Category Archives: c. Hinduism and Modernity

Hijra Religion

The Hijras are an institutionalized third gender in India. They live mainly in Northern India, with the major Hijra temple located in Gujarat, near Ahmedabad (Nanda 1990:xxii). Hijras are biological men who renounce sexuality and dress and act like women. Some Hijras are born hermaphrodites, or with ambiguous genitalia (Nanda 1990:5), but most Hijras are impotent or infertile men who undergo a sacrificial emasculation procedure called the nirvan operation, which involves the removal of male genitalia (Reddy 2005:56). This ritual emasculation is said to give them the power to bestow fertility to newlyweds and prosperity to newborn children (Reddy 2005:2). The traditional work of a Hijra is to perform at the birth of a child, at weddings, and at temple festivals; a group of Hijras will dance, sing, and bestow blessings in an exaggerated parody of female behavior, for which they receive payment (Nanda 1990:3, Reddy 2005:84).

Hijras practice a pluralistic form of religion: identity formation is related to Hinduism, but many Hijras also identify as Muslim (Reddy 2005:99). Hijras, being neither male nor female, are able to blur gender boundaries within Muslim traditions (Reddy 2005:102). They will sometimes embark on the Hajj, the holy pilgrimage to Karbala or Mecca or Medina, but unlike Muslim women, they do not need to be accompanied by a male relative (Reddy 2005:103). Muslim Hijras will wear a burqa when not performing (Reddy 2005:104), but are also permitted to wear male clothing upon returning from their pilgrimage (Reddy 2005:105). [see Reddy, 2005 for more information on Muslim Hijras]

Hindu Hijras trace their origins back to the time of the Ramayana (Reddy 2005:9). A common myth that Hijras tell regarding their history is that when Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, was exiled from Ayodhya, the entire city followed him to the edge of town to say goodbye. Everyone was in tears when they reached the banks of a river, and Rama asked all the men and women to stop crying for him and to go back to their homes. The Hijras, who are not men and not women, waited for fourteen years on the banks of the river. Upon his return, Rama was so moved by their extreme devotion that he gave them a blessing: he told them they would be kings in the kali yuga (Reddy 2003:189). [A yuga refers to a cosmic period in Hindu Cosmology (Reddy 2003:189)] . It is interesting to note that we are currently in the kali yuga, and that Hijras are entering the political sphere in India (Reddy 2003:164) as somewhat ideal candidates for leadership due to their celibacy and lack of kinship ties (Reddy 2003:182).

Within the Hindu pantheon, Hijras identify primarily with the god Siva (particularly in his ardhanarisvara state, when he is portrayed as half man, half woman), Arjuna, a hero from the Mahabharata epic and incarnation of Visnu, and the goddess Bahuchara Mata (Nanda 2003:195, Reddy 2005:81). In one Hindu creation myth, Siva was appointed to create the world but he took so long that the job was given to another god, Brahma (the Creator). When Siva was finally ready to begin creating the world, he saw that it was already done, and was so angry that he broke off his phallus and threw it into the earth (Nanda 2003:195). Hijras, like Siva, bury their severed penises in the ground, which they believe gives them the power of creation (Reddy 2005:97). By giving up individual fertility, they acquire universal creative power (Reddy 2005:97). Another clear identification for the Hijras is with Arjuna from the Mahabharata epic (Nanda 2003:195, Reddy 2005:81). During the epic Arjuna spends a year in the court of king Virata disguised as a eunuch named Brhannala, dressing like a woman and teaching dance to the women of the court (Nanda 2003:195, Reddy 2005:81). However, worship of Bahuchara Mata (a version of the mother goddess particularly associated with transgendierism and transvestism) is the most important for Hijras. Each Hijra household has a shrine to her and it is in her name that Hijras bestow their blessings of fertility and prosperity (Nanda 1990:24). [See Nanda, 1990, for myths attesting to Bahuchara’s special connection to Hijras]

Hijras engage in two kinds of occupations: badhai work, (singing and dancing at marriages and births) which is seen as a respectful occupation, and kandra work (sex work), a practice which is criticized by senior Hijras but is still the main source of income for roughly half the Hijra population (Reddy2005:15,80). Some Hijras will even take on regular clients as ‘husbands’ (Reddy 2003:165). Reddy suggests that due to their association with sex work and their ambiguous gender identification, Hijras are generally viewed as outside of the social order (Reddy 2003:166). They are seen as besarm (without shame), and people are often afraid to interact with them (Reddy 2003:166). Hijras have the power to bless but they also have the power to curse; if they are not adequately compensated for their services they will threaten to expose their mutilated genitals, a sight which is believed to cause impotence (Nanda 1990:7). For this reason Hijras are socially marginalized, but they are also feared (Nanda 1990:8). Badhai refers to the payments Hijras receive for their services, usually in the form of flour, cane sugar, sweets, cloth, saris or money (Nanda 1990:3). At the birth of male children Hijras will dance, entertain, and bless the child with fertility, prosperity, and long life. They will also examine the genitals of baby boys; if they are ambiguous they will sometimes try to claim the child as one of their own (Nanda 1990:2-5). Hijras will also perform at marriages; the social class of the bride and groom determines how elaborate the performance will be. They will bless the newlywed couple with fertility in the name of the mother goddess (Nanda 1990:5).

In the Hindu tradition chastity and renunciation of sexual activity gives one tapas (inner heat) which is associated with creation (Reddy 2005:96). For men in particular, abstinence or semen-retention is seen as a way to generate tapas (Reddy 2003:175). A Hijra is seen as a kind of sannyasin (renouncer) who has transformed their sexual impotence into procreative power (Nanda 2003: 195). Hijra men are said to receive a call from the Goddess Bahuchara Mata to serve her: those who deny her risk seven cycles of impotent rebirths (Nanda 2003:195). The nirvan operation is a form of rebirth in many ways; and the post-operation rituals mirror post-childbirth rituals (Nanda 2003:195). Only after the nirvan operation are Hijras truly believed to be able to channel the power of Bahuchara Mata (Nanda 2003:195). Although the operation is currently illegal in India, it is still practiced. The operation is a way of gaining respect within Hijra communities (Reddy 2005:93). Sex work is seen as contradictory to the ascetic ideal of sexual renunciation (Nanda 1990:12). The view among Hijras is that the ‘real’ Hijras are the ones who renounce sexuality completely and undergo the nirvan operation as proof of their legitimacy (Reddy 2003:175).

The gender neutrality of the Hijras has captured the imaginations of gender studies scholars worldwide (Reddy 2003:164). They are also beginning to enter the political sphere. They have become increasingly visible worldwide. Many Hijras see this as a fulfillment of Rama’s diving prophecy, and believe this to be the beginning of a new era. [I have included some links to current events articles regarding Hijras and politics, see below]



Nanda, Serena (1990) Neither Man Nor Woman: The Hijras of India. Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Company

Nanda, Serena (1985) “The Hijras of India: Cultural and Individual Dimensions of an Institutionalized Third Gender Role” in Richard Parker and Peter Aggleton eds. Culture, Society, and Sexuality: A Reader, p 237-250. New York: Routledge

Nanda, Serena (2003) “Hijra and Sadhin: Neither Man nor Woman in India” in Constructing Sexualities: Readings in Sexuality, Gender and Culture. Suzanna LaFont (ed.). Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall. pp. 192-201

Reddy, Gayatri (2005) With Respect to sex: Negotiating Hijra Identity in South India. London: University of Chicago Press

Reddy Gayatri (2003)”Men Who Would Be Kings: Celibacy, Emasculation and the Re-Production of Hijras in Contemporary Indian Politics” in Social Research, vol 70 (1), p p163-200

Lal, Vinay (1999) “Not This, Not That: The Hijras of India and the Cultural Politics of Sexuality” in Social Text, No. 61, p119-140: Duke University Press.


Related Readings

Cohen, Lawrence (1995) “The Pleasures of Castration: The Postoperative Status of Hijras,
Jankhas, and Academics” in Paul R. Abrahamson and Steven D. Pinkerton eds. Sexual Nature/Sexual Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press

Reddy Gayatri (2006) “Bonds of Love: The Desire for Companionate Marriages Among Hijras of India” in Hirsch, J and H. Wardlow eds. Modern Love: Companionate Marriage and the Politics of Love, University of Michigan Press


 Related Research Topics





-Bahuchara Mata



Suggested websites

General information

Current events\

Photos of Hijras



Written by Molly Matheson (April 2013), who is solely responsible for its content.

The Sacred Cow

The sacrality of the cow is an ancient, but common custom to most Hindus. The concept of zebu cattle (go) as an important part of society in India has been dated back to the times of the Harappan civilization. During post-Harappan times, the Aryans, who were pastoral cattle herders would also have known of the importance of the cow in a functioning agricultural society. This may be part of the reason why there are frequent references to cows associated with various deities in the Vedas (O’Toole 61). Despite the natural predator-prey relationship that would be expected to form between them, the Hindu people and cattle share a different type of bond. Archaeological evidence suggests that cattle, especially the bull, were elevated to a more prominent status than that of a mere food source. Through numerous representations of seals and figurines depicting domestic zebu cattle, collected over time, one can come to understand the level of significance the cow has played in the history and development of the Hindu religion.

Cow sitting amid the debris of temple flower offerings (Varanasi)

The principle of noninjury to living beings (ahisma), which began to develop near the end of the Vedic period, is heavily applied to cows and bulls in the Hindu religion. Sometimes, this attitude can be taken exceedingly seriously (Korom 188). For instance, an anti-cow-slaughter legislation has been proposed and protected by the constitution of India. The sentiment for cow protection was at a climax during the “Anti-Cow Killing” riot of 1893, where riots between Hindus and Muslims broke out over the public demonization of those who consumed beef (Yang 580). Many Hindus practice vegetarianism, which is encouraged in verses from The Laws of Manu (Buhler 100). Although consumption of beef is considered taboo in orthodox Hinduism, numerous other cow by-products are found useful in everyday life (Rodrigues 117). It is obvious that the issue of cattle treatment is very sensitive to the Hindu people, and if agitated it has the potential to become reason for violence.

Devotion to the cow is displayed in a great deal of the religious, domestic, and social customs of the Hindu people; the use of cow ghee is popular in religious and household practices and for Hindus, it is not unheard of to have a cow inside one’s house (Crooke 277). Vedic literature suggests that the economic aspects of the cow were portrayed as having vital roles in sacrifices (yajna), which were held to maintain the cosmic order (rta). Along with being victims of the sacrifice, the goods produced from cattle were used for oblation (havis) (Korom 187). Cow products, including ghee, milk, urine, and dung are commonly used in many Hindu practices and household rites (grhya). Often, a Hindu may apply a mark to their forehead (tilak) made from a mixture composed of several natural ingredients, including cow dung. Usually, this mark is indicative of sectarian affiliation, but can have different symbolisms as well (Hawley 252). It is clear that for many Hindus, cows can easily be an inherent part of everyday life.

Large bas-relief depicting a domestic scene with cows, who are revered in the Hindu tradition; Mahabalipuram, India
Large bas-relief depicting a domestic scene with cows, who are revered in the Hindu tradition; Mahabalipuram, India

Hindu scriptures have been interpreted to describe cow worship and reinforce the concept that cows are a sacred part of the Hindu tradition. Collectively, cattle are depicted more often than any other animals in Vedic literature (Korom 187). The Vedas have equated the cow with the mother of gods, Aditi, the earth (prthivi), cosmic waters, maternity, poetry, and speech (vac) (Jha 38). Vedic myths may also portray cows as the cosmic waters from which the cosmic order (rta) is established. A Rg Veda myth also equates the calf with the sun, as a pregnant cow may be responsible for such aspects of creation as water, heat, and light (Korom 190).  In the Atharva Veda X:10 the cow is praised and its body parts are depicted as giving rise to all aspects of life itself (Embree 40-41). The Rg Veda describes numerous hymns dedicated to the worship of cows, where they often appear as symbols of wealth and rivers (Srinivasan 161). Although expressive of the important role of the cow in Hindu society, Vedic literature possesses little evidence to suggest the concept of non-violence (ahisma) towards cattle was applicable at that time (Korom 187). In more recent literature, ahisma appears to have become more prominent. The term is mentioned several times in the Bhagavad Gita, and presents itself in the closely related religions of Jainism and Buddhism (Korom 188). Also, being a highly influential text, although not divinely perceived (smrti), The Laws of Manu have influenced the customs of many Hindu people by discouraging eating meat, drinking liquor, and carnal intercourse (Buhler 100). The cow has also appeared as a goddess (devi) in Hindu mythology. For example, Kamadhenu, a wish-granting bovine-goddess was believed to have emerged from the churning of the Milk Ocean (Rodrigues 308). Thought to have originated from a similar fashion as Kamadhenu, the Vedic goddess of glory, Sri, was thought to be linked with the fertility of the land and to have had an abode composed of cow dung (Rodrigues 317). The Hindu epics (itihasa), particularly the Mahabharata, and the puranas also serve to provide justification of the orthodoxy of cattle (Korom 189).

Evidently, the sacred cow practice is a vital element of Hindu culture. Since they give seemingly limitless useful products, but take nothing but grass and water, cattle as symbols of benevolence and generosity are frequently recognized and supported by many Hindu texts. The ideal of preserving life has resulted in a widely environmentally friendly approach by much of the Hindu population. The belief in reincarnation after death, and following of the Dharmic ideal has undoubtedly influenced the vegetarian diet practiced by many Hindus. Of course, not all Hindus take part in vegetarianism or cow-worship, but it is safe to assume that the higher status of the cow is accepted as a norm for much of the Hindu culture.


O’Toole, Therese (2003) Secularizing the sacred cow: the relationship between religious reform and Hindu nationalism. New Delhi : Oxford University Press

Korom, Frank J. (2000) Holy Cow! The apotheosis of Zebu, or why the cow is sacred in Hinduism. Asian Folklore Studies 59 (2): 181-203.

W. Crooke (1912) The Veneration of the Cow in India. Folklore 23 (3): 275-306.

Embree, Ainslie T. (1996) The Hindu Tradition: Reading in Oriental Thought. New York: Random House Inc.

Rodrigues (2006) Hinduism – The Ebook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Yang, Anand (1980) Sacred Symbol and Sacred Space in Rural India: Community Mobilization in the “Anti-Cow Killing” Riot of 1893. Comparative Studies in Society and History 22 (4): 576-596.

Hawley, John (2006) The Life of Hinduism. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Srinivasan, Doris (1979) Concept of the Cow in the Rigveda. Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass.

Jha, D.N. (2002) The Myth of the Holy Cow. New Dehli: CB Publishers.

Buhler, George (2008) The Laws of Manu. Charleston, South Carolina: Forgotten Books.

Related Research Topics






Laws of Manu



Rig Veda

Related Websites

Holy Cow: The Holiness of Hindu Herds (reprise)

Article written by Janine Andreas (Spring 2012), who is solely responsible for its content.

Environmental Ethics

Since the beginning, humanity has been nourished by the various elements that constitute nature. However, use of the diverse renewable and non-renewable resources at our disposal, such as water, soil, fossil fuels, and metals, have not until quite recently translated into the abuse of our environment (Freedman 192,194-195,267-270). Due to the reality that our earth is, for the most part, a closed system, we must come to terms with the fact that sustainability is the means to a continued survival (Freedman 192). The current issues concerning our one and only planet are attributed mainly to those of the biosphere, global warming, waste, pollution, overpopulation, and nuclear proliferation (Crawford 168). Developing countries today are center stage for big industry, and when combined with high population density, immediate and distant habitats frequently take on an increased amount of debasement (Freedman 14-15). For this reason, countries such as India and China are some of the global leaders in reference to environmental degradation (Freedman 15). Granted the prevalence of Hinduism in current day India, it could perhaps be beneficial to instigate an analysis of these religious views in order to adopt a suitable approach for assisting in sustainable development. This paper will not only attempt to cultivate awareness of how common Hindu ideologies have contributed to greater environmental stress, but will also offer insight into how various Hindu views and practices could potentially assist the developed world in its struggle to preserve this planet.

The seemingly new concerns with, and increasing proximity to the environment that tend to be arising these days are not necessarily fresh in the minds of most Hindus. Notions of interdependence and connectivity with nature are said to stem nearly 3000 years back to pre-Aryan religion in the Indus Valley Civilization. [For more information of the Indus Valley Civilization, see (Rodrigues 8-12)]. Though there is no explicit literature to evidence these claims, archaeologists have unearthed a variety of artifacts that are substantially indicative of our assumptions. These relics include animal figurines of terracotta, “proto-Siva” models bearing horned headdresses and surrounded by plants and animals, and depictions of women surrounded and interwoven with trees (Rodrigues 11). As the Vedic age came to be, beginning at around 1500 BCE and lasting until around 600 BCE, religion in India, although undergoing some drastic changes, continued to value the relationship between humanity and nature. Animals were regarded so highly with the Dravidians that wild creatures symbolized many of their gods (Crawford 169). Deities such as Usas (god of the dawn) and Aranyi (goddess of the forest) emerged and, due to yajna, were perceived in terms of having a mutualistic existence with humans (Crawford 170). [For more on yajna, see (Rodrigues 28-33)]. In addition to this, various hymns to the goddess Prthivi(goddess of the earth) in the Rg Veda develop on the sophisticated ideas of environmental sustainability (Crawford 171).[For more on Rg Veda, see (Rodrigues 25,37,48-49,55,57,180)]. The notion of rta was another significant concept born of the Vedic age. This view entailed the belief that ethical order be combined with the elements of an existing physical and natural order (Crawford 170). By extension, rta was characterized not only by the laws of gravity and the rhythmic beat of a heart, but also by personal development, and therefore proper human agency. Although originating in a very distant past, these roots of modern Hinduism are essential to understanding the views presented and lived by nearly a billion people residing in India today.

When it comes to the problem of biodiversity, one usually does not immediately conjure thoughts of negative connotation. However, the truth is that human beings everywhere are carelessly decimating other forms of life at an unprecedented rate. According to Crawford, our race will push 100 species of plants and animals into extinction every day for the next 30 years (184). Unlike western civilization, Hinduism does not discriminate against life on the basis of its size or attractiveness. According to Hindu philosophy, the tiniest insects have as much of an inherent right to exist as an elephant or a whale. When any type of organism disappears, so does our ability to learn from that creature, as its genome is lost forever (Crawford 184). Hinduism criticizes the lack of ahimsa(the avoidance of violence) due to economic greed. The common excuse that protecting the environment will result in the loss of employment is fictitious, in that artha(wealth/skill) and dharma(righteousness) can thrive interdependently (Crawford 186). With the case of overpopulated third world countries, in which poverty is rampant, many believe that the resources to worry about non-human life are not available. However, in Hindu perspective, even these countries need to be aware and acquainted with the long-term results of their current economic activity (Crawford 185). Consider the following quote from the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad:

“…In so far as beasts and birds, even to the ants find a living in his

houses he becomes their world. Verily, as one wishes non-injury for

his own world, so all beings wish non-injury for him who has this

knowledge. This, indeed, is known and well investigated.” (Nelson 52).

This philosophical view points clearly to the interdependence that humanity has always shared with nature.

People everywhere are talking about global warming. The whisper of climate change that began several years ago is quickly becoming a desperate cry for a reversal in trends. Leaders from around the world are meeting to try and figure out what can be done about the 37% increase of atmospheric carbon dioxide since the industrial revolution (Freedman 316-318). Even before this epidemic, Hinduism went to great lengths to ensure sanctity of trees, which are one of the best means by which carbon can be reabsorbed from the atmosphere (Freedman 324). Manu(i.e. Laws of Manu[see (Rodrigues 57-58)]) spoke elaborately about how plants and trees can feel comfort and despair, and believed that they were beings of sentience (Crawford 189). Through this, planting trees became a dharmic act, and certain laws were even set in place to punish those for harming trees of various importance to nature and society (Crawford 190). Forests were seen as being appropriate places for ascetics and renouncers to practice their ways, mainly because the forest could fulfill both spiritual and bodily requirements (Crawford 189). However, although Hindus are theoretically meant to ask permission to the tree before taking its life, whether or not they do is trivial when looking at the bigger picture. Big industry across the globe is the number one producer of these destructive emissions. Many people perceive countries such as India and China to be the first in the ranks for pollution. Be that as it may, despite the fact that India consumed nearly double the energy of Canada in 2001, Canada’s per capita rate was nearly 18 times that of India (Freedman 15). Has the issue become one of overpopulation, or unacceptable standards of living?

In society’s linear structure model of its relationship with the environment, raw resources are brought in, and waste is pushed out. Certain elements are cyclical, such as water and forestry, however all aspects of what enters must be replaced, in order to sustain our living conditions (Freedman 204-206, 524). In New Delhi, although 3,880 tons of garbage are produced each day, 1,460 tons are left ignored on the city streets (Nelson 200). This is due to a social tendency that constitutes pushing these impurities away from oneself. Garbage follows a trail from home to street, then from the localized streets it is dumped on the periphery of the neighborhood, and it finally accumulates across the urban border (Nelson 202). According to Hindu ethics, not only is it wrong to produce lavish amounts of waste without considering the consequences, but it is also needless to revert back to the days of subsistence living (Crawford 192). In order to maintain our current economic activities, as Crawford explains, the Hindu believes that we must embrace the ways of recycling and restraint (192). On the other hand, Nelson argues that the issue of garbage in India is caused by a religious twist that is distinguished by prevailing tradition (201). Due to the religious framework displayed in particular by the caste system, recycling is done at the cost of social status. Brahminical literature (Brahmins are the top class in Hindu social organization) elaborates on the fact that dirt, and by extension garbage, risks putting the individual in a state of impurity, which affects one’s ability to worship the gods (Nelson 206). Therefore, the low status members of society such as the sudras(servant class) and the “untouchables” must handle this waste. It has been evidenced that loss of status has even been expressed towards those of brahminical descent exploiting this industry. Nelson argues that in order for India to rise above this destructive disposition, we must somehow find away to increase the status of the recycled object (207).

The problem of population in itself is not really an issue, though as population increases, it amplifies the complications of waste, global warming, and resource consumption. Studies show that the population of India will overtake that of China by 2030, simply due to current rates of increase (Crawford 194). The reason for this exponential rate of increase in India is attributed to three factors, the first of which being that it is considered dharmic to produce a large family unit. These perceptions undoubtedly stem from the Vedic years during which there was not only a great deal of agricultural activity, but a higher death rate due to warfare and infant mortality (Crawford 195). The second reason for such high birth rates relates to how women are perceived in Hindu society. Of the five elements of marriage, the wife’s role has grown increasingly in the direction of prajati, or parenthood. Rather than focusing on sakhya (companionship between two individuals), a woman’s foremost purpose in marriage is to bear many children (Crawford 197). Thirdly, such high population in India is a consequence of the principle of sraddha(funeral ceremony), and its requirement of a male to properly worship dead ancestors (Crawford 197-198). Manu also devalues female birth in his writings, not directly, but rather by putting great emphasis on the importance of having sons (Crawford 197). Although these are ancient traditions,it seems contradictive for a religion that considers all life as equal to go to such lengths to exalt one sex over another. As Crawford states: “…yesterday’s dharma is today’s adharma(non-righteousness)” (195).

While the west is encountering problems of waste and pollution due to overconsumption and prosperity, India is facing the same troubles due to overpopulation and severe poverty. We learn from Hinduism that the concepts of karma(Rodrigues 50-51,57), interconnectedness, and interdependence are the basis of respecting the other forms of life that surround us (Crawford 176-183). One may also contemplate the view ofBrahman; how the application of this premise suggests that distancing of oneself from nature is ignorant (Crawford 201). [For more on brahman, see (Rodrigues 36-37)]. Finally, it has been ascertained that certain traditional philosophies in Hinduism may no longer be helpful in establishing a sustainable world for humanity. These include ideals such as those that parallel value with large families (Crawford 195), as well as those that view the community’s recyclers as impure or objectionable (Nelson 1980).

References and Further Recommended Reading

Crawford, S. Cromwell (1995) Dilemmas of life and death: Hindu ethics in a North American Context. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Nelson, Lance E. (1998) Purifying the Earthly Body of God: Religion and Ecology in Hindu India. Albany: State University of New York.

Freedman, Bill (2007) Environmental Science: A Canadian Perspective: Fourth Edition. Toronto: Pearson Canada Inc.

Koli, P.A. (2005) Economic Development and Environmental Issues. New Delhi: Serials Publications.

Haberman, David L. (2006) River of Love in an Age of Pollution: The Yamuna River of Northern India. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary P. (2006) Introducing Hinduism. New York and London: Routledge.

Related Topics For Further Investigation





Global Warming

Laws of Manu





Sustainable Development

Related Websites

Written by Thomas Fox (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.