannyasin [renouncer] and the temporally defined practice of ritual. In the former, religious experience was engendered by physical separation from society; in the latter, time was the mechanism by which religious experience was set apart from social formations. In contrast, bhakti represented the possibility of religious experience anywhere, anytime” (Prentiss 20).

 

The essential practice of bhakti is characterized by devotion and love for God for no other purpose than to the loving itself. The philosophy of bhakti is fundamentally simple:  “…those who honour me [Visnu] with devotion, are within me, and I am also in them.”  (Patton 109). A devotee must be entirely committed to and entrenched in thoughts of Visnu and in doing so they will become one with Visnu as the absolute reality. But within this simplicity, there is much room for debate regarding what constitutes such a state of focus, what is or is not devotion, and many other aspects of the practice (Prentiss 9). However, despite the uncertainty surrounding much of it, the essential goal of bhakti is always the same, and that is to be united with God in a loving union – not just to enter into the Supreme Reality that is him through moksa, but also to culminate a relationship of mutual love during ones human life.

Somewhat contemporary to the epics are the Puranas, companion literature for the Vedas that contain stories of the conception of the universe and the lives of important Hindu figures, such as Krsna. The oldest Purana is the visnupurana which provides precedents for all the basic Vaisnava doctrines. Some of these important precedents include explicitly titling Visnu as the Godhead – that which all emanates through – and associating him with Brahman of the Upanisads (Chari 18-19). The six attributes of Visnu are also introduced in this text. These attributes are not the only in Visnu’s possession, as the Bhagavan he has an unlimited amount of attributes but they are simply seen as the six most important qualities. The first is jnana, which here means omniscience, then sakti meaning power, bala meaning strength, aisarya meaning lordship, virya meaning energy, and tejas meaning splendour (Chari 188-190). Another key contribution of the Puranas is affirmation of the inseparability of Sri and Visnu, although Sri provides different skills and qualities apparently, Sri and Visnu are one so they actually share all their traits (Chari 19).

A key figure in the development of Vaisnavism is the acarya Ramanuja. He was a major contributor to Vaisnava literature, propagating Vaisnava cult through the written forms and apostles (Chari 23). Much of his works owes its basis to his predecessors, Nathamuni and Yamuna. Nathamuni rediscovered the hymns of Alvars, composers of Tamil verses dedicated to Visnu, and arranged them into four parts. He also introduced recitation of Vaisnava hymns as part of worship and advocated for self-surrender as the more important aspect of devotion to God as opposed to rigid bhakti-worship(Chari 23). Yamuna expanded on some of this, especially the concept of self-surrender which he wrote a concrete doctrine for (Chari 23-22). From this, Ramanuja ventured to carve out a solid space for Vaisnava worship in the orthodox schools of Hinduism which were evolving simultaneously. He criticized the advaita vedanta, which was popular at the time, especially because it did not recognize bhakti as a legitimate way to moksa. He worked to establish Visnu as the supreme Ultimate Reality, and the worship of Visnu for the sake of a blissful divine experience as the best goal for humankind. His discussions and doctrines also elaborated on a key aspect of Vaisnavism, the organic relationship between God, the soul, and cosmic order in the “body-soul” (Chari 25). In addition, he also described moksa and bhakti in explicit terms, especially how combining jnana, karma, and bhakti creates the most effective path to moksa (Chari 24-26).

After Ramanuja propagates Vaisnavism throughout India there is a blossoming of distinctive sects with unique beliefs and practices. Madhvacarya began the Dvaita school which is dualistic and supports bhakti as means to moksa; it also promoted the Dasa-kuta devotional movement that saw bands of saintly persons singing devotional songs (Chari 32). Ramananda instigated a school in Northern India that saw Rama especially to be Brahman. He did not believe in the caste system and instead supported universal brotherhood (Chari 32-33). Nimbarka started the Dvaita-dvaita school which maintained that Brahman was Radha-Krnsa and did not advocate temple worship; he saw self-surrender more than bhakti as means to moksa (Chari 33).

An especially distinct sect of Vaisnavism was founded by Sri Krsna Caitanya (Chari 33-34). The unique element of this sect is the concept of a devotees relationship to God, which is framed as bhakti but in a particularly loving and somewhat romantic-erotic in nature. The pivotal imagery for this concept comes from the tales of Krsna as a boy playing with the gopis as they are found in the Bhagavata Purana. The central allegory made in these stories is that the gopis long for Krnsa as an image of the devotee longing for their god, the erotic themes of the stories accentuate the metaphysical overtones implied beneath the descriptions (Doniger 228). The intimacy between lovers is seen as a parallel for the ideal closeness between one and one’s God: as such the use of sexual imagery visualizes this nebulous concept. When Krnsa steals the gopis clothes and forces them to stand before him naked there are obvious erotic themes playing out involving submission and vulnerability. These exact same concepts can are mirrored in the implied spiritual counterpart of the scene where a devotee is stripped of their concealing features to reveal their fundamental self in the face of God. “Though they were greatly deceived and robbed of their modesty, though they were mocked and treated like toys and stripped of their clothes… they were happy to be together with their beloved” (Doniger 230). The gopis are perfect devotees, even after having their identity and pride taken away by God – in other words, after having performed self-surrender – they find joy in the presence of God. This heightened emotional attitude towards Vaisnavism began a large movement, associated with Radha-Krsna, that affected multiple sects, but is perhaps most prevalent still in Caitanya Vaisnavism (Chari 34).

Despite the differences in all these different sects and schools of Vaisnavism, there are still overarching themes. Bhakti and self-surrender are always prevalent concepts, urging devotees to give up the cemented concepts of the self in favour of love for Visnu in hopes of joining with him eventually. The basic metaphysical concept of Visnu’s absolute presence and being is always involved. Krsna describes himself as: “… whatever powerful being there is – be it splendid or filled with vigour, it comes to be from only a small part of my brilliance,” (Patton 122). Indeed this is essentially the belief of Vaisnava philosophy and theology. The human being is just a small aspect of the indescribable enormity of Visnu, and so to pay reverence to him and to love him is to accept the truth of existence. Only through reflection on Visnu in this insurmountable way can one become joined with him spiritually and when one is properly joined with him it becomes clear that there truly is nothing else but Visnu. “Joined in this way, with me as the highest goal – you will come to me alone.” (Patton 110).

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Chari, S.M. Srinivasa (1994) Vaisnavism: Its Philosophy, Theology, and Religious Discipline. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited.

Patton, Laurie L. (trans.) (2008) The Bhagavad Gita. London: Penguin.

Prentiss, Karen (2000) The Embodiment of Bhakti.Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Doniger, Wendy (1994) Hindu Myths: A Sourcebook Translated from the Sanskrit. New Delhi: Penguin.

Sarbadhikary, Sukanya (2015) Place of Devotion: Siting and Experiencing Divinity in Bengal-Vaishnavism. Oakland: University of California Press.

Jash, Pranabananda, and Prabananda Jash (1979) “Vaisnavism in Ancient Southeast Asia” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 40: 932-942

Sircar, Mahendranath, and Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute (2000) Studies in Vaisnavism and Tantricism. New Delhi: Bharatiya Kala Prakashan.

Mishra, Kishore Chandra (2002) “The History of Vaisnavism in Western Orissa” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 63: 181–190.

Toffin, Gerard (2012) “A Vaishnava Theatrical Performance in Nepal: The Katti-pyakhã of Lalitpur City” Asian Theatre Journal  29:126-163.

Glucklich, Ariel (2008) The Strides of Vishnu: Hindu Culture in Historical Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Visnu

Laksmi

Sri

Bhu-devi

Radha

Rama

Krsna

Avatara

Alvars

Paratattva

Tamil Hymns

Saranagati

Bhagavan

Naranya

Arca

Jayadeva

Bhagavad-Gita

Mahabharata

Ramayana

Tilaka

Goloka

Gokula

Govardhana

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.krishna.com/

http://www.harekrsna.com/

https://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduindex.asp

http://vishnumandir.com/resources/

http://www.vaisnavacalendar.info/calendar-events

Article written by: Margaret Kieper (November 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

Other Goddesses

Jyestha

The goddess Jyestha (9th century CE), National Museum, Delhi,

There are numerous gods and goddesses that are presently being worshipped, and/or have been worshipped in the past within Hinduism, and one of these goddesses is the deity Jyestha.  This goddess is distinctive because she is associated with inauspiciousness, disgrace, misfortune and discord.  She is recognized as the elder sister of the better known and worshipped goddess of good fortune and beauty Laksmi, and is acknowledged as the complete opposite of Laksmi (Orr 26).  Jyestha’s name is thought to derive from the female head of polygamous households, the senior wife, elder/eldest or jyestha wife (Lesley 120).  According to professor David Kinsley, in his book Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: the Ten Mahavidyas, Jyestha is one of three goddesses that the higher goddess Dhumavati identifies as or with; the other two being Nirriti, who is known specifically as the goddess of deadly hidden realms and sorrows, and Alaksmi, who is known specifically as the goddess of misfortune (1998:178-9).  Dhumavati, also known as the Widow Goddess, is one of the Ten Mahavidyas or Tantric Wisdom Goddesses, and her name translates to “she who abides in smoke” (Gadon 5).  None of these goddesses are particularly well known or worshipped in the current widespread Hindu tradition (Orr 31; MET; Kinsley 178).  Less often in India, Jyestha is also identified with Sitala who is known likewise as an inauspicious goddess, the goddess of smallpox, who carries a broom and rides a donkey just like Jyestha, as will be discussed below.

In all four versions or identities of the goddess Dhumavati (Nirriti, Jyestha and Alaksmi), she is associated with being ugly and frightening.  Kinsley describes Dhumavati as black-skinned, tall, wearing dirty clothes, having a long nose and teeth, and having sagging breasts.  She is associated with riding in a chariot that displays a banner depicting a crow, and usually she is seen carrying a skull bowl, a spear, a broom, winnowing fan, a torch, or a club (1998:176).  Similarly, in existing depictions of Jyestha, she is illustrated as older in age with black or red skin, having a wide face with a long, prominent nose; having large sagging breasts that rest upon her swollen stomach and wide waist.  Her hefty stomach matches her large and drooping lips, cheeks, arms, calves, and thighs. This goddess is typically seen holding a blue or white lotus, sometimes making the symbol of protection, and having a water pot somewhere in the depiction.  She is shown sitting at ease, graceless, legs apart, with her knees spread wide (Gadon 7).  She adorns a mark of marriage upon her forehead, which is an important aspect of her character, and many large pieces of jewelry.  She, too, is shown as having a banner with a crow on it, and having a bundle of sticks near her that are thought to be a broom.  In some cases she is seen riding a donkey, as is Alaksmi, a lion or a camel; in other depictions she is seen riding on a chariot being pulled by lions and is followed by tigers. The crow emblem that Jyestha is depicted with holds a negative association within the Hindu tradition.  Leslie Orr and Julia Leslie discuss in their writings that crows are symbols of bad luck, famine and are associated with being bringers of misfortune.  They are even believed to be evokers of other inauspicious deities such as Nirriti and Tama (Leslie 119; Orr 26).  The depiction of the assumed broom connects Jyestha directly to the household, this is because brooms are used by women and servants in the home in order to sweep away physical impurities, as well as to ward off misfortune (Leslie 120).

Two assistants can be seen following Jyestha, which are thought in some cases to be her son and daughter (Leslie 115-8; Kinsley 1998:178). The male attendant is depicted as having a bull’s head, wearing a crown and holding a stick or club in one hand and with the other hand either pointing or holding a cord or rope. The woman is presented as young, with an attractive bosom and holding a lotus while also wearing a crown.  Both of these figures are seen with one leg hanging and the other folded underneath their body (Leslie 118).  These characteristics of the two followers of Jyestha can be seen clearly in the sculpture that is currently on exhibit in the Metropolitan Museum of Modern Art (MET) in New York City.  As described on their website, the piece is dated to between 500 and 1000 CE and is noted to have come from South Asia (MET).  In addition to her bull-headed son and beautiful daughter, she is seen holding a blue lotus and is pictured with a crow.  Some of her other characteristics are not as notable in this piece as with others, but she is clearly seen as has having large arms as well as having a stomach that is protruding from the piece.  “The picture that emerges- of an unattractive older woman, unsmiling and indolent, flanked by the ideal offspring (a powerful son and a beautiful daughter), served by solicitous female servants, marked by the inauspicious, cawing crow and the protective, chastising power if the household broom- suggests a deliberate link with a real or at least archetypal human figure” (Leslie 120).

The widely accepted account or myth of how Jyestha was brought into existence is explained thoroughly by Leslie.  The gods and demons decided to churn the sea in an attempt to recreate the universe to try to obtain the nectar of immortality.  During this churning it is believed that Jyestha was created accidentally, as well as many other items and deities; such as the goddess Sri, the nectar of immortality, poison, the moon and the sun, to name a few (Leslie 120-1).  The story of her creation can be found in the Padmapurana, where it is explained that she is granted a place “in every home in which strife prevails, in which liars use harsh language, in which sinful and evil-minded men are asleep at the time of the twilight ritual.  Wherever skulls, long hair, ashes, bones, chaff or charcoal are to be found” there will be a place for her (Leslie 121).  It does not give an indication of how long ago this took place, but Kinsley notes that she seems to have appeared very early in the Hindu tradition (1998:178).

After Jyestha’s creation, there are conflicting myths or stories about her remaining life, and how she became associated with those who worship her.  In some myths, Jyestha marries a brahmin hermit who later seeks advice from the great sage Markandeya about what to do with his wife because she continuously runs away in fear covering her ears after seeing and hearing Vedic rituals (Leslie 121).  Markandeya tells the husband/brahmin that Jyestha cannot live amongst the people and places where the religious live and worship.  She is so irreligious, antisocial and inauspicious that her husband abandons her in an area where local divinities are worshipped and tells her that she must support herself on the offerings made by the women devotees.  This leads to her repenting her ways and turning to Visnu for help (Leslie 122).  A second myth of Jyestha’s life that is told holds some key similarities.  In this one, Jyestha marries a sage named Dussaha who quickly discovers that she cannot bear to witness or hear any religious activity (Kinsley 1998: 178).  Dussaha complains about this to Visnu, and is told to take her where inauspicious activities occur; such as homes where families fight, or parents do not care for their children.  Jyestha is eventually abandoned by Dussaha, and she again turns to Visnu to ask for help sustaining herself.  He tells her that she will be sustained by the offerings from women (Kinsley 1998: 179).

As noted in the myth of how Jyestha was created, she is attracted to homes in which chaos, unruliness and inauspiciousness occur.  She was rightfully abandoned by her husband, in both myths explored, and made to live off of the offerings left to her specifically by women devotees.  Leslie notes this importance because of the connection between those women who are making the offerings and this inauspicious goddess;  “…she is reduced to living off the offerings made by women, that is, the offerings made by the largest segment of society traditionally excluded from orthodox ritual and sacred knowledge” (Leslie 122).  Jyestha is able to sustain herself off of these female offerings because women in the Hindu tradition are thought to be less pure than their male counterparts, for the most part.  However, Leslie also notes that she is likewise worshipped by male devotees who ask for an increase in wealth, an end to misfortune and success to their wives and children (122).  Why draw attention to yourself from this ugly and inauspicious goddess at all?  It is believed that offerings made to Jyestha will leave the family who made the offerings alone and when leaving, take all of their inauspiciousness with her (Leslie 122-3).

Worship of this goddess has decreased immensely in the past centuries, however during some point of time in the past it seems that she had a widespread following (MET; Kinsley 178).  According to the MET website, her earliest appearance can be traced back to northern India in the fourth century.  There is also a chapter on the worship of Jyestha found in the Baudhayanagrhyasutra which is dated between 600 and 300 BCE.  Many images of her have been found in south India that date back to the seventh and eighth centuries, indicating that it was during this time that she was extremely popular (Kinsley 1998:178; Leslie 114).  The MET website also suggests that her cult following either began to diminish or was already in its downfall in the post-medieval era.  Orr, however, notes a specific case in Tamil Nadu where the worship of Jyestha can be dated from the eighth to the eleventh century, which would indicate that her cult following began to decline during the medieval era; it was through the eleventh century that the auspicious goddess Laksmi overtook her sister’s role and became more widely worshipped (Orr 26;31).

Today, the goddess Jyestha is very rarely worshipped.  Her image receives very little attention, and is hidden away in corners, removed or thrown away completely.  However, in the places that the deity Jyestha is still recognized, she is feared (Leslie 114). Leslie furthers this observation with an example from a temple in Uttaramerur, southern India where Jyestha is still recognized.  “In the Kolambesvara Temple in Uttaramerur, an image of Jyestha is kept with its face to the ground for fear that an upright image would bring death to the village.  Legend has it that this belief has been proven correct several times” (Leslie 114).

            The decline of Jyestha’s cult worship is hinted at in different articles, but Orr discusses it in detail.  In the Hindu tradition, changes were taking place in many different ways, including terminology related to the deities.  Specifically discussed is the term pitari, which now is understood to mean “village goddess,” whereas once, around one thousand years ago, it meant a goddess belonging to the “great tradition” (Orr 30).  More simply put, when talking about deities in the Hindu tradition, goddesses that were once worshipped as great goddesses turned into lesser known and worshipped village deities.  “From the eleventh century onward some of these goddesses were displaced even from this position; the images of saptamatrkas (seven mothers) were removed and installed as guardian deities in small village temples, becoming pitaris in the modern sense of the word” (Orr 30).  Jyestha, or one of her alternate identities, was one of these goddesses that was turned from a great goddess into a village deity.  Orr further suggests that this change in meaning could point to de-Sanskritization (Orr 30).  This is also an explanation as to why Jyestha is only worshipped in villages such as the aforementioned Uttaramerur, because she is known as the village deity to this southern India community.

           

Bibliography and Related Readings

Elgood, Heather (2004) “Exploring the Roots of Village Hinduism in South Asia.”  World Archaeology, Vol. 36, No. 3: 326–342. Accessed October 3, 2018.  doi: 10.1080/0043824042000282777.

Foulston, Lynn, and Stuart Abbott (2012) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Brighton:    Sussex Academic Press.

Gadon, Elinor W. (1998) “Revisioning the Female Demon.” ReVision, Vol. 20, No. 3: 3-30.

K.G., Krishnan (1981) Studies in South Indian History and Epigraphy volume 1. Madras: New Era Publications.

Kinsley, David R. (2008) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press.

_____ (1998) Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: the Ten Mahavidyas. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Leslie, Julia (1992) Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Metropolitan Museum of Modern Art (2011) “Jyeshtha Flanked by Her Children.” The Met’s   Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. Accessed October 09, 2018. https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/38136.

Orr, Leslie C. (2005) “Identity and Divinity: Boundary-Crossing Goddesses in Medieval South India Author.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol.73, No.1: 9-43.

Rao, Gopinatha, T.A. (1981) Elements of Hindu Iconography. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

 

List of Related Research Topics

Dhumavati                              The Ten Mahavidyas

Nirriti                                     The Padmapurana

Alaksmi                                  The Baudhayanagrhyasutra

Sitala                                      The saptamarkas

Tama                                      Pitari

Laksmi                                   The Kolambesvara Temple

Visnu                                      The recreation of the universe

Sri

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://bairaveebalasubramaniam.com/2016/06/04/jyestha-devi-the-forgotten-dark-goddess-of-time/

https://detechter.com/legend-goddess-dhumavati-widow-goddess/

https://www.drikpanchang.com/hindu-goddesses/parvati/mahavidya/dhumavati/goddess-dhumavati.html

http://www.hinduwisdom.info/articles_hinduism/213.htm

http://www.holladaypaganism.com/goddesses/cyclopedia/j/JYESTHA.HTM

http://www.sanatansociety.org/hindu_gods_and_goddesses/dhumavati.htm#.W9YsAXtKjIU

https://vedicgoddess.weebly.com/goddess-vidya-blog/devi-jyestha-by-yogi-ananda-saraswathi

Article written by: Kaitlyn Haarstad (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

b. Saivism

Saivism

Saivism is known to be the oldest and the most dominant sect of Hinduism sect alongside with Vaisnavism, they are centered on the two supreme deities (Rudra-Siva and Visnu) respectively who are recognized in most established, significant Hindu literature (Gonda 64). In Saivism, the worship of the deity Siva maybe traced back to the Indus Valley Civilization (Rodrigues 212). However, in the Rg Veda, there was no mention of Siva; instead, he was first introduced as Rudra the “Howler.” Rudra-Siva is known as the God of Storms, destroyer of cattle and human beings (Rodrigues 212). Siva is worshipped through a linga (phallic emblem) that could be traced to the 1st century BC and is mentioned in the Mahabharata; however, in the Ramayana, there were less encounters with Siva compared to Visnu. Siva’s powers are often viewed by how destructive he is during battle. The deity is often referred as a Lord, master and many-sided (Gonda 13).

The sect emphasises the worship of Siva. Going more into depth, Siva is regarded by many as the Supreme Deity in Hinduism realm. Rudra was first introduced as the chief of an indefinite host of manifestation of a deity (Gonda 4). Siva is considered to be a complex deity throughout the Rg Veda. Both Visnu and Siva are known to be ambiguous figures based on their background. On one hand, Siva demonstrates strong heroic attributes and represents as a Supreme Deity; however, on the other hand, he is looked at as a deva (powerful demon) and the God of Storms. This demonstrates that both deities embody divine like qualities (Gonda 12). As mentioned before, Siva is a complex deity because of the different identities he holds. Throughout history, the deity is claimed many different names during different periods; for example, in the earliest school, Pasupatas, Siva is claimed to be Pasupati (Lord of the Cattle). Throughtout the Rg Veda, Siva was first regarded as Rudra. However, the name Siva is commonly used throughout different texts and literature.

Saivism is still a huge sect in Hinduism today. Temples and shrines are still placed in India today to worship deity Siva. Over time, there have been many schools that have developed. Visnu and Siva are often compared to another based on their placements in the Epics. Siva is perceived in many different forms, making him known as many-sided; however, Siva is regarded as one of the most important deity and Supreme being. The linga is a key symbol in this sect, as it appears in many temples and shrines. The linga is a representation of a male presence; the representation of Siva could be depicted through many different interpretations. The sect can be broken down too many different branches, such as the trantic groups Kalamukha and Kapalikas, that are no longer present, but made an impact in modernity. Saivism is dominant even to this day and is one of the most popular sects in Hinduism.

The worship of Siva takes place throughout temples and shrines made at home containing different images (Flood 151-152). The temples are most sacred to many Saivites, and different blessings radiate from the emblem depending on the location of the temple. Most temples, shrines, and sanctuaries contain different symbols and images; however they all worship the Supreme Deity, Siva. As mentioned before, the Saiva temples are consistent in Siva being worshipped through the form of a linga and in association yoni (womb) which is the female association; though the meaning of the symbol is up to interpretations (Holm 92). The symbol is usually depicted through temples and a linga and also what seems to be the face of Lord Siva represented with four or five faces. The five different faces are to represent the five elements of the universe. In some cases, the linga represents a “fiery column of light” (Holm 92-93). Every manifestation is presented through the linga making this emblem extremely important to the worship of Siva. It would be rare for a shrine or temple not to have one present. Linga was more commonly known with the non-Aryans, however throughout history and time, more and more individuals started to use the phallic emblem. As the worship of Siva has become more common throughout India, there are many festivals where worshippers sing and chant and offer devotions. Siva is depicted with his animal, Nandi, the Bull that symbolises fertility (Holm 93).

There are many schools of Saivism, but the earliest is a bhakti group known as the Kalamukha that derived from one of the first schools, the Pasupatas (Rodrigues 213). The Pasupatas maybe traced back to the 2nd century. Pasupati can translate to Pati (lord) of Pashus (cattle). As many schools and sects of Hinduism, each have their own set of stages in life. The Pasupatas stage of life starts with a period of moral development: this stage requires a devotee to gain a guru to have initiate them and to guide. The action of smearing ashes on their bodies thrice daily. Throughout this stage, the action of smearing ashes on their bodies thrice daily, as this is a ritual. Next, is their change of behaviour in the public sphere, which includes different speech and crude behaviour. Finally, they reached seclusion: this stage focuses on extreme mediation and is believed to have a final union with Rudra before the recognition of Siva being Rudra (Flood 156-159). The movement was influential in South India, however it gradually faded away as more Siva worshippers disagreed with some of their early rituals.

The Kalamukha “Black Face” first explored the realm of bhakti and ascetic (severe self-discipline) in some extreme form (Flood 154-156). They are considered to be extreme devotees of Siva. As mentioned before, modern Saivites do not agree with the old rituals of the Kalamukha. The Kalamukha emphasised the need for sacrificial rituals that contain both animals and humans. Their name of “Black Face” is most likely derived from their process of renunciation, where a black streak of ash is prominent on the individual’s forehead. Most of these devotees were found near temples where women stayed to attend to the offer patron deity and to a temple prostitution (Stefon 1). The earliest set of devotees of Siva, they are no longer present and gradually faded away as their rituals were not accepted by the majority of Saivites.

As modernity began to spread throughout India and the different major sects of Hinduism, more schools and comparisons began to pop up. Visnuism and Saivism are often compared to one another (Gonda 1). Another devotee group would be the Kapalikas known as “skull bearer”; they were also known for their very extreme rituals, such as cannibalism. This group of people worshipped Bhairava-Siva which led them to becoming a Saivite sect. They are known for eating from a skull bowl and worshipping the gods through a pot of wine (Lorenzen 8). Similar to the Kalamukhas, they covered themselves in funeral ashes. Both of these sects was shown hostility because of their crude practices. Both of these Saivite devotees are considered to be a tantric group (Lorenzen 37).

Most sects worshipping only one god are regarded monotheistic. There are divine figures that are worshipped to maintain good fortune and merit (Gonda 62); individuals come together to worship a deity in hopes of gaining both fortune and merit. There are many cult practices that contain higher deities which includes Siva. Siva urges the need for Saiva diksa (initiation into a Siva order) (Gonda 64). Most sects each share the similarity of trying to reach the final goal, which is final liberation. In order to reach this, the individual must initiate through a guru that is classified as a Brahman. All finalized initiation is considered to be a manifestation of Siva himself (Gonda 64). Gurus are an important role when reaching final liberation as they help their mentee with mantras (sacred utterances) through their process. After learning the mantras, the individual is now entitled to perform certain ritual rites. Reaching full purification is another life goal many want to achieve (Gonda 65). These stages are achieved through different ways, depending on the path the individual decides to take. Some achieve Brahman which is a key aspect to Saivism. Brahman is the supreme existence or the absolute reality one wants to achieve. Saivism explores the deity of Siva and many Hindus today follow this sect as it dominates throughout India today.

 

Bibliography

Flood, Gavin (1996) An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gonda, Jan (1996) Visnuism and Sivaism. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.

Holm, Jean (1994) Picturing God. London: Printer Publishers.

Lorenzen, David Neal (1968) “The Kaplikas and Kalamukhas Two Lost Saivite Sect” The Australian National University 1-325. Accessed October 22, 2018.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2005) Hinduism – The ebook: An Online Introduction Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Visnuism

Visnu

Indus Valley Civilization

Rg Veda

The Epics

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Kalamukha

Kapalikas

Pasupatas

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://academic-eb-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/levels/collegiate/article/Shaivism/64982

https://iskconeducationalservices.org/HoH/practice/303.htm

https://iskconeducationalservices.org/HoH/tradition/1202.htm

http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Kapalika_and_Kalamukha#Kalamukhas

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaivism

https://www.hinduwebsite.com/siva/sivaindex.asp

http://www.religionfacts.com/shaivism

http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Shaivism

 

Article written by: Jacqueline Paule (November 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

1. Vaisnava Deities, Visnu's Avataras

Balarama

Balarama is an ancient Hindu deity who is believed to be the incarnation of Lord Visnu, a very important deity in Hindu mythology. Visnu is believed to be the protector and preserver of the universe. He plays an important role in the great triad that includes Brahma, the creator, and Siva the destroyer (Wilkins 116). During times of great disaster and chaos, Visnu takes physical forms on earth time and time again as different avatars to maintain order and protect the universe from evil and destruction. These avatars are known to be the Dasa Avatar, dasa meaning 10. According to the myth of their origin, both Balarama and Krsna are incarnations of Visnu himself, Balarama is said to be his eight avatar. (Wilkins 220).

Balarama is also believed to be the incarnation of Ananta Sesa, the serpent king. Ananta meaning endless and Sesa meaning the end. This snake deity is said to have 1000 heads that hold the bare the weight of the entire world (Wilkins 221). Ananta Sesa is considered to be the king of all snakes as well as a great force of nature that maintains the positioning of all the planets (Swami 11). Although Sesa is only considered to be a reincarnation of a part of Visnu, Balarama is still considered a Visnu avatar (Wilkins 221). There is some disagreement as to which deity rightfully belongs as the eighth avatar. Some agree on Balarama being included as one of the ten Avatars, simultaneously accepting Krsna to have been Lord Visnu himself on earth. Others may consider both Balarama and Krsna as the eighth of the ten avatars together (Wilkins 221).

Balarama and Krsna are the sons of Vasudeva; Balarama was born to Rohini first and Krsna was born to Devaki (Rao 997). It is believed that Visnu plucked two of his own hairs, one white and one black to take a physical form as an avatar. Balarama and Krsna are believed to have been birthed from these two hairs (Wilkins 220). Visnu’s white hair was magically moved from Devaki’s womb to Rohini’s, thus leading to the birth of Balarama. Balarama was supposed to have been Devaki’s seventh child, but Devaki was said to have had a miscarriage when the fetus was magically moved from her womb to another. The baby born to Rohini was first named Samkarsana as he was considered to have been “dragged” from womb to womb (Rao 997). The baby was later renamed Balarama. He was said to have been the source of great spiritual power, Bala. through which he could attain the highest sense of bliss, ramana (Swami 11). Apart from Balarama, he was also known as Rauhineya, as he was the son of Rohini (Rao 997). Other names also given to him were Balabadra and Balabadrarama (Rao 997).

Balarama is depicted as a young man dressed in blue garments who has a very fair complexion. He wears a single golden earring, only on one side called the kundala and his hair is tied back (Rao 1000). Balarama is sometimes depicted with two arms and at other times with four. He is shown holding his weapons of choice, a club and a plough in either hand. The club in the right hand symbolizes death and the ploughshare in his left hand is to signify the principle of time (Rao 1000-1001). If illustrated with four arms, Balarama holds his weaponry in two hands, a conch in the third hand and a discus in the fourth (Rao 1001). Holding a discus in the fourth hand is similar to the depiction of Visnu holding a discus or cakra in his hand as well. This similarity between the two depictions of the deities makes sense as Balarama is an incarnation of Visnu himself. The weapons belonging to Balarama may suggest why he is also regarded as the god of agriculture and farming. The Lucknow Museum in India is home to an ancient stone idol of Balarama that dates back to the second century B.C.. The ancient idol depicts Balarama standing with a great serpent acting as his hood behind him, while he is holding a plough in his hands (Rao 999-1000).

Balarama and his mother Rohini, were placed under the care and protection of Nanda Maharaja, the foster father of Krsna (Swami 40). At the age of one Balarama was brought to Nanda and Yasoda to be brought up with Krsna. The two of them grew up side by side, Krsna and Balarama partook in many adventures together. Both Krsna and Balarama hold great power, this is known from the stories of their childhood (Wilkins 222). One story in particular was when Balarama was in the woods with his peers, the cow herders. They requested Balarama to shake a fruit tree that belonged to a demon named Dhenuka. Balarama obliged and shook the tree to obtain the delicious fruit, but as he did Dhenuka emerges ready to attack him. With ease Balarama grabbed Dhenuka’s legs and swung him over his head. Dhenuka died instantly as he was thrown with such strong force.

After the defeat of Dhenuka, the boys spent much of their day playing in the orchard. A demon named Pralamba took the form of a young boy and joined the boys as they played. During their game, Pralamba requested Balarama sit on top of his shoulders, Balarama did as he asked and instantly, Pralamba ran off with him on top of his shoulders. Balarama began to panic as the demon had grown to an enormous size, Pralamba was now as big as a mountain. In fear, Balarama called to Krsna for help in hopes that his brother would come to his rescue. Instead of stepping in and defeating the demon himself, Krsna reminded Balarama of all the might and power he held. He reminded him of who he truly was and advises him not to fear the demon, as he himself is capable of much more. Balarama held what Krsna said to be true and unleashed his power on Pralamba. He squeezed the demon with just his knees and bashed his head with the might of his fists. In an instant, Pralamba was successfully defeated (Wilkins 222-223). This story shows that Balarama is an important deity who holds great strength. He too is an avatar of Visnu and holds immense wisdom and power.

 

References and Further Recommended Reading:

Rao, S.K. Ramachandra (2003) Encyclopedia of Indian Iconography: Hinduism – Buddhism – Jainism: Volume II. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.

Swami, A.C. Bhaktivedanta (1970) KRSNA The Supreme Personality of Godhead. Boston:  ISKON PRESS.

Wilkins, W.J (2009) Hindu Mythology. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Das Avatar

Gopi

Krsna

Meera

Radha

Revati

Rukmini

Visnu

Yasodha

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic:

http://www.krishna.com/topic-term/balarama

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Balarama

https://www.wisdomlib.org/definition/balarama

www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Balarama

http://www.divineavatars.com/vishnu/balarama-avatara.html

 

Article was written by: Deepika Anupindi (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

d. Saktism

Saktism

Saktism is a sectarian movement centered on the devotional worship of the Mother Goddess who is simultaneously referred to as Sakti (power and energy), Devi (Goddess), Parasakti (supreme power), Adyasakti (first or primordial Power), Mulaprakti (primordial matter) and/or the Mahadevi (Great Goddess) (Foulston & Abbott 10). The adherents to this particular Hindu path – those who see their path to salvation through the concept of the Great Goddess – are called Saktas.  Saktism assures its adherents of protection from natural calamities and a procurement of worldly luxuries and happiness.  Saktas conceive the Mother Goddess as the personification of primordial energy and the source of all divine (Basu 4).  By some she is worshipped as the primary deity, by others she is part of a great pantheon of goddesses and all goddesses are a manifestation of her.  In some goddesses she manifests herself as benign and in others she is ferocious.  Each goddess is worshiped as a reflection of the feminine principle of sakti, that energy which manifests itself in creation and destruction (Basu 7).

The Great Goddess, as praktri (primary matter) and sakti (energy), manifests herself, by her maya, into her many and various powers.  In Saktism maya is not considered a negative illusionary power, instead it is perceived as a positive creative force and Sakta texts emphasize the non-difference between matter and spirit (Foulston & Abbott 16). The Sakti is, as Saguna Brahman, both ultimate reality and the source of divine manifestation (Kinsley 1986: 137).  Saktas believe Sakti, in any of her manifestations, is responsive to the pleas of individual devotees and can quickly come to their aid if needed (Kinsley 1986: 139).  They also believe that devotion (bhakti), to any of her incarnations, is a means to be liberated from karma and the cycle of samsara (Kinsley 1986: 153).

Sakti is often pictured as a distant awesome figure who sits on a heavenly throne.  She is understood to be approachable and always available to her worshipers (Kinsley 1986: 139). For Saktas, divinity can be described by invoking groups of divine females including the seven Mothers, the nine Durgas, the 64 Yoginis, or the ten Mahavidyas. Sakti is said to have qualities that are manifested within the goddess triad that includes Mahalaksmi, Mahasarasvati and Mahakali (Rodrigues 2005: 242).  As Mahasarasvati, she is seen as the power that presides over creation, as Mahalaksmi she shows her preserving aspect, and as Mahakali she is associated with destruction (Rodrigues 2005: 242).  Some Saktas believe that Durga is the Devi’s favourite form and that as Durga she is ferocious and an invincible warrior who battles evil and demons of various kinds (Kinsley 1986: 138).  All goddesses, whether within a group or not, are considered different manifestations or forms of the one all-encompassing Goddess (Dold 46).  The reason the divine feminine needs so many names is that they convey different aspects of her nature and each are an expression or form of her and symbolize the various aspects of her character (Foulston & Abbott 10).

To better understand Saktism, it is helpful to understand how Saktism began and how it developed over the millennia.  The beginnings of mother worship in South Asia can be traced back to the terracotta figurines found in the Indus Valley that date back to 3000 BCE (Basu 3). It has been anthropologically noted that as agriculture develops, often mothers figure as the guiding forces of their society (Basu 3):

The magical rites designed to secure the fertility of the fields seem to belong to a special competence of the women who were the first cultivators of the soil and whose power of childbearing had, in primitive thought, a sympathetic effect on the vegetative forces of the earth (Bhattacharyya 4).

As time passed, throughout India, the tribal cults of early female deities seem to have become woven into the more intellectual doctrines (as found in the Vedas) that later migrated into their territories (Basu xii).

In the Rg Veda, the deities are predominantly patriarchal.  The few goddesses mentioned maintain a subordinate position and at no time, either individually or collectively, represent the ‘centre’ (Kinsley 1986: 7).  There is no one great goddess in Vedic literature, and there is no evidence it was conceived that all the individual goddesses are manifestations of one great goddess (Kinsley 1986: 18).  It should be noted however that the qualities of the goddesses mentioned in the Vedas appear in later Hinduism in various forms and with some of their characteristics (Foulston & Abbott 46).  It therefore seems apparent that following their arrival in India, the Vedic people came into contact with the indigenous population and were influenced by their cults and rituals which resulted in the adaption of Vedic goddesses to popular culture.  It also resulted in non-Vedic goddesses finding a place in the pantheon and the gradual penetration of the mother cult becomes apparent in later Vedic writing and Brahmanical religious worship (Basu 3).

It was the Gupta age, between the fourth & sixth centuries and during the height of the writing of Puranic literature, that the Mother Goddess cult truly developed (Basu 5).  The Puranas are the Hindu texts concerned primarily with myth and legend.  They built upon the Upanishads, and describe the supremacies of various Gods to convey the multiple manifestations of Brahman (Foulston & Abbott 11).  It is thought by some scholars that in the Gupta Age the “need was felt for a new religion, entirely female dominated, a religion in which even the great gods like Visnu or Siva would remain subordinate to the goddess” (Basu 65).   This new religion came to be known as Saktism.

The Sakta Puranas are whole texts in which the Goddess is the supreme deity.  There are remnants of Vedic deities in the Puranas, such as Prithivi, but the Goddess’s most prominent personalities are those that are pleased with the non-Vedic practice of blood-sacrifice; a practice that is likely based on popular local aboriginal goddesses (Foulston & Abbott 69).  Though the presented goddesses may have originated from non-Vedic sources, they are still presented in the Puranas in a palatable orthodox way (Foulston & Abbott 76).  The primary Sakta Puranas are the Devi-Mahatmya and the Devi-Bhagavatam which speak of the supremacy of the divine feminine (Foulston & Abbott 11).

In the Devi-Mahatmya the Devi, or Mahadevi, is shown as the personification of all aspects of energy, being simultaneously creative, preservative, and destructive (Foulston & Abbott 12).  The text implies, by constantly addressing the Devi by different names, that all goddesses are in reality one being (Foulston & Abbott 19).         The Devi Bhagavatam retells a number of Puranic myths from a feminine perspective and goddesses are shown as being identical to Brahman as well as eternal and independent of male authority (Foulston & Abbott 14).  This text is also explicit in its understanding of the Mahadevi as encompassing both benign and terrible aspects.  Both aspects are presented as required in order to maintain the dharmic balance of the cosmos (Foulston & Abbott 19).

By about 500 CE, the common goddesses of Saktism included Parvati, Durga, Kali, Amba, Tripurasundari, Lakshmi, and Saraswati (Bhattacharyya 107).  Indeed, the Puranas enumerate 108 names of the Great Goddess (Bhattacharyya 106) and it is in the Puranic texts we find some goddesses being grouped together; such as the seven mothers (whose worship was adapted for Brahamical ritual tradition) and the ten Mahadividyas.  All groupings exemplify how the Great Goddess manifests herself in a variety of forms at various times for different reasons (Foulston & Abbott 117).

Tantrism is sometimes considered synonymous with Saktism and while both Tantrism and Saktism share some characteristics, the two traditions are distinct (Foulston & Abbott 104). Both Tantrism and Saktism evolved with the assimilation of non-Vedic deities and traditions (such as blood sacrifice) within Brahmanical traditions (such as complex ritual worship).  Tantrism also includes a focus on the feminine principle that views all women as manifestations of Sakti (Bhattacharyya 107). But not all Saktas consider themselves to be followers of the esoterical ritual tantric tradition; many Sakta reject tantric forms of worship and instead focus on devotional worship (bhakti) or follow Vedic procedures (Rodrigues 240).

The worship practices of most Saktas are similar to the worship practices of other Hindus but sometimes include elements that in orthodoxy are considered polluting.  Like many Hindus, Saktas will most often worship in their home before a shrine created for their favorite deity (Foulston & Abbott 135).  Most villages will have their own goddess and she will be revered at the local shrine. There are times when people will join a larger congregation and worship the Great Goddess – in one form or another – in their local temples.  The later Puranas provide instruction on temple construction and ritual performance for the deity to which the particular text is dedicated (Foulston & Abbott 132). Unlike religious worship in the West, the worship of deities in Hinduism is generally an individual affair.  There are no formal services, though there are regular times of day when the priests perform puja.  Temples become the focus during festivals, when many people gather to witness and participate in rituals that particular manifestation of the Great Goddess requires (Foulston & Abbott 135).  Saktas celebrate most major Hindu festivals, as well as a huge variety of local, temple or deity specific observances.

In the process of the evolution of Saktism a number of places came to be associated with Sakti worship and came to be regarded as sacred Sakta pithas (Basu 5).  The belief in the sacredness of the land in India has contributed to the concept of sacred sites connected to goddesses (Foulston & Abbott 186).  This idea of a sacred landscape is thought to have combined with a belief in the myth of the dismemberment of Sati  – the landing places of her scattered body created the locations of sacred sites – and these sites became Sakta pithas (Rodrigues 2005: 240).  There are some scholars who believe the myth of Sati’s death was used to connect many local goddesses with the Sakta Devi (Foulston & Abbott 186).

One such Sakta pitha is for the goddess Kamakhya in Assam.  This modest temple draws worshipers from all over India and is most sacred at one particular time of year when the seasonally swollen river is viewed as the goddess’s annual menstruation.  Devotees wear red clothes, representing Devi’s blood stained garments.  Animal sacrifices are made and Kamakhya’s power is so strong as to produce sacredness from something that is usually considered profane (Dold 46).

Laksmi, Parvati, Sati, Prthivi and other benevolent versions of the Great Goddess are understood to be the parts of the transcendent divine who is oriented toward upholding and protecting the world.  Worshipers revere these incarnations in order to ensure fertility, protection regarding the establishment of dharmic order, cultural creativity, wifely duty, wisdom, and material abundance; they are also the embodiment of female beauty (Kinsley 1986: 140).  But Saktas are especially drawn to more ferocious goddesses, like the great Durga or Kali, who are seen not only as protectors but also as destroyers.

Durga is thought to be the Devi’s most popular form and her exploits are the mostly commonly celebrated events in Sakti mythology.  The Devi-Mahatmya establishes Durga, with her manifestation Kali, as an aspect of the Great Goddess.  In this text, Durga is regarded as the incarnate strength of the gods.  She is presented as a beautiful golden ten armed warrior goddess who is sometimes viewed as benevolent, but has not lost her non-Vedic habit of accepting blood sacrifices (Foulston & Abbott 34).  Durga is celebrated during the most important Sakta festival, Navarati (the Festival of Nine Nights).  These festivals are used to worship the Navadurgas, the nine manifested forms of Durga that slew powerful demons as described in the Devi Mahatmya.  In Bengal, the last four days of the autumn Navaratri are called Durga Puja which marks Durga’s slaying of the Buffalo Demon. It is a massive and remarkable worship celebration that consumes the city of Kolkata and includes multiple worship practices focused on Durga, including blood sacrifices (Foulston & Abbott 160).

Goddesses all over India are worshiped with blood sacrifices.  Despite the Hindu tradition of ahimsa, the offering of goddesses animal sacrifices continues as, in the eyes of Saktas, their goddesses demand blood in their worship.  They believe these goddesses, who are associated with fertility, must be periodically re-nourished: in order to give life, they must receive life back in the form of blood (Kinsley 1986: 145).

Saktism has its roots among the masses.  It evolved out of the prehistoric Mother Goddess cult and its development was organic through Hindu development (Bhattacharyya 165).  From the middle of the 19th century the cult of Sakti is said to have contributed to the growth of Indian nationalism (McKean 250).  The concept of the country in the form of a divine mother became a strong basis of the Indian freedom movement.  In the early 20th century Sri Aurobindo, Indian philosopher and nationalist, said “Mother India is not a piece of earth; she is power, a godhead, for all nations have such a devi, supporting their separate existence and keeping it in being” (McKean 255).  There have even been recent efforts by political nationalists to fashion a new manifestation of the Great Goddess in a new goddess named Bharat Mata.  She is being used by political forces as a reigning deity over the many other manifestation of female divinity in India.  Hoping to use her for the cause of religious nationalism, they present their goddess as Mother India; the identity of the Indian national state (McKean 250).

Saktism can be viewed as proof of the assimilative and unifying character of Hinduism. The one fundamental belief in Hinduism is the belief in an all-pervading and all-transcending reality which is the source of everything.  This reality has been visualized by Saktas in the form of Sakti, the Great Goddess.  Saktism allows its adherents to obtain identification with, and connection to, Ultimate Reality through the worship of their chosen goddess, whether that goddess be their village deity, Mahadevi, Durga, or even Mother India.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Basu, Anuradha (Mitra) (2009) Sakti Worship in India and Iconography. Kolkata: R.N. Bhattacharya.

Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath (1974) History of the Sakta Religion. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharial Publishers.

Dold, Patricia A. (2011) “Pilgrimage to Kamakhya through Text and Lived Religion.” In Studying Hinduism in Practice. Edited by Hillary P. Rodrigues, 46-61. New York: Routledge.

Foulston, Lynn, and Stuart Abbott (2012) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press.

Kinsley, David R. (1986) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. London: University of California Press.

Kinsley, David R. (1996) “Kali: Blood and Death out of Place.” In Devi Goddesses of India. Edited by John Stratton Hawley and Donna Marie Wulff, p. 77-86. London: Univeristy of California Press.

McKean, Lise (1996) “Bharat Mata: Mother India and Her Militant Matriots.” In Devi Goddesses of India. Edited by John Stratton Hawley and Donna Marie Wulff, p. 250-280. London: Univeristy of California Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2003) Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: The liturgy of the durga puja with interpretations. Albany: SUNY Press,

Rodrigues, Hillary (2005) Hinduism: The eBook. JBE Online Books.

Pintchman, Tracy (1994) The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Stratton Hawley, John (1996) “The Goddess in India“. In Devi Goddesses of India. Edited by John Stratton Hawley and Donna Marie Wulff, p. 1-28. London: Univeristy of California Press.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Sakta

Devi

Parsakti

Advasakti

Mulaprakti

Mahadevi

Saguna Brahman

Mahalaksmi

Mahasarasvati

Mahakali

Seven Mothers

Nine Durgas

64 Yoginis

Ten Mahavidyas

Indus Valley Civilization

Tantra

Durga

The Devi Mahatmya

Devi Bhagavatam

Parvati

Durga

Kali

Amba

Tripurasundari

Sati

Kamakhya

Prithivi

Navadurgas

The Durga Puja

Sri Aurobindo

Bharat Mata

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.bangalinet.com/durgapuja.htm

https://www.himalayanacademy.com/media/books/hindu-basics/web/hin_ch04.html

http://www.patheos.com/library/shakta-hinduism

https://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=3784

http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195399318/obo-9780195399318-0085.xml

http://www.hindunet.com.au/new/index.html

http://www.bangalinet.com/durgapuja.htm

 

Article written by: Dawn Kinney (November 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. The Renouncer, a. Asceticism and Renunciation, e. Other Sects, Related Topics in Yoga, Sacred Specialists

The Kanphata Yogis

 The Kanphata Yogis refers to a monastic order of Hindu renouncers, found predominantly throughout India and Nepal, who worship the god Siva. They are also known as the Darsanis, Gorakhnathi or Natha Yogis. The name Kanphata refers to the split through the hollow of their ears and Darsani refer to the large earrings they wear through these holes, their most distinctive feature. Gorakhnathi or Nath refers instead to their supposed founder, Gorakhnath, who is also credited as the founder of Hatha Yoga. Though he is said to be the author of a large number of books it is more likely that he authored only a few and other followers of his have since added to the collection. (Bouillier 2018:18-26).

Gorakhnath takes on both the roles of founder and deity in the Kanphata Yogi order. On the one hand he is a Guru praised for his purity and asceticism, and on the other he is said to be a being born through the miraculous power of Siva and is also a form of Siva (Bouillier 2018:14). The mythology surrounding Gorakhnath’s upbringing is extensive and not all of the stories agree on all points. One popular story is that a barren woman was given ashes from Siva to eat. Instead she threw them into a heap of cow dung and 12 years later upon searching the heap of dung, a 12 year old boy was found within it. The boy was then accepted as a pupil by the mighty guru, Matsyendranath, who named the child Gorakhnath meaning filth or lord of cattle (Briggs 182). His relationship to his Guru was complicated as he acted at times as a pupil and at times as an instructor or even savior of his master, saving his master from temptations of the flesh and other worldly influences (Bhattacharyya 285). In these ways the followers of Gorakhnath through legend and mythology deify him and simultaneously establish his teachings as being directly from the Gods. Actual historical data surrounding his birth, life, and death are however largely hypothetical and many scholars disagree on the date and location of his birth (Bouillier 2013:158). In the books accredited to his authorship, he appears to have borrowed inspiration from Jainism and from Vajrayana Buddhism, both in the strong focus on the obtainment of supernatural powers, through Yogic meditation, and on the incorporation of tantric doctrines into their core ideals (Bhattacharyya 285, Briggs 259, 274-276). Examples of this focus are found in the Gorakh-bani (Sayings of Gorakh), in which their quest for superhuman powers and immortality or divinity is explained (Bouillier 2013:161). Supernatural powers are considered a gratuity, rather than the actual end goal of Hatha Yoga, which is to reach mukti or enlightenment. The ordered discipline of yoga serves as a vehicle to assist or aid the Yogi as he or she endeavors in this quest (Briggs 2, 262-265).

Kanphata Yogis take their heritage from the Himalayan foothills and share common ancestry with the Siddhas in Tibetan Buddhism, as Gorakhnath is identified as Luipada by the Buddhist texts (Bhattacharyya 284-285). A rift in the teachings between the followers of Gorakhnath and the Siddhas is illustrated in the account of Gorakhnath saving his master from lust and sensual pleasures, and so doing, changing the guidelines for his followers from the overtly sexual tantric practices of his predecessors to a chaste focus in the internal development of oneself (Bouillier 2018:16-17).  There is however a large focus on the maintenance of one’s body physically and spiritually, sexual practice of any kind is forbidden (Bouillier 2018:301-302). Many members of the tradition try to keep as far away from women as possible (Bhattacharyya 287-288), though some women, mostly widows, do join the order (Briggs 4-5).

Heavy focus is also placed upon the large earrings that they wear through the hollows of their ears. Some explain that the split through the cartilage of the ear is done in such a place as to cut through a mystical channel, thus assisting the bearer in their path to enlightenment (Briggs 6). Strict care is placed on the Yogi to protect their ears after the split has been made. There are some indications that, in the past, if one of the Yogis had the earring pulled out or their ear was mutilated in some other way that they would either be killed outright or be buried alive, though more recently banishment is a more common punishment (Briggs 8-9). These earrings, or mudra, are traditionally made of clay, but as these are easily broken they can be substituted for rings made of antler, horn, wood, precious metals, or shells. Kanphata Yogis also differ from orthodox Hindus also in their death rituals, namely that they bury their dead rather than cremate them. This practice is substantiated by the legendary dispute between Muslims and Hindus over who were masters of the earth. In response to this dispute Gorakhnath sat on the ground and called on it to yield to him, the earth then opened up and he sank below the surface (Briggs 39-40).

Kanphata Yogis and their supernatural powers have also played a part in the development of various kingdoms in the areas of Northern and Western India as well as Nepal. In Nepal in particular, a powerful Yogi is credited with using supernatural powers to assist the king of a small nation to unify the Nepalese area under one crown (Bouillier 1991:154-156). Similar stories can be found throughout India, and each Nath Monastery will generally have its own myths about the supernatural powers of the founding Yogi. These supernatural powers include controlling the weather, changing the physical size of the Yogi, exorcism, healing, the power of flight, necromantic powers, and psychic or telekinetic abilities to name a few (Briggs 271). These stories of supernatural powers gave the yogis a certain notoriety among both commoners and nobility, causing them to be warily honored lest they curse the public just as in the story of Gorakhnath’s visit to Kathmandu when he caused a drought to befall the people as punishment for receiving him poorly (Bouillier 2018:16).

Modern Day Kanphata Yogis exist largely in monasteries throughout India and South-East Asia or very occasionally as wandering ascetics and renouncers. Disciples known as Aughars rather than Yogis are inducted into the order of monastics through several stages of discipleship (Briggs 7-11). Contrary to what their name may suggest many Kanphata Yogis do not actively practice yoga (Briggs 251). They possess no official cannon of texts but instead cite a mishmash of books with varied and dubious authorship, including many texts that are nearly identical but with different titles or authors (Bouillier 2018:18-26, Briggs 252-257). Exact knowledge of the contents of these texts are also not largely stressed, but focus seems to be more on an oral tradition of legends and secret techniques which are passed down from Guru to Aughar (Briggs 7-10,251). That is not to say that the Kanphata Yogis are without modernization as they have formed the Pan-Indian Nath Yogi Association, and in some ways attempted to organize themselves by the 12 panths or branches of their order. There are currently more than 12 branches in existence but this number likely refers to an original division rather than a current one (Bouillier 2018:54-56).

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath (1982) History of the Tantric Religion. New Delhi: Manohar Publications.

Bouillier, Véronique (1991) “Growth and decay of a Kanphata Yogi monastery in south-west Nepal” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 28,2: 151-170

Bouillier, Véronique (2013) “A Survey of Current Researches on India’s Nath Yogis” Religion Compass Vol 7 #5 (May): 157-168

Bouillier, Véronique (2018) Monastic Wanderers: Nath Yogi Ascetics in Modern South Asia. New York: Routledge.

Briggs, George W. (1938) Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Jacobsen, K.A. (2012) Yoga Powers. Extraordinary Capacities Attained through Meditation and Concentration. Leiden: Brill.

White, D.G. (1996) The Alchemical Body. Siddha tradition in Medieval India. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

 

This article was written by Christopher J Boehmer (Fall 2018), who is entirely responsible for its content.

b. The Tantras, Parvati, Sati/Parvati, Siva

Mahanirvana Tantra

The Tantras are texts that deal with an assortment of ritual methods used to control and manipulate the cosmic powers, belonging to the literature of the Saktas. The Tantras deal with a wide variety of subject matter such as yoga practice, dharma behavior, the prescribed stages of life, the realms of heaven and hell, and importantly, worship ritual. The Mahanirvana Tantra was composed in the 18th century and is the most well-known Tantra in the west (Payne 53-55). It is regarded as the revelation of Siva, the destroyer of the world and god of the Yogis, to his wife, Parvati, at the summit of Mount Kailasa.

It was on Mount Kailasa that Parvati found her husband, Siva, described sitting silently on the mountain surrounded by a beautiful landscape. The text begins with Parvati asking Siva a question relating to the liberation of beings. Siva’s answer to Parvati is then answered in the chapters of the Mahanirvana Tantra. Siva begins the first four chapters by relating the importance of worshiping Brahman, the ultimate reality. Siva explains when good is done to the universe, He will be pleased, as He is the soul of the universe and it depends on Him (Avalon 3). Siva tells her that by worship of Brahman, there will be no need for any other religious observances (Avalon 4). Due to Siva’s strong affection to Parvati, he tells her more about the Supreme Brahman, and the secrets of worshiping Him by prescribed mantra to attain siddi, the enlightenment and understanding possessed by a siddah, or accomplished one. Siva states that liberation “does not come from the recitation of hymns, sacrifice or a hundred fasts… man is liberated by the knowledge that he is Brahman himself” (Payne 10). Pleased by what Siva has bestowed on her, Parvati asks another question concerning worship of Supreme Prakrti in union with Supreme Brahman. This delights Siva and he spoke unto Parvati how everything in the universe owes its origins and manifestations to the Supreme Prakrti and Supreme Brahman in motion with each other (Avalon 5). He relates the Supreme Prakrti to the Deva herself, informing her that she is everything in all forms and manifestations, and everything is her. Siva explains that success is solely achieved by Kaulika worship, the most supreme doctrine, and the merit achieved by honoring a Kaulika, is enough to protect one from all the harm the Kali Age has to offer (Avalon 5).

In the fifth chapter of the Mahanirvana Tantra, Siva speaks to his wife of the formation of mantras, composed of single letters, syllables, a word, or an entire phrase to make a sacred sound (Feuerstein 191) and the preparatory acts to be done each day. Mantras are creative forces that act upon one’s consciousness when empowered and communicated to a disciple (Feuerstein 191). Siva explains to Parvati that there are countless mantras for worship, presented in the various Tantras but he only states twelve of them, because these twelve are for the pleasure and benefit of all humanity (Avalon 6). After presenting the twelve mantras to Parvati, he moves on to explain worship of Sakti by the five elements, wine, meat, fish, grain, and union of man and woman to attain the position of vira (Bhattacharyya 121). After which he describes placing of the jar, which is called a kalasa, because Visva-karma, son of Brahma, composed it from various parts of each of the Devatas (Avalon 6). He explains the measurements in fingers, and that it is to be made of gold, silver, copper, metal, mud, stone or glass free from any imperfections and on the left side a hexagon enclosed by a circle, enclosed by a square. In detail Siva speaks of the proper worshipping and mantras to be recited important in all power of creation, preservation and destruction of the universe.

The sixth chapter of the text Parvati asks Siva about the Pancha-tattvas and the appropriate worship of the Deva. The Pancha-tattvas, or five elements, are given in sacrifice to propitiate the Deva (Avalon 7). Siva declares that there are three kinds of wine, made from molasses, rice, or the juices and flowers of plants, that are first tattva and no matter how it has been made, is equal in the worship of the Deva. The second tattva is meat from three kinds of animals, those of the earth, sky and water. Siva explains that to please the Deva it does not matter where or by whom the animal was killed, so long as the animal being decapitated is male and not female (Avalon 7). The third tattva is three kinds of fish, ranked in superiority and quality due to their bones. Fish with the most amount of bones, considered inferior, must be well fried before being offered to the Devi. Parched food is the fourth tattva and contains three categories. Superior food is white rice, barley and wheat all fried in butter, the middle being a fried paddy, and the most inferior food consists of any fried grain that is not contained in the superior category (Avalon 7). After explaining the first four features, Siva looks unto Parvati and says “O Great Devi! when the weakness of the Kali Age becomes great, one’s own Shakti or wife should alone be known as the fifth tattva”(Avalon 7). Thus, making sexual union between man and women the fifth and final Pancha-tattva. Before revealing the mantras to Parvati, Siva warns her that man who offers these sacrifices to the Devas without proper purification will not please the gods and one will go to hell for it (Avalon 7).

The seventh chapter of the Mahanirvana Tantra Siva addresses the Goddess Kali as the supreme yogini, for at the end of time she devours Siva, the devourer of time himself (Feuerstein 35). Kali, who’s name relates to the words “time” and “death”, is the dark goddess and the Destroyer. Siva recites a hymn to Parvati, containing the Hundred Names of Kali, all beginning with the letter Ka, entitled Adya-Kali-Svarupa. By worshiping Kali and repeating her Hundred Names, one will enjoy a happy life and becomes suffused with the presence of the Devi (Avalon 8). Only when one is in the presence of the Goddess, does he reach the hearts of women, attain his desires, conquer his enemies, master his caste and enjoy good fortune. For once she suffuses him “there is ever victory, and defeat never” (Avalon 8).

Parvati asks Siva in the eighth chapter to hear of the castes, the prescribed stages in life, and the mode they should be observed in, having just heard the different dharmas and union with the Supreme. Siva tells her in the Kali age, there are five castes, Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra and Samanya (Avalon 9) and each of these castes has two stages of life. He begins first by describing the householder stage, with devotion to Brahman. He tells Parvati the importance of pleasing one’s mother and father, raising obedient and educated children, being kind to neighbors and cherishing his wife, so she will be ever devoted to him. Siva after explains the exclusive mantras to be performed only by the twice-born, and the other mantras to be used for the lower castes. Siva relates to Parvati the duties of the king, that he is to watch his subjects and protect his people and describes the manner in which he should present himself. The king is to be the courage of his warriors, highly knowledgeable, discriminatory, and honorable, but never arrogant, when awarding both reward and punishment (Avalon 8). Agriculture and trade, are only appropriate for the vaishya class and all acts of negligence, laziness, untruthfulness and deceit should be avoided. Finally, servants should be clean, skillful, alert and careful, they should treat their master with the uttermost respect as the servant should be aspiring for happiness in this world and their next incarnation.

In the ninth chapter of the Mahanirvana Tantra Siva explains the ten kinds of Purificatory Rites, or sangskaras to Parvati. He tells her that each caste has their own specific rites that need to be performed to purify the body. These ten ceremonies deal with the events of conception, pregnancy, birth of the child, naming of the child, the child’s first view of the sun, its first eating of rice, tonsure, investiture and marriage (Avalon 10). Following the introduction of the events for the ceremonies, Siva recites all the sangskara mantras to Parvati. After listening to the mantras, she inquires about the rites dealing with funerals, Vriddhi Shraddha and Purnabhisheka, thus beginning the tenth chapter of the Mahanirvana Tantra. Siva informs Parvati of the importance of offering Pinda, a cooked ball of flour, butter and seeds, along with repeating the mantras to please the ancestors. The Vriddhi Shraddha is the ritual performed during special occasions to get the blessings of the ancestors, and the Purnabhisheka is the rite of initiation (Avalon 11). Siva presents the funeral rites and mantras to Parvati, explaining the period of uncleanliness dependent on the caste system. Brahmanas are unclean for ten days, Kshatriyas twelve days, Vaishyas a fortnight, Shudras and Samanyas are unclean for an entire month (Avalon 11).

In chapter eleven Siva introduces the expiatory rites, and explains to Parvati the types of sins and their accompanying punishments. Siva tells her that there are two types of sin, both which lead to pain, sorrow and disease. The first sin is one that leads to injury of one’s own self, and the second being one which leads to injury of others. Siva informs Parvati that men who sin and who are not purified by the form of punishment or expiation will be doomed to hell, and will not be incarnated into the next world (Avalon 12). In this chapter of the Mahanirvana Tantra Siva recites no mantras to Parvati, alternately he explains each sinful act one could perform and the accompanying punishment for each caste. The twelfth chapter entitled “An Account of the Eternal Immutable Dharmma” is the outline for the regulations which deal with property, inheritance and wealth. Siva explains to Parvati of the inheritance hierarchy, and how it is to be distributed among the living members of the family or the spouse’s family. Siva tells her of the rules in agriculture, mercantile transactions and other monetary dealings so that they may be deemed Dharmmic (Avalon 13). At the close of the chapter, to enforce the greater purpose of the accounts of Dharmma, Siva claims “The Lord protects this universe… Therefore should one act for the good of the world” (Avalon 13).

In the final two chapters of the Mahanirvana Tantra Siva reveals the installation and worship of the Devata and Shiva-linga. Siva tells Parvati that all beings have qualities of the goddess Kali, and to worship Kali one must form images in adherence to her. Siva says that there are two types of men, those who act with a view to the fruits of action, and those who act without a view to the fruits of action and the latter will attain final liberation (Avalon 14). He recites the mantras of this chapter to Parvati, dealing with the worship and meditation of Vastu and Dhyana. Siva concludes the thirteenth chapter by telling Parvati that by worshipping the gods with immense devotion and act, without a view of reward, will be released from rebirth (Avalon 14). In the final chapter, Parvati asks Siva to tell her of the distinct features of the four classes of Avadhutas. There are two kinds of Shaivavadhutas and Brahmavadhutas, either purna or apruna, meaning perfect and imperfect, respectively. The first three classes practice yoga, have enjoyment, and are liberated. The fourth chaste is known as the hangsa, and does not touch metal nor women (Avalon 15).

The Mahanirvana Tantra is described as noble work, probably produced in the latter half of the eighteenth century in Bengal, and belongs to the left hand school (Payne 55). Until the twentieth century, the Tantras had not been seriously studied or translated in the west, and there was little access to the religious materials in them. The Mahanirvana Tantra was translated to English by Arthur Avalon in 1913, and has since gained much more recognition in western cultures. The Mahanirvana Tantra is known as the Great Tantra because it contains all the Dharmmas, while the others deal with one subject only. The Lord Siva tells Parvati in the conclusion of the Tantra that man who knows the book, knows also the three worlds of past, present and future, and by worship of the Tantra will be liberated (Avalon 15). “What further shall I tell Thee of the greatness of the Mahanirvana Tantra? Through the knowledge of it one shall attain to Brahma-nirvana” (Avalon 15).

Bibliography

Avalon, Arthur (2010) Mahanirvana Tantra of The Great Liberation. Whitefish: Kessinger Publishing.

Avalon, Arthur (1918) Shakti and Shakta. London: Luzac & Company.

Bhattacharyya, N.N. (1987) History of the Tantric Religion. New Delhi: Manohar Publications.

Feuerstein, Georg (1998) Tantra: The Path of Ecstasy. Boston: Shambhala Publications.

Payne, Ernest A. (1997) The Saktas: An Introductory and Comparative Study. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Woodroffe, John (1980) Introduction to Tantra Sastra. Madras: Ganesh & Company.

Related Readings

Avalon, Arthur (2010) Mahanirvana Tantra of The Great Liberation. Whitefish: Kessinger Publishing.

Hugh B. Urban (2001) “The Path of Power: Impurity, Kingship, and Sacrifice in Assamese Tantra.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion. Vol. 69, No. 4 pp. 777-816. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Pechilis, Karen (2016) “Bhakti and Tantra intertwined: the explorations of the Tamil Poetess Karaikkal Ammaiyar.” International Journal of Dharma Studies 4: 2. doi:10.1186/s40613-016-0024-x

Related Research Topics

  • The Saktas
  • Hindu God Siva
  • Hindu Goddess Parvati
  • The Tantras

Related Websites

www.hinduwebsite.com

http://hinduonline.co

http://yoniversum.nl

This article was written by: Emily Sim (Spring 2017), who is entirely responsible for this content

a. Puja, f. Worship Rituals and Festivals, Mahadevi Durga

The Durga Puja

Durga Puja is an annual festival that celebrates the Great Goddess, better known as Durga. Although the true origin of the worship of Durga is still unknown, today’s form of the Durga Puja festival can be dated back to the 16th century, during the Mughal era (Banerjee 31). During this time, the mythical figure of Rama and his worship of Durga in the Ramayana were brought to the center of attention. The Ramayana says that Rama wanted to destroy the evil demon, Ravana, but needed aid because he was not strong enough to kill the demon on his own. By worshipping Durga, she provided him with the strength he needed to win against Ravana (Ghosha 14). This epic brought a large amount of influence to Raja Udaynarayan and he held the first Durga Puja to show his strength against the Mughals. Although many historians believe that he was not successful against the Mughals, the festival began to spread and quickly became one of the most important festivals (Banerjee 31-32). Many believe that the reason this epic had such a great influence was due to the resistance many kingdoms, on the Indian sub-continent, had against Mughal rule (Rodrigues 19). This epic also changed the time when the festival was to be held. It is said that Rama worshipped the Great Goddess during the autumn instead of the spring months, done by King Suratha (Banerjee 2). Therefore Raja Udaynarayan held the festival in autumn in the16th century causing the festival to be held in the autumn month of Asvina, during the nine-day Navaratri festival, today.

Puja, a form of devotional worship, is normally only performed for one or two days; the Durga Puja spans over a four-five day period (Banerjee 18). During this period, many complex rituals are held in the worship of Durga. The Great Goddess is not a particular goddess but is a single supreme form of divine femininity. This causes the Great Goddess to have many names; for example the most popular names used are Devi, Ma, or Sakti (Rodrigues 17). Therefore, all goddesses are worshipped during this time and every temple that houses a goddess is lively and closely attended too. Expensive home pujas are also put within each home for personal worship. Clay images (murti) and temporary shrines (pandals) are even more closely attended to and observed at this time because they are the focal points for worship (Rodrigues 10). Many pujas, forms of worship, are needed each day during this festival for ritual worship. Each day has a different assortment or food, cloth and puja items, such as flowers, iron, shells, or bark. These items are needed each day to invoke the Great Goddess her for aid among the people and the community.

This time is also known as an important to restore old items and relationships; it is an important time built on caring for others, sharing when one is in need, and keeping a strong bond with family members (Banerjee 61). Many married daughters are able to come home to their parents and spend time with their families; most women live with their husband’s family, once they are married, due to Hindu tradition (Rodrigues 28). Much time is spent worshipping the Great Goddess hoping to invoke her upon the things that not only a single person needs but also the things others and the community is in need of. One of the most important figures during these rituals is the purohita, the central role to the entirety of the pujas (Rodrigues 29). The purohita prepares and purifies water (jala suddhi), flowers (puspa suddhi), his seat (asana suddhi), and the elements (bhuta suddhi) as his preliminary duties in preparing for the rituals to come (Rodrigues 38). The purohita uses this purification ritual to create a link with the divine nature and enables the Great Goddess to manifest in the purohita; he then transfers her into different abodes (Rodrigues 277). This creates a strong bond between the Great Goddess and the people observing and worshipping her.

Another sacred ritual is that of an animal sacrifice in order to keep cosmic stability. This ritual is used as a re-enactment of the battle between Durga and Mahisa in which the cosmos was regulated by Durga once she slayed the beast (Kinsley 112). In today’s Durga Puja, blood sacrifice is disappearing and many communities are substituting fruits, such as melons, for animals. Even though melons are used, Hindus go to great lengths to change the melons, such as put vermilion paste and effigy on them, to ensure it represents a blood sacrifice. Blood sacrifice is also representative of the most important food offering to the Great Goddess. Even though true blood is not always spilt, it is meant to symbolically represent the beheading of Mahisa (Rodrigues 278).

As Durga Puja spans over four to five days during the Navaratri festival, it adds two very different central roles to the Great Goddess and why she is being worshipped at this time. This most popular depiction of Durga is that of a strong warrior, wielding many weapons and is victorious over evil. One of the most popular legends that this depiction arises from is of Durga battling the powerful buffalo-headed demon, Mahisa, to regulate the cosmos, which she comes out victorious by killing him. This depiction causes many people to associate the worship of Durga with military success and victory of good over evil. Military success is also attributed to the month of Asvina itself because it occurs at the end of the rainy season, in which the season of warfare begins. During this season of warfare, the worship of weapons, ayudha-puja, and the worship as Aparajita are conducted. The ayudha-puja takes place in the temples of Devi and is done by soldiers and military rulers, as it marks the beginning of military campaigns. Durga is also worshipped as Aparajita, she who is invincible, to invoke the power of Durga that cannot be conquered or controlled to ensure military success among the people (Rodrigues 290). Durga in all forms in representative of formidable power and how it is to be wielded; to battle adversity and conquer what is in the way of ones path to succession (Rodrigues 289).

Durga is symbolically represented in many different forms; the most important of these forms are the jar (ghata), the cluster of nine plants (navapatrika), the clay image, and the virgin girl (kumari). The jar (ghata) is the most recognizable of these forms and Devi’s embodiment in the jar resembles a pregnant woman. The jar is composed of two natural elements, the earth and the divine waters; these elements have been associated with the Great Goddess for a long period of time. This natural element within the jar and the representation of the pregnant woman symbolize Durga as the form of the mother of creation and she is giving birth to the cosmos. Other elements, such as flowers, earth, fruit, water, and fragrant paste, are placed around or on this form of Durga to be served as the beauty of nature that comes from creation (Rodrigues 262). Next, the cluster of nine plants (navapatrika) and a wood-apple tree branch, to serve as the breasts of the Great Goddess, are placed with the jar for worship within the house. Where as the wood-apple branch symbolizes Durga herself, the cluster of plants represents the different aspect of the Great Goddess and the feminine identity. These aspects incorporate different goddesses and their symbols as aspects of the Great Goddess such as the Nim tree and the Tulasi plant that serve as an embodiment of goddesses (Rodrigues 264).

The most striking and influential of these forms is the clay image. The clay image is the Great Goddess as a young and beautiful goddess. She has a strong and beautiful body that showcases the femininity of her character but she also wields the weapons of the male gods with her ten arms to exemplify her unconquerable power. In the clay image is also the human form of Mahisa as Durga impales him with her spear (Rodrigues 265). A large amount of blood is also portrayed in this image and shows the importance the blood sacrifice and to re-enact the spilling of the evil blood. Ganesa and Kartikeya are also presented within the clay image as aspects of the Great Goddess. Ganesa is worshipped as the Lord of Obstacles and Kartikeya is worshipped as the divine warrior. These aspects put together are representative of Durga as a strong warrior that is a great obstacle that stands in the way of her opponents (Rodrigues 266). This clay image in very complex and represents the whole of the different aspects of Durga. The last form of Durga is served as a virgin girl. Any pure, young girl can serve as this form of Durga and is used as a vehicle for the manifestation of Durga in human form. The use of a virgin girl is also linked to the blood sacrifice and gathering of women. During this time, women of all ages, including married daughters, come together to celebrate this festival. This showcases all the stages of a woman, from a virgin girl, to a young married woman, to an older mother or grandmother. The blood sacrifice is also representative of the stages in a woman’s life as well. Whereas a young virgin girl represents youth, the blood sacrifice also represents the fertility to come into the girl’s life, as she grows older. This is represented by Durga during the virgin girl embodiment as well as she is a young beautiful girl that causes the flow of blood (Rodrigues 297).

These rituals create a bond with Durga, the divine, and the people. As Durga embodies these different forms it creates a high level of devotional worship among the devotees. The embodiment of a virgin girl creates a strong link between the Great Goddess and the people because they recognize Durga as a daughter and someone they have a strong relationship with (Banerjee 87). This festival also brings families together once again to celebrate fertility, power, and success together. The Durga Puja is one of the few festivals that adjust to the changing times and but also keeps and passes down the sacred rituals to ensure the festival remains.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Banerjee, Sudeshna (2004) Durga Puja: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow. Rupa and Co, Calcutta.

Ghosha, Pratapachandra (1871) Durga Puja: With Notes and Illustrations. Calcutta: Hindoo Patriot Pres.

Kinsley, David (1987) Hindu Goddesses. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Rodrigues, Hilary Peter (2003) Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: The Liturgy of the Durga Puja with Interpretations. Albany: State University of New York Press.

RELATED TOPICS FOR FUTHER INVESTIGATION

Durga

Devi

Sakti

Puja

Rama

Ramayana

Ravana

Ganesa

Kartikeya

NOTEWORTHY WESITES RELATED TO THE TOPIC

http://www.durga-puja.org

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Durga_Puja

https://www.thoughtco.com/ten-days-with-the-mother-goddess-1770197

Article written by: Kaitlynn Poworoznyk (March 2017) who is solely responsible for this content.

a. The Puranas

Markandeya Purana

There are eighteen or nineteen major Puranas also referred to as Mahapuranas in the hindu texts (see Rodrigues 207). There are also other Puranas which are referred to as upapurana, there are many more of these puranas compared to the major puranas. The Markandeya Purana is known to be one the Mahapuranas. All of the Puranas are claimed to deal with five distinctive subjects which includes the creation, renewal, genealogies, and manvantara or the periods of Manu(see Rodrigues 208). These five subjects apply to all of the Puranas including Markandeya Purana. The Markandeya Purana is one of major hindu texts, it is named after the rsi (sage) Markandeya who is said to be credited for this Purana. This Purana is also translated by many religious scholars including scholars like Manmatha Nath Dutt, and Frederick Eden Pragiter. This text is also highly studied for the section about the Devi-Mahatmaya in the text.

The Markandeya Purana like any other Puranas is written in a form of dialogue where one is the one questioning while the other answering. All the Mahapuranas are classed into three different groups: Satwika, Tamasa, and the Rajasa. All three referring to three different gods, but the section that the Markandeya Purana belongs to is the Rajasa which refers to the stories of the Brahma. The Rajasa Puranas also said to be oriented towards the Shaktas, worshippers of the female principle Sakti (see Dutt 3). This Purana has approximately six thousand and nine hundred verses, also not many prayers are seen in this text for the dities compared to the other Puranas (Dutt 3-4). This shows that the text is more oriented towards the narrative aspect compared to the bhakti aspect with less prayers and more myths. The author of the Purana is said to be Brahma himself because it is said to have come from Brahma’s mouth.

The text has been said to be specifically divided into five different parts, each part referring to something different than the other. For example, Chapters 1-9 are indicating the talk between Markandeya and Jaimini in which sage Markandeya refers to the wise birds to answer four questions asked by Jaimini. The other parts refer to 14 manvantaras, the Devi-Mahatmaya and many other conversations and tales (see Pargiter iv). This text also brings along the fact that unlike most Puranas this text is not credited to rsi Vyasa but to the sage Markandeya. Jaimini is said to be a disciple of Vyasa and but is seeking answers for his questions from rsi Markandeya (Wilson xxxiv). So coming back to the four questions asked by Jaimini, these questions are “Why was Vásudeva born as a mortal? How was it that Draupadí was the wife of the five Páńd́us? Why did Baladeva do penance for Brahmanicide? and why were the children of Draupadí destroyed, when they had Krishńa and Arjuna to defend them?” quoted from The Visnu Purana translated by Wilson. To answer these questions Markandeya tells Jaimini about some sapient birds from the Vindhya mountain (see Wilson xxxv) This is all in the first part of the Purana. The other parts of this text includes stories about the Devi-Mahatmaya, and the 14 Periods of Manu. The last part of the text is a conversation between Markandeya and Kraustuki. Kraustuki is a disciple of Markandeya, the conversation between them carries on in chapters 93-136 (Pargiter iv). The Purana also describes the Vedas and also gives information on the origins of the patriarchal families (Dutt 4).

The Markandeya Purana is important in a way for the fact that it criticizes the Mahabharata and also for the inclusion of the Devi-Mahatmaya. The Mahabharata is an important text for the production of the Puranas, one of the reasons for this can be the fact that it is credited to sage Vyasa who is also given credit for the epic Mahabharata (Rocher 83). As mentioned in the four questions by Jaimini most of the characters indicated are from this epic. This leads to the inclusion of the epic in the text frequently. The Purana doesn’t just criticize but also tries to explain some unanswered questions in the epic. The questions are answered through the reference of the wise birds in the text. The Purana (Pargiter iii-xxii). Another important aspect of the text is the Part indicating the Devi-Mahatmaya (Pargiter iii-xxii). The Chandipatha in this part is said to be the most important section. This contains about seven hundred verses which describes the actions and avatars of the goddess Chandi while it combats demons and the ‘evil’ (Dutt 4). The Devi-Mahatmaya is studied a lot compared to the purana itself, it shows the importance of the Sakti the female principle (Dutt 3-4). This is different from the male centered texts in Hindusim.

The Markadeya Purana is hard to date according to the many scholars because most of the Sanskrit text are undated and uncertain (Dutt 3, Pragiter xiii). The Purana includes the Mahabharata therefore it is dated after that but also prior to the Brahma, Padma, Naradiya, and Bhagvata Puranas (Pragiter xiii-xiv). This is later modified and the Puranas are said to have been composed much earlier. This is provided through Jain writings because it has literature that has been composed after the Puranas. This makes the scholars date the text closer to the 5th or 6th century A.D (Pargiter xiii-xxii). As the Puranas are composed with a similar intent therefore they have probably been dated close to each other. These Puranas are dated using the “religious and philosophical ideas embodied in it” (Pargiter xiii-xxii).

According to Pargiter this literature is known to have originated from the Western India. To get to these results different aspects have been considered from the text itself. One of the aspects that were considered were the fact about what regions some of the characters were from from the text. For example using the fact that Markandeya was a Bhargava, which gives information about the region Markandeya came from (Pargiter viii-xiii). This then gives the insight on what region is to be considered while giving a place of origin for the Purana. This is not the only aspect that has been considered, another aspect that is considered is the types of plants, birds and animals that are found in the text (Pargiter viii-xiii). This then gives further information on the area where the text originates because they can be specified by certain areas as well. This helps the scholars find an area that is described by the text.

The Markandeya Purana as described before is also said to be different than other texts because of the fact that it is not a bhakti oriented text with less prayers. Another conclusion that can be came upon is the fact that it lies parallel with the Vedas and the Epics because the Markandeya Purana is trying to explain many things from the Epics and the Vedas. An example of this was given while describing the four questions asked by Jaimini. This Purana also puts Vyasa and Markandeya as equals because of the fact that Jaimini, Vyasa’s disciple is seeking answers from the sage Markandeya.

REFRENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Dutt, Manmathanath (1896) A Prose English Tanslation of Markandeya Purana. Kolkata: Elysium Press.

Pargiter, Frederick (1904) The Markandeya Purana. Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Rocher, Ludo (1986) The Purana. Virginia: Otto Harrasowitz Verlag.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism-The Ebook. Toronto: Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Wilson, Horace (1840) The Vishnu Purana. Santa Cruz: Evinity Publishing Inc.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Arjuna

Baldeva

Chandi

Chandipatha

Devi-Mahatmaya

Draupadi

Epics

Jaimini

Krsna

Mahabharata

Manvantaras

Markandeya

Padma Purana

Pandus

Puranas

Rajasa

rsi

Satwika

Tamasa

Vasudeva

Vedas

Vyasa

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.patheos.com/blogs/hindu2/2014/09/markandeya-purana-pdf-english-hindi-sanskrit/

http://hinduonline.co/Scriptures/Puranas/MarkandeyaPurana.html

http://www.allaboutbharat.org/post/Markandeya-Puran-Download-PDF

http://www.kamakoti.org/kamakoti/details/markandeyapurana5.html

Article written by: Neer Patel (Spring 2017) who is solely responsible for its content