Balinese Hinduism

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Hinduism is a widely practiced religion focussed on the order of the cosmos, which is commonly referred to as Dharma. Opposite to Dharma is a disordering force known as Adharma. Finding balance between these two forces is a central goal in Hindu practice. These key elements originated in the Hindu traditions first found on the Indian subcontinent. As Hinduism spread to other areas of the world, it transformed slightly to accommodate to varying cultures. This is evident when observing Balinese Hinduism. Although Balinese Hindus worship the same gods and goddesses, perform similar rituals, and build sacred temples, there are certain elements that differ from Hindu practices in India. For example, Balinese Hinduism has united the Indian belief in divine beings with the Balinese belief in the protective nature of ancestors (Ariati 13). In addition, Balinese Hindus are not entirely vegetarians as most Hindus are, but they still maintain a Dharmic life style. Some of these differences may have occurred due to local beliefs and traditions of Balinese culture. Other differences may be due to the political changes in Bali that have occurred over the past few decades (Bakker 7).

Hinduism is among the five official religions practiced in Indonesia. The religious traditions of Hinduism emerged in Indonesia within the first millennium CE. Although Buddhism and Islam later replaced Hinduism in most of Indonesia, Bali maintained Hindu traditions. The spread of Hinduism has been thought to be due to settlers and colonists immigrating to these new lands. Although this may be true for some areas of the world, it appears to be false in the case of Bali. Recent research has suggested that the spread of Hinduism to Bali was largely due to allies between Hindus of India and the merchant class of Bali (Ariati 11). In particular, it was due to those among the priestly class of India that largely contributed to the spread of Hinduism in Bali. As described in the following quote, Hindu Brahmins were responsible for introducing elements of Indian culture to the island of Bali.

“Cultural and religious circumstances, the introduction of Sanskrit for writing, and the adoption of Buddhist and Hindu mythology were not the domain of traders. It is more likely that the princes who ruled small Indonesian kingdoms were influenced by priests and Brahmins from India. These priests would have been responsible for introducing a religion that allowed the king to identify himself with a deity or bodhisattva, reinforcing his temporal power. More abstract cultural elements also played a role, such as the concept of the cakravatin (universal ruler), varna or social class, the existence of a supreme supernatural power, rasa in aesthetics, and all the detailed artistic renderings of those concepts. Kingdoms that adopted Indic concepts of kingship were found in Kalimantan, Java, Sumatra and Bali” (Ariati 13).

By examining the rituals performed by Balinese Hindus, the differences between the Balinese and Indian Hindu tradition can be understood more clearly. Early rituals performed by the Balinese Hindus have been indicated through inscriptions which were written in traditional Sanskrit language. The oldest known inscriptions that suggest the presence of Hindu rituals in Indonesia predate between 350-400 CE. They describe gifts of cattle to a Brahmin community, which would indicate the use of ritualistic yupa posts. Unlike the traditional cattle sacrifice commonly performed in India, Balinese Hindus did not sacrifice the cattle. Instead, the cattle were purely given as gifts. This demonstrates the adjustment of traditional Hindu rituals to the culture found within the Indonesian archipelago. This newer form of Hinduism found in Bali has developed distinct local characteristics including the worship of ancestors, as well as animist beliefs. These characteristics set Balinese Hinduism apart from Hinduism of the Indian subcontinent. For the most part, Balinese Hinduism depends on five different groups of rituals known as the Panca Yadnya. The five ritualistic groups include: Dewa Yadnya, Manusa Yadnya, Resi Yadnya, Bhuta Yadnya, and Pitra Yadnya.

The first ritualistic group common among Balinese Hindus is dedicated to worshipping divine beings. This ritual, commonly known as Dewa Yadnya, involves temple festivals referred to as Odalan. The timing of such festivals follows the Balinese 210 day sacred year, or Pawukon. Often during Odalan shrines comprised of traditional Balinese decorations and offerings are built within the temples. In order to associate physical design with the varying degrees of sacred activity, the temples are built in three distinct courtyards. Each courtyard is dedicated to a particular activity. The Pendet dances take place in the outer courtyard to welcome the divine beings to the ceremony. The preparation of decorations and offerings take place in the middle courtyard. Finally, all worship occurs in the inner courtyards where the sacred shrines are located (Ariati 14). It is important to note that these temples are not just places of prayer and worship, but of socialization between sekala (visible beings) and niskala (invisible beings). In addition, there are certain rules that are strictly followed by the Balinese Hindus, including that which prohibits menstruating women to participate in this particular ritual. Although many westerners believe this is to exclude women, it is due to the Balinese belief that blood attracts negative spirits, and therefore puts menstruating women in danger.

The second ritualistic category common among Balinese Hindus is known as Manusa Yadnya, which is the ritual of life cycles. Every Balinese Hindu is required to perform these life cycle rituals throughout their life span. Among the most important rituals in Manusa Yadnya are the three months ritual known as Telubulanin, the six months ritual known as Otonan, and the ‘tooth-filling’ ritual which is performed prior to marriage (Ariati 15). These rituals are of particular importance to Balinese Hindus for the purpose of cleansing and purifying one’s physical and spiritual self. As described below, life cycle rituals begin from the moment a person is born.

“In Balinese belief every baby is born with its four siblings called Kanda Empat. Those four siblings are represented physically by the blood, vernix caseosa, amniotic fluid and placenta which are born with the child and personified as potentially divine or demonic beings that can either protect or harm the baby depending on how we treat them.” (Ariati 15)

Another valued ritual is the Otonan ritual which can be thought of as the Balinese birthday. Unlike western birthdays that occur every 365 days, birthdays in Bali occur every 210 days. This ritual is performed for male Hindus throughout their entire life span, but for women, this ritual comes to an end after marriage. The tooth-filling ritual is the next important ritual in Balinese Hinduism. Depending on the level of Balinese language used, this ritual can be referred to as Mesangih or Mepandes. This ritual is performed either before or during the marriage ceremony in order to reduce any influences of six internal enemies known as Sadripu. These negative influences are reduced by filling the six upper teeth that are symbols of the six internal enemies. Each enemy is associated with a particular emotion. Kama is associated with lust. Lobha is associated with greed. Krodha is associated with anger. Mada is associated with drunkness. Moha is associated with spiritual confusion. Finally, Matsarya is associated with jealousy. All of these emotions, or states of being, are considered negative and therefore must be avoided.

As mentioned previously, rituals for divine beings are known as Dewa Yadnya, where as rituals for demonic beings are known as Bhuta Yadnya. The latter is the third significant ritualistic category common among Balinese Hindus. This ritual is aimed at “appeasing the demonic spirits so that they are transformed into protective spirits” (Ariati 14). It is a significant ritual because the Balinese believe in spirits that are both visible (sekala) and invisible (niskala). These spirits can either be inhabited by humans or hosts of invisible beings that reside in land and space. Any being that is invisible can either be divine or demonic. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship with these invisible beings, the Balinese Hindus make offerings to them daily. These offerings become more elaborate on special occasions such as days within the lunar cycles. Offerings are normally given to demonic beings by laying them on the ground. This stems from the belief that demonic beings reside in the underworld below us. The simplest offering, known as bhuta-kala, consists of rice and banana leafs. Among the more elaborate offerings includes blood or flesh collected from the sacrificial animals. Through the gift of offerings, Balinese Hindus are able to transform demonic spirits into divine spirits that act to protect all who participate in the ritual.

The final ritualistic category is referred to as Pitra Yadnya, or post-modern rituals (Ariati 16). This ritual is significant because the aim is to liberate the soul (atman) to allow it to enter the ancestor realm. According to Balinese Hindu beliefs, the body is simply a microcosm of the universe comprised of five elements: pertiwi (earth), apah (water), teja (fire), bayu (air), and akasa (ether). When a person dies, these five elements must be returned to their place of origin to allow the soul, or atman, to be liberated. Ancestors can be worshipped at any family temple referred to as Sanggah or Merajan, depending on the level of language used. These temples house several shrines dedicated to the ancestors. One involves a wooden shrine that is divided into three segments representing the deceased ancestors of the family, as well as the three major Hindu deities: Visnu, Brahma, and Shiva. Depending on the family’s wealth, these rituals can be quite elaborate. If the cost of this ritual is quite high, then it can be assumed that the family involved is quite prosperous.

Several developments have been taking place in Bali over the past few decades. All developments have been taking place within an environment in which the government is dominant. Among the most significant developments include the development of Protestant and Catholic churches in Bali making Balinese Hindus the minority (Bakker 3). With this new development, Balinese Hinduism temporarily became the unofficial religion of Bali. This was largely due to the fact that the government would only recognize religions that focussed on the belief in one god. Although the Balinese Hindus were confronted with many challenges at this time, recent contact with Indian Hindus has helped to restore Hinduism in Bali to its previous state of religious dominance. Another significant feature of recent development in Bali has been the spread of Balinese inhabitants to other islands in the Indonesian archipelago including Java, Sumatra, Sulawesi, and Kalimantan. This spread of Balinese inhabitants has created a spread of religious beliefs as well. Hinduism is no longer isolated to the island of Bali, making it more dominant within the Indonesian archipelago. To ensure the survival of Hinduism on other islands, instructions on Hindu practice and tradition are being taught in various schools. In particular, these teachers of Hinduism, also known as gurus, are ensuring that the concept of Dharma is reinforced (Bakker 8). In doing so, key elements of Hindu tradition are being maintained throughout the Indonesian archipelago, particularly on the island of Bali.

References

Bakker, Freek L. (1997) “Balinese Hinduism and the Indonesian State: Recent Developments.” In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 153, 1ste Afl. (1997), p. 15-41. KITLV: Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.

Picard, Michel (2011) “Balinese Religion in Search of Recognition: From ‘Agama Hindu Bali’ to ‘Agama Hindu’.” In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Vol. 167, No. 4 (2011), p. 482-510. KITLV: Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.

Wayan P. Ariati, Ni (2008) “Hindu Rituals in India and Bali.” In the Selected Works of Wayan P Ariati, p. 1-20. SIT Study Abroad.

Related Websites:

https://sites.google.com/site/vaishnavasuvarnabhumi/ministries/daily-practices-of-balinese-hindu

http://www.discover-bali-indonesia.com/encyclopedia-caste-system-of-hinduism.html

Article written by: Jenn George (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its contents.

a. Hinduism in Nepal

Hinduism in Nepal

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

While India accounts for the vast majority of the world’s Hindus, there are significant populations in other countries, notably Nepal, the Himalayan nation located between India and China (Tibet). In fact, Hindus make up a larger share of the population in Nepal than any other country. 85 to 90 per cent of the people in Nepal are Hindus, while according to the 2001 census, 80.5 per cent of the people of India identified themselves to be Hindu (Rodrigues 28). Hinduism has played an important role in shaping the history of Nepal, which was a Hindu kingdom, and the world’s only officially Hindu state, until 2008. Although Hinduism as practiced in Nepal is similar in many ways to Hinduism in India, several unique and important aspects characterize Nepali Hinduism.

Nepal has historically been a meeting point of Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman ethnic groups. The Indo-Aryan, or Hindu caste groups, migrated to central Nepal between the 12^th and 15^th centuries when the Muslims invaded India and they migrated north (Burbank 46). Most of the indigenous Tibeto-Burman groups eventually adopted Hinduism in some form, yet in many cases their religious and cultural traditions survived and were incorporated into their version of Hinduism. Any migrants that arrived in Nepal at different times in history eventually interacted with the local population, and these waves of immigration and the interaction between Hindu groups and indigenous groups helped influence how Hinduism is practiced in Nepal.

Sudden and violent political change has been a persistent part of Nepal’s history (Whelpton 1). Prior to the emergence of the modern state of Nepal, the area that now makes up the country was divided among many competing kingdoms and states. Nepal was first occupied by the dynasty of the Licchavi family and then was dominated by other historical dynasties. The Licchavi-kings ruled the country and had close ties with India because they were related to the Indian dynasty by marriage (Kooij 3). The Malla Dynasty ruled the nation from the 13^th to 18^th centuries after being forced out of India. During the Malla dynasty was when the indigenous individuals were called Newars (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:4).

The modern state of Nepal emerged in the middle of the 18^th century when Prithvi Shah conquered the Katmandu valley, known as Nepal today, and unified the territories that now make up Nepal under his leadership. Prithvi Shah established a royal dynasty that lasted until the ending of the monarchy in 2008 (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:3). The Shah dynasty at this time played an important religious role in Hinduism in Nepal, as the royal family occupied their own caste and were revered, with the king believed by many to be an incarnation of the deity Visnu (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:3)

From 1846 until 1951 the Rana dynasty ruled Nepal with the Shah kings serving only as figureheads (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:4). The Rana dynasty made the prime minister and other governmental positions hereditary. The Rana dynasty used Hindu ritual to codify the castes and ethnic groups of Nepal (Gellner and Whelpton 1997: 4).

A popular uprising led to Nepal becoming a constitution monarchy. In 1990 the new constitution changed the country from an independent Hindu Kingdom to a democratic Hindu and constitutional monarchial kingdom. Ten members of the royal family died in 2001 and prince Dipendra was crowned to be the new monarch. Dipendra shot and killed the family, and eventually Gyanendra, King Birendra’s brother, became king. Protests broke out in 2006 and Nepal was officially in civil war and later was declared a federal republic.

Hinduism played a significant role in the emergence and development of the modern state of Nepal. While the country is now an officially secular republic, political parties with Hindu nationalist and royalist views remain important, although not as powerful as secular parties.

Hindu practices and traditions play an important part in day-to-day life for Nepali people. Festivals and rituals help promote group cohesion and solidarity (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 1). In Nepal a commonly practiced ritual is morning worship at neighborhood shrines (Burbank 80). The main gods that Nepali Hindus worship are similar to India’s Hindus, being Brahma the creator, Visnu the preserver, and Siva the Destroyer. Nepali Hindus may often choose one particular god to worship daily (Burbank 76).

Siva is regarded as the guardian god of the country of Nepal. Temples dedicated to Siva are decorated with bulls on them, as the bull is Siva’s mount. A trident is usually placed on top of the temple and a drum is another decoration and is one of Siva’s known attributes. The word Siva comes from the Sanskrit word meaning “destroyer”; this destruction associated with Siva has to do with the purifying power of opening a new path for new creation. The deity Siva follows Brahma the creator and Visnu the preserver with Siva being the destroyer of the world (Kooij 14).

The Hindu religion in Nepal teaches the concept of Dharma. The duty and righteous actions in relationship with the cosmic order that Hindus follow. In the context of Nepal, people speak of Dharma as something one does, rather than something one believes in (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 8). This concept is practiced by most religious Hindus and is therefore an important part of the faith in Nepal. The three paths to Moksa are also important within the concept of Dharma in Hinduism in Nepal. These three paths consist of the attainment of knowledge, devotion to god, and the path of action are the ways to attain Moksha, the union of the individual with the Supreme Soul (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 11).

Several significant Hindu festivals are celebrated in Nepal. Perhaps the most important festival in Nepal is Dasain. All castes participate in the festival, which lasts fifteen days, making it the longest and most anticipated festival in Nepal. In September to October the fifteen days occur during a lunar fortnight with the final day ending in the full moon. The Hindu Goddess Durga is worshipped for nine days and on the tenth day young individuals receive blessing from elders. The festival has great social significance and family is a very important part of the celebration with a large emphasis on the renewal of community ties (Kooij 11).

Another important festival is Tihar, known as Diwali or Deepawali in India. Tihar is also known as the festival of lights, where lights are celebrated for five days and people pray to the Goddess Laxmi, the goddess of wealth and good fortune and the consort of the god Visnu. Families gather in their homes where they light candles and small clay lamps, which are kept on throughout the night to make Laxmi feel welcome in their home (Burbank 76).

One of the most significant aspects of Hinduism in Nepal is the Kumari tradition, in which young girls, selected from the Newari community, are worshipped as manifestations of the goddess Durga. The word Kumari means “virgin” in Sanskrit and the girls need to be prepubescent and unmarried. While there are multiple Kumaris in Nepal, the most popular well-known Kumari is located in a palace in the center of the capital, Katmandu. The Kumari must perform purification rites before taking her throne and is not supposed to leave her palace except for important ceremonial circumstances. Like Durga, Kumari has a third eye painted on her forehead and she dresses in red. Every few years, in October or November, a new Kumari is selected and has to undergo a test. The first part of the test the young girl is taken to a temple and freed into the courtyard where there are several scary creatures and the second part is sleeping in a room with many scary animal heads. If the girl does not show fear then she is the correct candidate and holds all the right qualities; this takes place during the Durgapuja festival (Kooij 11).

While Hinduism is practiced in Nepal in similar ways to Hinduism in India, it differs in other important ways. The caste system in Nepal, for example, is broadly similar to the caste system in India. In Nepal, as nearly everywhere in India, everyone knows what caste or ethnic group he or she belongs to (Gellner 2007:1823). The caste system was first introduced to Nepal by the Hindu caste groups, which migrated to Nepal around the 12^th to 15^th centuries. It was during the 14^th century that king Jayasthiti Malla introduced caste principles and conduct in Nepal (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 5).

The caste system in Nepal is different from India’s Hindu caste system, although this difference mostly shows up in the comparison of the upper levels of the caste system. In India the caste system came about by regional adaptation in which there were four main categories (Hitchcock 116). The Tibeto-Burman groups were incorporated into the Nepali caste system, this integration being one of the biggest differences between Nepal and India’s caste systems.

In Nepal, the top caste consists of the Brahmans, known as Bahuns in Nepal, and the Kshatriyas, known as the Chetris. The bottom includes untouchable artisan castes (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:4). However, the Nepali system includes Newari and other ethnic group-based castes in the middle, as well as historically included a royal caste at the top. The lack of intermarriage also helped to create this aspect of structure.

There are numerous festivals that are celebrated by Hindus in Nepal and India, whether it is harvest season offerings to gods or rainy season when the rain god is worshipped. Another difference between Hindus in Nepal and India is that some festivals that are celebrated in India are not celebrated in Nepal, or vice versa; and certain festivals are celebrated on different days and at different times. Dasain is a more important festival in Nepal and Diwali is generally more important in India.

Perhaps the main reason for Nepali Hinduism’s unique character is the influence of Tibeto-Burman indigenous groups’ traditions. Kumari and Durgapuji are well-known examples of this influence and of the interaction between the cultures that make up Nepal. The tradition of the Kumari is significant because it originates with Nepali Newari community. Newari culture has retained elements, which are non-Indian and belong to the cultural background of the Tibeto-Burman Himalayan people (Kooij 1). Hinduism in Nepal has been shaped through its interaction with, and incorporation of, these traditions and cultural practices.

Until 2008, Nepal was the world’s only multiethnic, multilingual, democratic, Hindu kingdom (Rodrigues 460). Religion has always been a central feature of Nepali life, and Nepal has been a meeting ground for diverse religions (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 8). Hinduism has played an important role in shaping Nepali history. Although broadly similar, Nepal and Indian Hinduism differ in certain important details. Certain unique aspects, and the interaction between the Hindu migrants from India and the indigenous groups fundamentally shaped the unique nature of Nepali Hinduism. Rituals, festivals, and traditions such as Kumari help define Hinduism in Nepal as well as the country as a whole.

References

Bruce, C. G. and W. Brook Northey (1925) “Nepal” The Geographical Journal. 65(4): p. 281-298

Burbank, Jon (2002) Cultures of the World: Nepal. Tarrytown: Times Media Private Limited.

Gellner, Pfaff-Chzarnecka and John Whelpton (1997) Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics and Culture in Contemporary Nepal. Oxon: Routledge.

Gellner, David N. (2001) The Anthropology of Buddhism and Hinduism: Weberian Themes. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Gellner, David N. (2005) The Emergence of Conversion in a Hindu-Buddhist Polytropy: The Katmandu Valley, Nepal, c. 1600-1995. Cambridge: Comparative Studies in Society and History.

Gellner, David N. (2007) “Caste, Ethnicity and Inequality in Nepal” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 42, No. 20:1823-1828.

Grieve, Gregory P. (2006) Retheorizing religion in Nepal. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Hitchcock, John T. (1978) “An Additional Perspective on the Nepali Caste System.” In James F. Fisher ed. Himalayan Anthropology: The Indo-Tibetan Interface, p. 111-120. The Hague: Mouton Publishers.

Karel Rijk van Kooij. (1978) Iconography of Religions: Indian religions. Religion in Nepal. Netherlands: E.J. Brill, Leiden.

Oestigaard, T. (2004) Kings and Cremations – Royal Funerals and Sacrifices in Nepal. Oxford: BAR International Series.

Pyakuryal, Kailash and Murari, Suvedi (2000) Understanding Nepal’s Development. East Lansing: Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources Education and Communication Systems.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism the eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Whelpton, John (2005) A History of Nepal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.lonelyplanet.com/nepal

http://www.kwintessential.co.uk/articles/nepal/Religion-in-Nepal/182

http://hinduism.about.com/cs/godsgoddess/a/aa090903a.htm

Article written by Christine Gilman (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its contents.

1. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, 5. Significant Figures

Bal Gangadhar Tilak

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920)

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a Hindu Indian independence activist, journalist, lawyer and social reformer. Tilak was often referred to as “The Father of Indian Unrest,” originally a derogatory term allotted to him by the British authorities, it is now considered a favorable title (Pati 52). Tilak was also given the honorary title of “Lokmanya,” meaning “accepted by the people.” Tilak greatly valued education and believed that by educating the people of India Indian independence could be achieved. [For a brief history of the Indian Independence Movement see Christopher (2002)]. Bal Gangadhar Tilak began his political career by engaging in various political debates. He eventually became the leader of the extremist wing of the Indian National Congress. Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a devout Hindu holding the distinct belief that Hinduism was the most superior religion on Earth. He believed that the Hindu religion held the key to achieving Indian Independence.

Born on July 23, 1856 in Ratnagiri, India as a Chitpawan Brahmin, Bal Gangadhar Tilak was among the first generation of Indians to receive a college education (Sharma 192). He graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in 1876, and received a Bachelor of Law in 1880 from Deccan College (Sharma 192). Tilak was greatly influenced by his grandfather who had borne witness to some of the atrocities and achievements that occurred during the Indian Mutiny (Sharma 193). This would come to influence his political ideologies later in life.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was instrumental in advancing the education of the people of India. Tilak said “The salvation of our motherland lay in education and only education of the people” (Sharma 193). His first educational endeavor was in 1880 as a co-founder of Poona’s New English School (Brown 1961:76). Later in 1884, Tilak, along with several of his colleagues, founded the Deccan Education Society (Brown 1961:76). The following year the Deccan Education Society established Fergusson College in Poona. Tilak’s educational activism reflected his belief that educating the masses was the only way to achieve Indian independence.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak established two newspapers, the Mahratta, published in English, and the Kesari, published in Marathi (Brown 1961:77). Both newspapers were intended to promote education among the Hindus of Western India. The newspapers were also meant to promote mass agitation among Indians, a conscious effort to mobilize Indians against British rule (Brown 1961:77). Both newspapers were widely successful and managed to gain the attention of the British authorities. This attention, coupled with Tilak’s ambition of mobilizing the people of India to fight for independence, would cause Tilak legal difficulties in the future.

One of Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s first political experiences occurred as a result of the Age of Consent Bill of 1890, which proposed raising the minimum age of cohabitation for Hindu marriages from 10 to 12 years of age (Sharma 194). Tilak did not disagree with the content of the bill, but disagreed with the British government’s ability to establish and enforce the bill. He felt that legal decisions should be made by Indians upon the attainment of Indian self government, rather than by a foreign government (Brown 1961:77). Tilak often stated “Indian social problems must be solved by Indians” (Sharma 195).

During a three year period from 1905-1908 the British government decided to divide the province of Bengal into two separate provinces, which they claimed was for the purpose of “administrative convenience” (Sharma 195). Tilak and two of his colleagues, Lala Lajpat Rai and Binpin Chandra Pal, created the Lal-Bal-Pal political regime to protest what they believed was actually an attempt to “divide and rule” by the British government (Sharma 195). The Lal-Bal-Pal regime is often considered the first instance of Indian nationalism and spurred the Swadeshi (indigenous goods) Movement (Muralidharan 12). [For more information on the economic and social impact of the Swadeshi Movement see Biswas (1995)]. Their program of “swaraj, swadeshi and national education” provided the impetus required to mobilize the people of India (Nambodiripad 4).

Tilak played a fundamental role in the Swadeshi Movement. The aim of the Swadeshi Movement was to gain swaraj or “self rule” for India through the establishment of economic self sufficiency. Tilak often stated “swaraj is my birthright; and I will have it” (Nambodiripad 3). Tilak used the movement as an opportunity to extend his political influence to both the working class and the citizens of Bombay (Pati 61).

Bal Gangadhar Tilak became a member of the Indian National Congress in 1890. In 1907 diverging opinions within the Indian National Congress had reached an apex, which resulted in the “Surat Split,” dividing members of Congress into two camps; the “moderates” and the “extremists” (Guha 115). Tilak came to represent the extremists, and his lifelong acquaintance, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, represented the moderates. [Guha (2010) provides an account of Gopal Krishna Gokhale’s life and political career]. As leader of the extremists, Tilak’s mandate included “self government, national education, and the use of boycott” and passive resistance (Brown 1961:78). Tilak never did become president of the Indian National Congress.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was imprisoned twice in his lifetime. The first imprisonment in 1897 was for sedition and lasted eighteen months (Guha 117). Sedition in this instance was defined as “spreading disaffection against the British Indian government” (Karve 208). In 1908 Tilak was charged with sedition for the second time (Guha 117). His actions were seen as “intensifying racial animosity between Indians and the British” (Guha 117). He served his six year sentence in Burma. The news of Tilak’s imprisonment caused outrage in Bombay where textile workers in seventy mills went on strike and ultimately shut down production (Guha 117). This provides evidence of the widespread support and popularity that Tilak had gained among the Indian working class. He was tried for sedition a third time in 1916, however he was successfully acquitted of the charges (Guha 118).

The Hindu religion was very important to Bal Gangadhar Tilak, both as his practiced religion as well as for political purposes. He believed that Hinduism, and its various sects, ought to be united in order to form one ‘mighty Hindu nation’ (Harvery 321). Tilak believed that this unity could be achieved by simply adhering to the principles outlined in traditional Hindu texts such as the Bhagavad Gita and the Ramayana (Harvey 321). [Chaitanya (1987) provides modern insight into the contents of the Bhagavad Gita. For insight into the Ramayana see Hindery (1976)]. He outlined his philosophy in his book titled Gita Rahasya, meaning “The Secret of the Gita,” which he wrote during his six year imprisonment in Burma (Sharma 196). The principle that Tilak emphasized the most in his book was found in the Bhagavad Gita. It was the need for activism, or action, which he felt should be applied to religion and politics. This call for action is often referred to as Karma Yoga, a principle in Brahmanic theory insisting upon the warrior’s responsibility to fight (Brown 1958:197). He also advocated the superiority of the Hindu religion over the religions of the West in Gita Rahasya (Sharma 197). Ultimately Bal Gangadhar Tilak sought the use of principles found within the Bhagavad Gita to revitalize Hinduism, replace Western philosophy, and legitimize political action (Harvey 322).

In addition to the Gita Rahasya Tilak wrote two books on Vedic Studies. This included The Orion in 1893, and The Arctic Home Of The Vedas in 1903. In both books he attempted to use science to reveal the history of Hinduism in an attempt to reconstruct Hindu history (Sharma 197). His aim was to separate Hindu tradition from the work of Western academics. The “Aryan theory of race” characterized by Tilak in these books would become of crucial importance to Hindu revitalization (Muralidharan 16).

Tilak sought to strengthen the Hindu tradition and Indian consciousness through the revival of two Hindu festivals, one dedicated to the deity Ganapati, and the other to Sivaji (Brown 1961:78). Tilak managed to transform the Ganapati celebration from a private in-the-home affair into a mass celebration. He began the Sivaji festival to celebrate the achievements and memory of the medieval warrior chief by the same name (Guha 116). He ultimately used these festivals as a mode of political mobilization for the Indian Independence Movement.

Tilak joined together the Hindu religion and Indian politics in order to emphasize his policy of Hindu nationalism. He believed that religion played a very important role in nationality. Tilak’s historical interpretations led him to believe that Indian unity existed only during times when Hinduism’s predominance was secure, and chaos and disorder were prevalent when the Hindu religion reached a low point (Muralidharan 12). Tilak has often been credited with exercising a policy of exclusionary nationalism, emphasizing the distinctness of the Hindu religion rather than cultural tolerance. A great example of this religious intolerance was Tilak’s revival of the Hindu Ganapati festival, which often occurred during the same time as the Islamic Muharram observance. As such, the festival became an occasion for fighting between Muslims and Hindus (Muralidharan 13). Hinduism, being a class-based religion, excluded the lower classes of the religion in many instances. Therefore, in addition to alienating much of the Muslim Indian population, Hindu nationalism also alienated much of the lower caste Hindu population. Ultimately, Tilak’s policy of Hindu nationalism was unitary and intolerant of diversity, making him a controversial historical figure.

After his release from prison in 1914 Tilak was run down both physically and spiritually. He was willing to accept Dominion status within the British Empire as opposed to complete independence (Guha 117). He also called upon India to support England in World War One and began to praise some of the beneficial aspects of the British government (Pati 53). He remained active in politics and went back to being a Congressman in 1915 (Pati 52). However, the polarization that had resulted in the Moderates and Extremists was no longer relevant upon his return. In 1916 he went on to form the All India Home Rule League, which further voiced Indian demand for self government.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak died on August 1, 1920 at the age of 64. Tilak left an enduring legacy. After his death he became recognized as the first “father of the movement for the liberation of India,” a cause that would later be adopted by Mahatma Gandhi (Karve 208). [See Spear (1969) for a historical account of the independence activism of Mahatma Gandhi]. The Swadeshi Movement that Tilak helped initiate ultimately achieved its goal when Indian independence was achieved in 1947. Through his political activism, Hindu nationalism, and various modes of religious and political mobility Tilak was able to lay the groundwork for the future of the Indian Independence Movement.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Biswas, A. K. (1995) “Paradox of Anti-Partition Agitation and Swadeshi Movement in Bengal (1905).” Social Scientist, Vol. 23, No. 4/6:38-57.

Brown, Mackenzie (1961) Indian Political Thought: From Ranade to Bhave. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

_______ (1958) “The Philosophy of Bal Gangadhar Tilak: Karma vs. Jnana in the Gita Rahasya.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2:197- 206.

Chaitanya, Krishna (1987) “Rediscovering the Gita: The Gita for Modern Man.” India International Centre Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 1:120-125.

Christopher, A. J. (2002) “Decolonisation Without Independence.” Geojournal, Vol. 56, No. 3:213- 224.

Guha, Ramachandra (2010) Makers of Modern India. New Delhi: Penguin Group.

Harvey, Mark (1986) “The Secular as Sacred?-The Religio-Political Rationalization of B.G. Tilak.” Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2: 321-331.

Hindery, Roderick (1976) “Hindu Ethics in the Ramayana .” The Journal of Religious Ethics, Vol. 4, No. 2:287-322.

Karve, D. D. (1961) “The Deccan Education Society.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 20, No.2:205-212.

Muralidharan, Sukumar (1994) “Patriotism Without People: Milestones in the Evolution of the Hindu Nationalist Ideology.” Social Scientist, Vol. 22, No. 5/6 :3-38.

Nambodiripad, E. M. S. (1986) “The Left in India’s Freedom Movement and in Free India.” Social Scientist , Vol. 14, No. 8/9:3-17.

Pati, Biswamoy (2007) “Nationalist Politics and the ‘Making’ of Bal Gangadhar Tilak.” Social Scientist, Vol. 35, No. 9/10:52-66.

Roy, Himanshu (1993) “Builders of Modern India.” Social Scientist, Vol. 21, No. 12:60-62.

Sharma, Arvind (2002) Modern Hindu Thought: The Essential Text. New York: Oxford University Press.

Spear, Percival (1969) “Mahatma Gandhi.” Modern Asian Studies. Vol. 3, No. 4:291- 304

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/595729/Bal-Gangadhar-Tilak

http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Bal_Gangadhar_Tilak.html

http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/freedomfighters/tilak/index.html

http://sites.ulethbridge.ca/mahavidya/files/2010/05/Tiberg-Karma-Gandhi-Yes.pdf

http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Bal_Gangadhar_Tilak.html

http://sites.ulethbridge.ca/mahavidya/files/2008/06/hansen-christel-bhagavad-gita.pdf

Article written by Jessica Kelly (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Significant Figures in Hinduism

Brahmagupta

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Brahmagupta was a significant Indian mathematician and astronomer who lived during the medieval era and made several indispensable contributions to various fields of mathematics and astronomy throughout his lifetime. Although many of the specific details of Brahmagupta’s birthplace are unknown, most scholars agree that he was born in 598 CE somewhere in northern India (Joseph 41-42; Waghmare et al. 1). One hypothesis is that he was born in Bhinmal (a city in the Rajasthan Sate of Northern India which was quite powerful during that time period) but no one knows for sure. One thing is certain however; the time Brahmagupta was born would play a larger role in defining his later works than the place he was born. [The 6^th century BCE was characterised by a rise in philosophical movements that challenged Hindu Orthodoxy. These groups, which were labeled heterodox by orthodox Hindus, generally challenged the Vedas and the Varna (class) system. As time progressed the number of heterodox philosophies increased and by the 6^th century CE they had 1200 years to spread and flourish throughout India. ] As an orthodox Hindu, Brahmagupta was influenced heavily by his religious beliefs and was opposed to those held by the various heterodox darsanas (viewpoints). In particular, he was intrigued by the Hindus’ Yuga system (which measures the ages of humanity) and opposed to the Jains’ cosmological views, allowing the former to greatly influence his own ideas and harshly condemning the latter (Waghmare et al. 1). The influence of orthodox Hinduism on his work did not end here.

Brahmagupta went even further in his critique of heterodox ideas when he attacked Aryabhata. Brahmagupta refuted Aryabhata’s heterodox idea that the earth is a spinning sphere (Waghmare et al. 1). The influence of religion on Brahmagupta and his works went even farther than this however. Brahmagupta’s main work Brahmasphutasiddhanta (The Correctly Established Doctrine of Brahma) which is a mathematical treatise of invaluable quality is a paradigmatic example of the extent of which religious views influenced Brahmagupta [This demonstrates Brahmagupta’s religious affiliations with Hindu orthodoxy because Brahma is believed to be the creator deity in the Hindu tradition] (Waghmare et al. 1-2). Although religious beliefs played a profound role in influencing Brahmagupta, they were by no means the only stimulus instigating his mathematical and astronomical works. As a young man, Brahmagupta was a disciple of Varahmihir, a great astronomer of the time, who had written extensively. It is said that Brahmagupta read all Varahmihir’s works, made commentaries on them, and later proved many unproved results (Waghmare et al. 1). This launched Brahmagupta’s career in mathematics and astronomy.

As mentioned earlier, Brahmagupta’s main work Brahmasphutasiddhanta was a very influential mathematical treatise influenced by orthodox Hinduism. Interestingly, this biased approach did not compromise the quality of the work entirely. In fact, R.V. Waghmare et al. describes his work as possessing mathematical ideas of “exceptional quality” and claims that it should be considered one of the greatest works of the early period “not only of India, but also of the World” (Waghmare et al. 2). The text’s incredible breadth and depth has made invaluable contributions to geometry, arithmetic, algebra, number theory, as well as astronomy. Since the text was later translated into Arabic around 771 CE it also played a profound role in the scientific awaking of the Arab Empire and had a considerable influence on Islamic mathematics and astronomy (Waghmare et al. 2). This work also had a profound impact within India. In chapters twelve and eighteen, Brahmagupta established two major fields of Indian mathematics: “mathematics of procedures” (algorithms) and “mathematics of seeds” (equations/algebra), which are still studied to this day (Waghmare et al. 2-3).

Interestingly, this is not the only text that Brahmagupta wrote. In fact, the Brahmasphutasiddhanta published in 628 CE was his second, albeit most important, work. His first work Cademekela was written in 624 CE. His third and fourth books Khandakhadyaka and Durkeamynarda were published in 665 CE and 672 CE respectively. Collectively, these texts are all extremely influential in many fields of mathematics. For instance, Brahmagupta’s work on arithmetic revolutionized the field. In fact, Brahmagupta is described as having a better understanding of number systems and place value than any of his contemporaries. In particular, Brahmagupta had a profound understanding of the number zero. While the number had been used to distinguish between numbers since ancient times (i.e. people used it to distinguish between numbers like 1, 10, and 100) it had never been considered an arithmetic entity in its own right. In other words, no one ever tried to do addition, multiplication, subtraction, or division with zero prior to Brahmagupta (Waghmare et al. 3-4). For this reason, Brahmagupta is credited with the discovery of the number zero (see Boyer 241-245). He did not stop here however. In fact, he went even further and extended arithmetic to the negative numbers and ended up formulating many of the rules that mathematicians still hold to be true today, with the exception that he allowed division by zero. Although phrased quite differently, Brahmagupta established these familiar rules of arithmetic: the product/quotient of similar signs is positive while the product/quotient of different signs is negative. He said that zero times anything is zero and that a number divided by zero is that number over zero, with the exception that zero divided by zero is zero (Waghmare et al. 3).

Next, the Brahmasphutasiddhanta moved onto algebra. Many algebraists believe that Brahmagupta’s most important contribution to the fields of algebra and number theory is his work done on Pell’s Equation (Waghmare et al. 6). Pell’s equation is the relation Nx² – 1 = y² where N is a constant and solutions take the form (x, y). Using what is today referred to as the Euclidean algorithm but known to contemporaries as the “pulveriser,” Brahmagupta broke Pell’s equation into several smaller equations (Waghmare et al. 6). His solution of the equation hinged on a generalization of the work of Diophantus, which is a long and complicated formula that is very important in the study number theory [Diophantine equations is a branch of number theory that concerns equations that only accept integer solutions] (Waghmare et al. 6-7). Unfortunately, this was not sufficient. With all the effort Brahmagupta put into studying Pell’s equation he could not generalize his results to an arbitrary constant N. Rather, he only proved a few specific cases and the general solution would not come until much later when Bhaskarall would prove it in 1150 CE. (Waghmare et al. 6-8).

In addition to these contributions, Brahmagupta also made contributions to the study of linear and quadratic equations. Giving an algorithm for what is equivalent to the quadratic formula which is used to solve equations of the form ax² + bx + c = 0 and it is believed that Brahmagupta may have been the first to realize the quadratic has two solutions. However, he went much farther than this. He also gave solutions to multiple variable quadratics of the form ax² + c = y² (Waghmare et al. 7). Another interesting result is known as the Brahmagupta-Fibonacci Identity. This identity basically asserts that sum of two squares is closed under multiplication, that is when you multiply a sum of two squares with another sum of two squares you will always get a sum of two squares. This is an incredibly powerful result that has had a profound impact on number theory especially when coupled with other results (Boyer 241-243; Waghmare et al. 9).

Despite all Brahmagupta’s magnificent achievements in these areas of mathematics, they seem almost insignificant when compared to his work in geometry. Unfortunately, many of his achievements in this field are ignored as credit was often given to Europeans due to the dominant Eurocentric attitude of the time (Waghmare et al. 8-9). One example of this is what is widely known as Ptolemy’s Theorem. This theorem can be used to find the diagonals of cyclic quadrilaterals (four sided figures whose vertices lie on a circle). Interestingly, Brahmagupta discovered and proved this theorem independently unaware of Ptolemy’s work (Waghmare et al. 8). Another example is Brahmagupta’s work on right angle triangles. Many of the results he proved were later credited to the European mathematicians Fibonacci in the 13^th century BC and Vieta in the 16^th century BC (Waghmare et al. 8-9). This does not mean that he is completely unrecognized though. In fact, “Brahmagupta’s Formula” is the name given to the formula used in Euclidean geometry to find the area of any quadrilateral when the side lengths are given and some of the interior angles. There is also a major theorem which bears Brahmagupta’s name. Brahmagupta’s Theorem states that if a cyclic quadrilateral is also orthodiagonal (has perpendicular diagonals) then if a line is drawn perpendicular to point of intersection of the diagonals it will bisect the opposite side (Waghmare et al. 9-10). Finally, Brahmagupta’s contributions in geometry include a study of triangles. His work dealt primarily with the relationships between the base of a triangle, the triangle’s altitude, and the side lengths of the triangle. In this study he also estimated the value of pi to be approximately three. Even though his estimation was incorrect he was close (Waghmare et al. 9-10). His final work with triangles concerned Pythagorean triples. These are sets of three numbers that satisfy the Pythagorean Theorem.

While Brahmagupta is also known for being an astronomer, he did not write as extensively on astronomy as he did on mathematics. Whatever he discovered in astronomy was often a consequence of his mathematics (Boyer 243-245; Waghmare et al. 11-12). In other words, he used logical mathematical reasoning to prove astronomical ideas. For instance, Brahmagupta reasoned that the sun was farther away from earth than the moon. Scriptural teachings supported the idea that the sun was closer to the earth than the moon was so this was revolutionary. He reasoned, however, that the moon is closer because of the way the sun illuminates it in cycles of waning and waxing (Boyer 221-223; Joseph 24-27). Although it may seem minor, Brahmagupta’s work in astronomy played a major role in the scientific awakening of Baghdad and the Arabic empire. When Brahmagupta’s Brahmasphutasiddhanta was translated into Arabic it forever changed the empire and gifted them with wonderful new mathematical and astronomical ideas that led to a full scale scientific revolution (see Joseph 22-27; Boyer 221-223, 241-245).

Reference and Further Recommended Reading

Boyer, Carl B (1968) A History of Mathematics. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Joseph, George Gheverghese (2009) A Passage to Infinity: Medieval Indian Mathematics from Kerala and its Impact. New Delhi, India: SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd.

Waghmare, R.V., Avhale P.S., and Kolhe S.B. (2012) “The Great Mathematician Brahmagupta” Golden Research Thoughts. Volume 2, Issue 1. (July 2012)

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.storyofmathematics.com/index.html

http://www.islamawareness.net/Maths/science_and_math.html

http://baharna.com/karma/yuga.htm

http://www.religionfacts.com/jainism/beliefs.htm

http://www.knowswhy.com/why-is-zero-important/

http://www-history.mcs.st-and.ac.uk/Biographies/Brahmagupta.html

http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/HistTopics/Pell.html

Article written by Dakota Duffy (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content

The Parsis

Parsis in India

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Parsis, a religious and ethnic minority in India, practice Zoroastrianism, a revealed, monotheistic religion based on the ancient teachings of Zarathustra (Nigosian 3).

Immigration and Settlement in India

Parsis immigrated to the Indian state, Gujarat from Persia (present day Iran) through a series of migrations in the eighth and ninth centuries (Roy 184 & Nigosian 42). The reasons for Parsis emigration is not fully understood, though scholars suggest that the rise of Muslim Iranian dynasties in Persia led to religious tensions resulting in the diaspora to India (Boyce 157). Archeological records indicate that the Parsi immigrants settled on the island Div for two decades before sailing to the mainland and permanently settling in the Indian state, Gujarat (157).

The early history of Parsis in India is uncertain because information of the exodus from Persia derives from a Persian epic, the Quissa-i Sanjan, which was composed in the sixteenth century from oral traditions (Nigosian 43 & Kreyenbroek 44). According to the Quissa-i Sanjan, the Indian prince, Jadi Rana, allowed the Parsis to create a settlement, Sanjan (named after their hometown in Khorasan) (Nigosian 43). The Quissa indicates that Jadi Rana required the immigrants to: explain Zoroastrianism, abandon the Persian language and speak Gujarati, perform marriage ceremonies after sunset, surrender weapons and wear the Indian sari (43-44). Jadi Rana’s conditions for settlement appear to be well integrated in Parsi culture because Gujarati continues to be spoken among Parsis in India today, although some Arabic and Persian vocabulary for ritual items and religious terms were retained (Boyce 157) and Parsi women continue to proudly wear the sari (Nigosian 44).

Zoroastrianism was the central organizing feature of the Parsis as evident by the division of the growing number of settlements into five distinct panthak (regions) which were governed by priests and a council (Boyce 167). Sanjan, the original settlement, was the central panthak because it housed the atash bahram (Fire of Victory) (167). Parsis often performed a pilgrimage to the atash bahram for worship after rites of passage or to acquire sacred ash to perform a sacred rite (167). The atash bahram also functioned as a sacred link to the mother country because it contained ash that had been brought from an atash bahram in Persia (166-167).

Parsis maintained a strong connection to Zoroastrian communities in Persia by sending messengers to Khorasan (a remote, mountainous region that the Parsis first fled to before sailing to India) and Persia (Nigosian 43). Messengers retrieved items used in rituals and sacrifices in addition to Zoroastrian prayer and worship texts (Boyce 166, 168). Furthermore, Rivayats, a series of instructive letters regarding practical and religious matters, were exchanged between the Persian and Indian Zoroastrian communities (Nigosian 42) until a dispute in the eighteenth century over differences in the Zoroastrian calendar ended Iran’s role as a religious authority over Parsi Zoroastrian (Boyce 189-190).

Practice of Zoroastrianism

The Rivayats reveal that the Zoroastrians in India remained fully orthodox by continuing to follow Iranian practices of rituals, purity laws and priesthood with a few minor exceptions (173). For example, due to the sacredness of the cow in Hinduism, bulls and cows were no longer sacrificed, although the sacrifice of goats and sheep continued (173). Boyce suggests that this sacredness also influenced the use of bull’s tail hairs to sieve the hom juice (174). Additionally, the traditional hom juice (similar to the Hindu soma), made from a plant found in the Persian mountains, was no longer available, therefore, an Indian alternative was found (173). The Parsi belief in the hereditary nature of Zoroastrianism and the subsequent rejection of converts or intermarriage was possibly influenced by the rigidity of the Hindu caste system (174).

Orthodox Zoroastrian Parsis worship the creator god Ahura Mazda primarily through prayer, purity, and fire sacrifices at fire temples. Zoroastrian’s worship and lifelong pursuit of ‘Good Thoughts’, ‘Good Words’ and ‘Good Deeds’ aids the dualistic, cosmic battle between Ahura Mazda and the evil force, Angra Mainyu (also known as Ahriman) (Kreyenbroek 4-5). Ahura Mazda’s seven helpers, amesha spenta (‘Beneficent Immortals’), also represent characteristics such as wholeness, righteousness, and good thought, which Zoroastrians are to develop throughout their lives (5). Parsis traditionally observe five prayer watches throughout the day (5) which involve praying toward an atash dadgah (household hearth fire) (9) or light (17), tying and untying the kusti (sacred cord around the waist) (8), reciting prayers from the Avesta (6-7), and perhaps lighting incense (17). Parsis believe when prayers from the sacred Zoroastrian text, Avesta, are properly recited, the words of the Avesta have divine powers to aid good beings in the cosmic battle (6-7).

Fire and fire temples are essential to Parsis religious practice because “fire represents the purity of the divine” (9). The most sacred fires, atash bahrams, are very costly and maintained by dasturs (high priests). To maintain purity, only Zoroastrians are permitted in fire temples (17). Before entering the individual should have a purification bath, cover his/her head, wash every exposed part of the body, as well as, tie and untie the kusti (17). Upon entering the fire temple, the individual is expected to acknowledge the picture of Zarathustra and priests or esteemed members of the community before approaching the fire to pray, worship, or provide an offering of sandalwood (18).

Traditional ceremonies and festive occasions in a Parsi’s life includes: navajote, weddings, pregnancy announcements, births [for more detail see Kreyenbroek 34-36], moving into a new house, going on a journey and death rites (18-21) [for a contemporary understanding of Parsis’ lives and practices see Luhrmann]. These events usually involve purification through bathing in milk and flowers (18-21) and the presence of a tray with an oil lamp, betel nuts and almonds, dates, rice, salt, flowers, a silver cone and rose-water sprinkler (18) [For information on religious holidays throughout the year see Kreyenbroek 22-27].

The most important rite of passage for a male Parsi, navjote, is an initiation ceremony similar to a Jewish Bar Mitzvah or a Hindu Upanayana ‘Sacred Thread ceremony’. Typically this ceremony occurs after the child has memorized important kusti prayers between the ages of seven and nine (Kreyenbroek 27). Navjote involves the child bathing in milk and flowers, receiving a kusti (sacred cord belt) and a sudreh (sacred shirt worn under regular clothes), and performing a ceremony with food, rituals, priests, prayers and additional bathing (28). Throughout a Parsi’s life he/she will ritually tie and untie the kusti after waking up, defecating or urinating, and before praying, eating and bathing (Nigosian 99).

Engagement and wedding ceremonies have traditionally been the most important rite of passage of a Parsi girl. Weddings can be quite elaborate, with the exchange of many gifts between families, and a four day celebration (Kreyenbroek 29). The first day of the marriage ceremony, madav-saro, is marked with the couple planting a mango tree in a pot and visiting both parents’ homes (30). On the second day, divo-adrani rit, the families exchange gifts and the new couple’s gifts to the groom’s house (31). The bride receives a new sari with rice knotted in the corner, a necklace with a silver coin pendant and green beads from her in-laws as a sign of welcome into the family (31-32).

The final ritual in a Parsi’s life occurs at death, when the deceased is bathed and laid in a stone amphitheater, a dakhma (‘Tower of Silence’). The deceased is consumed by birds or animals because Parsis’ beliefs in the purity of the natural elements, such as fire and earth forbid contaminating it through the burial or cremation of bodies (8).

Parsis under the Mughal Reign

The Mughal reign in northern India and present day Pakistan during the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries affected Parsis’ fire temples and worship. Religious persecution during a Muslim campaign resulted in moving the atash bahram from Sanjan to Navsari (Boyce 171-172). As a result of this transition the traditional pillar alters were permanently replaced by large metal containers serving as an altar for the atash bahram in the Navsari fire temple (172). The atash bahram remained in Navsari until 1741 when disputes between the two regional groups of priests, the Sajanas and the Bhagarias, resulted in the Sajanas moving the atash bahram to Udwada, a village south of Sanjan where it remains today (188-189). The Bhagarias responded by creating the second atash bahram in India at the fire temple in Navsari (188-189). There are currently nine atash bahrams in India (one in Udwada, one in Navsari, one in Yazd, four in Mumbai, two in Surat) [see the Heritage Institute link below for pictures of each atash bahram]. Due to continuing persecution during the Mughal reign, less sacred fires, atash adaran (Fire of Fire’s), were established in fire temples which were indistinguishable from homes to make worship safer (188). For a brief period of time, under the patronage of Emperor Akbar, a sacred fire burned in the royal Mughal court, and priests were commissioned to document religious laws, ordinances, correspondence and terminology resulting in a rich literary record which informs scholars of Parsi history and practice (183).

Trade and British Relations

The rapid growth of trade in India due to the East India Company and imperialist interests in the seventeenth century significantly influenced Parsi society. Agriculturalists and craftsmen in rural Gujarat migrated to the emerging commercial center, Bombay (present day Mumbai) to become tradesmen, shipbuilders, and merchants (Hinnells 2007:101). After Bombay was ceded from the Portuguese to the British in 1661 the city grew in popularity and became the cultural center of Zoroastrianism (Kreyenbroek 45). To encourage migration to Bombay, the British gifted the Parsi community a prominent piece of land in Bombay known as Malabar Hill (Roy 187). Parsis’ willingness to be Anglicized and travel in addition to acquire western education contributed to Parsis acquisition of prominent positions in society and trade (188). Parsis were prosperous and favoured by the British because they were not encumbered by a trade, caste or purity laws which restricted interactions among foreigners and various castes (185-187). Parsis were well liked by Europeans as evidenced by traveler’s accounts from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries which describe Parsis as a “gentle, quiet, industrious race” (Boyce 186) [see Karaka for nineteenth century perspectives on Parsis and their customs].

As the Parsis’ wealth accumulated through business enterprises (187), a religious organization of community leaders, the punchayet, was established to oversee religious and social matters such as, charity, trusts, weddings, funerals and gahambar (communal feasts) (Hinnells 2007:101). The punchayet also ensured that the community upheld Zoroastrian values regarding marriage, intermarriage, divorce and bigamy (Hinnells 2007:101). Non-conformists were punished and individuals who rejected the authority of the punchayet were excommunicated (Wadia 129). The anjuman, a communal assembly, was also an important political and social body in the Parsis community because it could act as a legislative body, and appoint, suspend or dismiss a dastur (high priest of the atash bahram) or priest (Hinnells 2007:102).

Parsis after Indian Independence in 1947

The punchayet, the anjuman and the dastur declined in religious and social authority by the mid-nineteenth century (Boyce 186). Kreyenbroek states that “the nineteenth century thus marked the transition from a stable self-image based on centuries of traditional life, to a state of affairs where many aspects of Parsi religious and social life were constantly called into question.… After more than a century and a half, however, these problems still show no sign of being resolved” (Kreyenbroek 46). Specifically, Zoroastrianism fell under attack during the nineteenth century from Christian Europeans such as Reverend John Wilson who raised theological questions based on early and inaccurate translations of the Avesta. The Parsi community reacted with embarrassment when Zoroastrian priests failed to satisfactorily respond to Wilson’s theological challenges (46). The priests were in an impossible situation because Parsi priests functioned as spiritual and moral guides for the panthaks, in addition to, performing rituals and sacrifices in the fire temples, rather than acting as religious scholars and developing rigorous theological systems. Regardless of the unfairness and inaccuracy of the accusations, the priestly authority and prestige significantly declined in the nineteenth century. These changes also resulted in a decline priests, especially gifted or qualified priests because educated, intelligent or wealthy boys from the priestly class were discouraged from entering priesthood (53).

Recently, wealthy Parsi patrons have contributed to creating and funding a three year priesthood program to train new priests in theology, rituals, psychology, sociology and history (54). However, the stigma regarding the priesthood still remains (54). In 1977, the program ‘Zoroastrian Studies’ was founded. It is based on the lectures of the internationally acclaimed speaker, Khojeste Mistree, which has increased interest and pride in orthodox Zoroastrian practices, scripture, and theology (Hinnells 2007:262).

Avenues of religious reform have also occurred through the development of Zoroastrian movements. For example, Neo-traditionalist Parsis are orthodox in practice but emphasize a personal search for truth in contrast to Modernist Parsis who pursue a western lifestyle and combine new, non-traditional views with nostalgic traditions (47-48). The Reformist school of thought emphasizes secularism by suggesting that ‘Parsi’ is strictly an ethnicity, not a religious identity (48). In opposition, Traditionalists are decidedly orthodox in theology and practice as evidenced by their emphasis on restricting intermarriage and converts (47). Additionally, an esoteric Zoroastrian sect, Ilm-I Khshnoom (Path of Knowledge), arose based on liberating the soul through asceticism and vegetarianism (263).

Recent questions that Parsis from all schools of thought are facing include: When an individual marries a non-Zoroastrian, can he/she still be a part of the religious community and receive the traditional death rites? How are the children resulting from the intermarriage to be integrated into the community? Will Zoroastrians accept converts? (Hinnells 2007: 265 & 269) Considering that the national and international populations of Zoroastrians are declining should intermarriage be permitted? [regarding causes of population decline see Paul Axel’s article] Will the diaspora of Parsis to North America and Britain continue? What does it mean to be a Parsi? Is it an ethnic identity to be preserved? Is it a cultural heritage? Is it a religious belief?

Though the discussions of Parsi identity in India and the future of Parsis globally have been and continue to be a painful process, it has been necessary to usher Parsi beliefs and practices into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. These issues have revitalized the study and celebration of Zoroastrianism and Parsi history as Parsis attempt to negotiate these questions in a modern context. Parsi life today is certainly not as orthodox and homogenous as it has been in previous centuries however, these changes represent the rich diversity of its cultural, historical and contemporary heritage.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Axel, Paul (1990) “Cultural and Historical Factors in the Population Decline of the Parsis of India.” Population Studies 44 #3 (Nov 1990): 401-419.

Boyce, Mary (1979) Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. London: Routledge.

Hinnells, John R. (2005) The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Diaspora. New York: Oxford University Press.

______ (2007) “Changing perceptions of authority among Parsis in British India.” In Parsis in India and the Diaspora. John R. Hinnells and Alan Williams (eds). New York: Routledge. 100-118.

______ (2007) “Parsis in India and the diaspora in the twentieth century and beyond.” In Parsis in India and the Diaspora. John R. Hinnells and Alan Williams (eds). New York: Routledge. 255-276.

Haug, Martin (1907) Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings and Religion of the Parsis. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.

Kapadia, S. A. (1913) The Teachings of Zoroaster and the Philosophy of the Parsi Religion. London: John Murray.

Karaka, Dosabhai Framji (1884) History of the Parsi: Including their Manners, Customs, Religion and Present Condition. Vol 2. London: Macmillan and Co.

Kreyenbroek, Phillip G. (2001) Living Zoroastrianism: Urban Parsis Speak about their Religion. London: Routledge.

Luhrmann, Tanya M. (1996) The Good Parsi: The Fate of a Colonial Elite in a Postcolonial Society. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Metha, Deepa (dir) (1998) Earth. Aamir Khan, Nandita Das, Maia Sethna, Shabana Azmi (per). Film.

Nigosian, Solomon A. (1993) Zoroastrian Faith: Tradition and Modern Research. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

Roy, Achinto Lahiri (2011) “World’s Smallest Business Community: The Parsis of India.” Reshmi International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences 6 #2 (Jun 01, 2011): 183-192.

Shahani, Roshan G. (2003) “Parsis: Exploring Identities.” Economic and Political Weekly 38 #33 (Aug. 16-22, 2003): 3463-3466.

Wadia, Rusheed R. (2007) “Bombay Parsi merchants in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” In Parsis in India and the Diaspora. John R. Hinnells and Alan Williams (eds). New York: Routledge. 119-135.

Wilson, John (1843) The Parsi Religion: As Contained in the Zand-Avasta, and Propounded and Defended by the Zoroastrians of India and Persia, Unfolded, Refuted and Contrasted with Christianity. Bombay: American Mission Press.

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic

http://www.avesta.org/

http://www.heritageinstitute.com/zoroastrianism/contents_introduction.htm

http://www.sacred-texts.com/zor/index.htm

http://www.w-z-o.org/

http://www.zoroastrianism.cc/index.html

http://www.zoroastrian.org/

Article written by: Meagan Kinisky (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

i. Sankara's Radical Non-Dualism (Advaita)

Jivanmukti

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Supported by writings as early as the Brhadaranyaka, the Hindu concept of Jivanmukti is gaining knowledge that one’s self is the non-dual, Brahman. It is knowing even further that the body is not the Ultimate Reality and the self was never actually embodied. It is in the destruction of this binding form of thought that brings about liberation; the destruction of the body does not. Freedom from the cycles of rebirth, the ultimate goal of liberation (moksa), places a distinct emphasis on the desirelessness which brings about immortality, bodilessness and the Ultimate Reality (brahman) (Fort 3-5). This release comes from the understanding and accession that humans are already liberated and the soul is free.

Advaita means “non-dual”. The school of Advaita Vedanta is named as such for it does not disassociate “us” or the universe as separate from the Ultimate Reality; they are one in the same or non-dual. The school of Advaita Vedanta relies heavily on three forms of knowledge transference being: (1) revelation, (2) reason and (3) teachings of beings who are in a state of living embodiment through the realization of Brahman (Sharma 13). This system is intrinsic to the Advaitic core teachings of living liberation, in contrast to all other schools of Hinduism which believe that for one to experience freedom from the cycle of birth and death (samsara) they must actually experience the death of the physical body in order for the enlightened soul to escape the physical bondage holding it to this place of existence. Only at the point where there is no physical bondage polluting the soul can it attain the Ultimate Reality which is Brahman (Mishra 293-297). Though this key aspect which varies in schools, there are more similarities than not regarding samsara and the attainment of Moksa or Jivanmukti. Attainment of Brahman liberation in mostly performed in the renouncer stage (sannyasa) of Hindu life. The renouncer is one who practises a solitary path conducive to self-realization. Through the ritual performance of multiple Yogic practises [For a more in depth look at various forms of Yogic rituals see Fort (1998)], especially that of Jnana Yoga, a renunciate is able to still one’s passions and attain a form of Nirvana liberation (Indich 108-112). The mind is cleared and kept clear by meditation. The Yogic actions are performed to purify both the body and the mind, freeing one from conscious and unconscious attachment. Through this continued practise one is able to completely withdraw into a meditative state required to attain and maintain a state of a Jivanmukti (Fort 79-83)

Jivanmukti is possible because after the onset of knowledge the body still persists. The persistence of the physical body after the release of the soul is for the purpose of being given the opportunity to teach those who have yet to experience Brahman. A Jivanmukti is said to be actionless in that there is no residual effect from actions, for actions are not performed due to desire-seeking, for a Jivanmukti cannot have a desire when everything that may have been wanted has already been fulfilled, thus leaving all acts performed for the purpose of example setting or maintenance of the body (Shah-Kazemi 110). Through liberation one is able to remove the cosmic principle which is the cause of world illusion (avidya), though a trace of this illusion persists through the continued existence of the physical body. Though as a body in time will be extinguished, all traces of avidya will fade as well (Chari 170). The body-soul relationship of a Jivanmukti was likened in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisads as that of a sloughed off skin and the remaining body of a snake, it is a housing which has been cast off and discarded, yet still exists in the physical universe (Fort 23). Sankara worded the continued existence a bit more eloquently in the overall loss of karmic experience in the transition to liberation. There are three forms of karma which a non-liberated individual is affected by: karma which has been accumulated throughout past existence, accumulating to one’s total cosmic debt (sancite), instant karma which is created in one’s current life time, which may be added to and worked on through daily action (kriyamana) and the portion of sancite karma being worked upon in one’s current life time (prarabdha). When looking into forms of karma, sancite and kriyamana karma respectively deal with actions performed in the past which have yet to affect the present; and actions performed in the present which have yet to affect the future (Indich 110-111). When one experiences Brahman these two karmas are burned away in the fires of knowledge (jnana). Because prarabdha is solely working away at a past life’s karma its path will not be affected by jnana and so it remains even throughout liberation (Indich 110-111) and will remain until “final peace”, being the death of the physical body in which the Jivanmuki remains alive and is then subject to the unfolding of their prarabdha karma (Shah-Kazemi 213). In the Advaitic teachings Moksa is what is considered to be the final release; Moksa allows for the state of omniscience to manifest completely when the spirit is no longer bound by karma (Chari 172-173).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Fort, Andrew O (1998) Jiivanmukti in Transformation: Embodied Liberation in Advaita and Neo-Vedanta. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Sharma, Arvind (2004) Advaita Vedanta. New Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Ltd.

Mishra, Kamalakar (1999) Kashmir Saivism: The Central Philosophy of Tantrism. New Dehli: Sri Satguru Publications.

Indich, William M (1980) Consciousness in Advaita Vedanta. Columbia: South Asia Books

Shah-Kazemi, Reza (2006) Action and Prarabdha Karma. Paths to Transcendence: According to Shankara, Ibn Arabi, and Meister Eckhart. Bloomington: World Wisdom, Inc.

Chari, Srinivasa S. M (1976) Advaita and Visistadvaita: A Study Based on Vedanta Desika’s Satadusani. New Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.swami-krishnananda.org/moksha/moksh_10.html

http://beyond-advaita.blogspot.ca/2010/02/jivanmukti-and-videhamukti.html

Advaita is Simple

http://www.stillnessspeaks.com/advaita_vedanta/

http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Swami_Vivekanana

http://www.bergen.edu/phr/121/ShankaraGC.pdf

http://www.stillnessspeaks.com/sitehtml/jamesswartz/advaita1.htm

Article written by: Laura York (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hindu Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

The Thaipusam Festival

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Every year in late January or early February, Hindu worshippers celebrate the festival of Thaipusam. Thaipusam is a popular event that draws out crowds of people, as they are spectators or participants in this Hindu festival. Thaipusam is celebrated throughout various regions of Malaysia; The Batu Caves of Kuala Lumpar is the most widely recognized site of Thaipusam. However, it is celebrated in various Malaysian states including Penang, Perak, and Melaka. It is said to be the biggest, and most intense religious event to take place in Malaysia (Kasim 449). Devotees of the Hindu deity Murugan gather together as they are pierced in various parts of their bodies (including tongue, cheeks, forehead, and back) and barefooted, they carry a statue of Murugan, an altar prepared for him, or a chariot, up to a sacred temple to worship and give offerings, such as milk, coconut, flowers, and incense to this supreme deity (Collins 80).

Although Thaipusam was traditionally festival of the Tamil people, it now draws in many different groups: Hindus from various backgrounds, Sikhs, members of the Sinhalese community in Malaysia, as well as Chinese devotees (Kasim 446). It continues to grow each year in popularity. More devotees are attending the festival, as well as more curious onlookers. They gather in late January or early February, depending on the time of the full moon; this is known as the Hindu month of Thai (Collins 79). Numbers attending the festival have grown over the years. Approximately one million people gather for this yearly event (Kasim 445).

One must ask, what is the importance of Murugan? Why has it become an annual tradition to celebrate this Hindu deity? The creation of Murugan is explained in a myth that contains Siva, Parvati, asuras [demon enemies of the gods], and the pleas from various other gods.

Separated from Parvati, Siva granted the asura brothers the power to rule the universe as they pleased. The asuras took power in a destructive way that oppressed other Hindu gods. The oppressed gods pleaded with Siva to create a son who would be able to destroy the asura brothers. Siva agreed, and Murugan was created. Parvati returned to Siva’s side and helped to raise the new god. As a child, Murugan was said to be playful, and exhibit great force. As he aged into manhood Siva and Parvati equipped Murugan with weapons including the vel, which is widely recognized today as a symbol of Murugan. Murugan is always pictured with his vel: a sharp spear-like weapon that is said to be strong enough to destroy an illusion, and help man to understand his truth. As the myth has it, Murugan, armed with weapons, and his vel, managed to annihilate the asuras and restore cosmic order. He was then worshipped as a supreme deity (Handelman 134-135). It has also been documented that Murugan is a deity who is associated with many various aspects, including hunt, war, love, and divine beauty. His name is said to stem from the word muruga meaning “tenderness, youth, beauty” (Collins 19).

When asked the significance and what Thaipusam means to them, devotees express that it is a joyous day, which allows them to be reborn, renewed from past sins, and purified (Kasim 447). Before the festival, the devotees participating in the pilgrimage endure a month-long cleansing period. This cleansing period is said to allow the devotees to prepare themselves for the endurance required for the festival. During this month they are denied sex, alcohol, and tobacco, and they meditate more frequently. This prepares them to mentally prepare for the journey that lies ahead (Kasim 447). In the days before the festival, devotees can be found sitting silently in temples, sharpening the hooks and skewers that will be used during the festival. Some devotees construct elaborate kavadi, which are square based altars that rest on a person’s shoulders and are secured around their waists with a belt. A picture of Murugan is placed in the altar, which is then decorated with various ornaments. Others construct small chariots, known as ratam, which are pulled through the pilgrimage attached to the devotees back by hooks that penetrate their skin (Collins 80). They begin their three-day procession, which starts by escorting a statue of Murugan to the temple, shrine, or cave.

One can easily spot a devotee who is partaking in the pilgrimage of Thaipusam. They are dressed in saffron colored cloth, and have white ash put upon their bodies. The devotee stands in a stance of prayer that is interrupted when a priest comes and passes incense in front of their face. This is said to invoke the presence of Murugan. The devotee then goes into a state of trance. During this trance some devotees begin to wildly dance, some faint, some grow rigid, and others remain calm. Once the devotee is in a calm, controlled trance, they are pierced with a vel, which resembles the vel of Murugan. Curiously, it is said that no blood is drawn while their skin is being penetrated with hooks and skewers. While being pierced, the devotee appears to feel no pain and shows no suffering that one may suspect would follow the extreme body piercing (Collins 80-81). Once pierced and prepared, the devotees, in their state of trance, will make a pilgrimage to show their devotion to Murugan. During this pilgrimage many of the devotees carry their offerings to Murugan attached to the hooks and vels that are penetrating their skin. For example, men will attach pots of milk to hooks that penetrate their chests. When a devotee of Murugan offers milk to the deity, it is a supposed symbol of a mother’s love. This is suggesting that just as an infant is in need of a mother, a human soul is in need of, and longs for a god (Collins 151-152). However, it is important to remember that symbols can be interpreted many different ways. How one individual interprets something can be completely opposite from how another would interpret it.

Why do the devotees pierce themselves with Murugan’s vel? The piercing of the body with Murugan’s lance demonstrates that the devotee is worthy in the eyes of God. It also displays Murugan’s power over his devotees (Collins 102). “Devotees who are pierced with the lance/vel of Murugan thus symbolically represent their victory over the demonic part of the self. However, this symbolic act may have different meanings for particular individuals” (Collins 131). It is in honor of Murugan’s famous weapon, his lance, that influences these devotees to allow their skin to be penetrated with hooks and skewers. Whether pierced through their cheeks, tongue, forehead, or back, the different piercings are said to have different meanings. For example, piercing of the tongue symbolizes control over sexual desires. The tongue is believed to be a phallic symbol, related to one’s sexuality and desires. “The fact that it is a red pointed organ, with dangerous potentialities, capable of self movement, usually discreetly concealed but capable of protrusion (as in the defiant and forbidden exhibitionism of children), which can emit a fluid (saliva) that is a common symbol for semen” (Collins 145). Elizabeth Fuller Collins writes that for some devotees, piercing of the tongue with a vel may symbolize that the devotee has been able to control, deny, or destroy unacceptable sexual desires (Collins 145). The main symbolism associated with the act of piercing the body in Thaipusam is the subduing of inner demons (Collins 176).

While piercing is one extreme form of vow fulfillment, there are vow fulfillments in the Thaipusam festival that are said to be less spectacular. For example, many parents bring their babies to the festival to have their heads shaved. These parents, and many other Hindus, believe that hair is a form of pollution and a symbol of sin. Thus they believe that shaving the head will help to purify the individual. When a child’s life is threatened by illness, or the birth of another child is desired, some parents make the pilgrimage to the shrine carrying their child in a sling that is suspended from sugarcane stalks, supported by their shoulders. If a woman or girl is making a milk offering, she will usually carry it in a brass pot upon her head. Some women make a vow to prepare cooked sweet rice or curry to feed the worshippers. Piercing of the women is not as extreme as the piercing of the men, but some women are pierced in areas such as the skin of their forehead or their tongues (Collins 82-83).

Once pierced, the devotees begin their trek to the temple, which is said to be the highlight of the event. It is a long trek that requires endurance; however, due to the trance that the devotees are under, the journey does not seem to tire them nor pain them. The journey’s length can be measured in different ways. Kasim provides us with the knowledge that the journey to the Batu Caves is two hundred and seventy-two steps long (Kasim 446). Once the pilgrimage has been completed, offerings are made to Murugan and his devotees worship him in the sacred temple.

Once the journey is finished, the devotees come out of their trance. Some do not remember their pilgrimage, while others remember only glimpses of the activities. How well they have performed their worship is important to the devotees. Whether they remember their adventure or not, the devotees are pleased with themselves that they have done what they believe to be the proper worship for a supreme deity.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Collins, Elizabeth Fuller (1997) Pierced By Murugan’s Lance: Ritual, Power, and Moral Redemption among Malaysian Hindus. DeKalb: Northern Illinois Press

Handelman, Don (1987) “Myths of Murugan: Asymmetry and Hierarchy in a South Indian Puranic Cosmology.” In History of Religions . Vol.27, No.2 pp 133-170. The University of Chicago Press.

Kasim, Azilah (2011) “Balancing Tourism and Religious Experience: Understanding Devotees’ Perspectives on Thaipusam in Batu Caves, Selangor, Malaysia.” In Journal of Hospitality Marketing and Management. Vol. 20, No. 3-4. Taylor & Francis Group

Kent, Alexandra (2004) “Transcendence and Tolerance: Cultural Diversity in the Tamil Celebration of Taipucam in Penang, Malaysia”. In International Journal of Hindu Studies Vol.8, No.1/3 pp 81-105. Springer

Singhan, E.V. (1976) Thaipusam. E.V.S. Enterprises

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.aryabhatt.com/fast_fair_festival/Festivals/Thaipusam%20Festival.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thaipusam

http://video.nationalgeographic.com/video/places/culture-places/festivals-celebrations/malaysia-thaipusam-pp/

http://www.yoursingapore.com/content/traveller/en/browse/whats-on/festivals-and-events/thaipusam.html

Article written by: Shannon Jarvie (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hindu Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

Holi: A Hindu Festival

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Hinduism contains a number of different festivals. The festivals are often used to celebrate pivotal occasions that have occurred in the lives of the gods. The festivals also celebrate locations and specific dates that are important to farmers. Hindu festivals are full of colour and are meant to be enjoyed by the celebrants (Mayled 14). The importance of Hindu festivals in everyday life can be seen reflected by the actions of the provincial governments, which recognize certain festivals as general worship and declare public holidays allowing for the closure of public offices. The observance of public holidays varies throughout India with some festivals observed as public holidays throughout most of India and some only being observed locally. Festivals are marked by different characteristics that include but are not limited to: fasting, feasts, purification rituals, singing and object worship. The number of celebrants can be limited to a small group of people or a single village or there can be hundreds of thousands of people celebrating together (O’Malley 121-122).

Holi, also known as the festival of colors, is one of the festivals celebrated in the Hindu tradition that takes place every year in the month of Phalguna (February—March). Holi, originally celebrated in the spring as a fertility festival (Ghosh, Bandyopadhyay & Verma 1385), is a celebration to mark the coming of spring (Basak 97). Holi is very popular and is characterised by the use of different colours in different types of mediums such as powders, pastes and water. Traditionally, different types of flowers considered to have valued medical properties are used as ingredients to produce the colours needed for the festival. Today technology has allowed for the development of inexpensive and synthetic colours that can meet the large demand in today’s world. There are many different colours with many different ingredients; Mica dust is used to add sparkle, black contains lead oxide, blue contains Prussian blue, cobalt nitrate, indigo and zinc salts and red contains mercury sulphate. The colours are smeared on the face as well as thrown at other people and can be diluted in water and used in water balloons and water guns as delivery devices (Ghosh, Bandyopadhya & Verma 1385).

Preparing for the festival can vary from area to area but the Hindu lunar calendar plays an important role in marking when the festival begins and on the full moon of Phalguna the festival starts with a fire (Crooke 56). The communal fire is prepared by taking wood from any sources available (trees, houses, fences) and if a piece of wood is removed unknowingly from personal property and is placed in the fire then the owner is unable to remove it (Crooke 294). The bonfire marks the start of the festival by celebrating the cremation of Holika (Marriott 24). Holika was the sister of Hiranyakasipu who is said to have lived in a palace in Deokali in the District of Jhansi. The story tells of Hiranyakasipu being a ruler who tried to kill his son Prahlada because of his worship to Visnu. Prahlada was a firm devotee of Visnu and performed many miracles, this made his father angry and with the help of his sister Holika he tried to kill his son many different times but Prahlada was saved by Visnu each time. Finally, a fire was prepared and Holika tried to tie herself and Prahlada together in an attempt to kill him. Visnu once again intervened and saved Prahlada from the fire while Holika burned to death instead. Another story accounting for the origin of Holi is of the witch Pootana who, under orders from Kamsa, tried to kill the infant Krsna by offering her poisoned nipple. A third story tells of Holika or Holi as the sister of Sanvat and when Sanvat died, Holika’s love for her brother was so great that she threw herself on his funeral pyre and he was restored to life (Crooke 293-294). All of the stories represent good over evil and the burning of the Holi fire is seen as a way to prevent harm being done to the crops and the ashes of the fire are used against diseases (Crooke 296). Whichever story is believed to have been the origin of the festival, to commemorate people dance around the fire and mothers carry their babies around the fire clockwise asking the god of fire Agni to bless them. Certain foods such as coconuts, popcorn, dates, and lentils are roasted and eaten (Mayled 15). Everyone is able to participate in Holi and around the fire all different castes can be seen together including Brahmin priests. The homes of the celebrants have extinguished fires and when they return to their homes they carry with them coals from the bonfire to restart the fires in their homes to represent the New Year. Throughout the night groups of younger people will shout “Holi”, running after each other and even throwing large mud bricks. In the morning old pots are broken, usually thrown against a house, and young men will push and shove each other to embody Krsna’s cowherd companions (Marriott 25).

The day after the bonfire is marked by the throwing of coloured powders (Crooke 295). The throwing of colours is associated with Krsna commemorating his play with milkmaids (gopis) and cowherds while they threw red power (kum-kum) at each other (Mayled 15). When celebrating Holi the idea of “play” is important as it is meant to invoke lila, “the divine presence on earth” (Sandford 41). In consequence, Holi is usually described as “being played” (Marriott 24) or “playing with Holi” (Ghosh, Bandyopadhya & Verma 1385) than as being celebrated. When celebrants play at Holi there is not a prescribed set of rules or instructions as there would be in a regulated game, rather people must participate in the festival and experience what is happening (Marriott 24). Holi is a time when social barriers are temporarily lifted and different types of people can be observed engaging in nonconventional behaviour (Sanford 40). During Holi women can be seen hitting men of high standing, such as the Brahmin, who are important figures in the community. Men and women of lower status in the community engage in hitting the wealthy or those with a higher status. A latrine sweeper can hit a Brahmin man and it is all part of the festival’s role reversal. The role reversal is not seen as a burden nor is revenge supposed to be sought out later; the targets of the beatings can be seen to encourage the behavior and appreciate the prominence that arises from the attention of being sought out (Marriott 27). Throughout the day there are songs, dances heavy with sexual innuendo, and special drinks made from almonds, sugar, curds of milk, anise, and juice from the hemp leaf (bhang) (Marriott 26).

Playing Holi is not without consequence and can result in injuries from the beatings, enthusiastic mobs and flying objects (Marriott 25). Even skin problems can arise because of the colourful powders used during the festival. The substitution of natural dyes for the less costly synthetic dyes, the drying properties the powders can have on skin and the amount of scrubbing it can take to remove the powders from the body are all possible culprits that can create skin problems such as: lesions, scaling, abrasions and cause pre-existing skin conditions to worsen (Ghosh, Bandyopadhya & Verma 1386). These consequences do not keep people from participating in Holi but are seen as part of the festival. Even the injuries and bruises can been seen as “expressions of love” (Marriott 26).

Holi is associated with Krsna (Mayled 15) but it is the breaking down of social constraints during Holi that gives the festival another name “The Festival of Love” (Marriott 28). The conventional expressions of love and respect between parents and children, siblings, neighbours, and different castes are all shattered and take on a new intensity. The festival of love is meant to represent limitless love and dramatize the concept by acting it out with as much joy and passion as possible. Even though Holi can differ from area to area there is a general theme of balance between destruction, renewal, pollution and purification (Marriott 28).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Crooke, William (1983) “The Holi – It’s Origin and Significance.” Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, Vol. 2: 293-297.

Ghosh, Sudip, Bandyopadhyay, Debabrata and Verma, Shyam (2012) “Culture Practive and dermatology: the “Holi” dematoses.” The International Society of Dermatology, Vol. 51: 1385-1387.

Marriott, McKim (1978) “Holi: The Riotous Rites of Love.” Asia, Vol. 1, No. 4: 24-32.

Mayled, Jon (1987) Religious Festivals. East Sussex: Wayland Limited.

Morgan, Kenneth (1953) The Religion of the Hindus. New York: The Ronald Press Company.

O’Malley, L (1935) Popular Hinduism. New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation.

Sanford, Whitney (2010) “Don’t Take It Badly, It’s Holi: Ritual Levity, Society, and Agriculture.” In Sacred Play. Selva Raj and Corinne Dempsey (ed.). Albany: New York Press. pp. 37-56.

Sarma, Deepak (2008) Hinduism. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.

Tribhuwan, Robin & Tribhuwan, Preeti (1999) Tribal Dances of India. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.krishna.com/lust-love-myth-reality

http://www.holifestival.org/holi-festival.html

http://www.holione.com/

Article written by: JenniferAnn Morrison (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hindu Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

Holi

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

THE FESTIVAL OF HOLI

The festival of Holi is an annual Hindu celebration beginning on the day of the full moon in March. It is often referred to as the festival of colours and is celebrated throughout the Hindu world, but predominately in Northern India. Taking place at the same time in Southern India, is a festival in honour of Kama the god of love; both are a celebration of spring’s arrival and of love (Reiniche 4081). Though Holi is celebrated in many different ways, the main ritual centres on the lighting of a bonfire, with the rising of the full moon. This ritual symbolizes the burning and subsequent annihilation of the demoness Holika, and the survival of young Prahlada, an earnest worshiper of Lord Krsna [an incarnation of Visnu] (Reiniche 4081); thus, celebrating the triumph of good over evil. Furthermore, the cheerful spirit of Holi has spread throughout the globe and is celebrated in numerous cultures in a variety of ways.

The festival begins on the last full moon of the Hindu lunar month of Phalguna, usually occurring in late February or early March. The end of Phalguna marks the end of the winter season and announces the commencement of spring (Crooke 55-56). William Crooke describes the spring season as a joyous and hopeful period indicating a time of leisure from field work, as crops from the spring harvest begin to reach their maturity (56). Furthermore, Hindu poets commonly regard the season as jubilant and fertile, as it represents the season of marriages. Thus, the festival of Holi is a time for celebration and rejoicing. Generally, the celebration extends over three days, but various regions have differing observances: approximately twenty days in Mumbai, fifteen days in Pune and a week or more among the Bihl people of Western India (Crooke 56-57).

Celebrations of Holi vary and range widly in different villages and so forth however, the spirit of fellowship remains constant. Primarily, the festival takes place in the Northern states of India, but celebrations are observed all around the country (Reiniche 4081). The region of Braj located in the state of Uttar Pradesh, holds particular significance for the festival as it is associated with the birth place and childhood of Lord Krshna (Marriott 106-107). Though not as grand as the Northern celebrations, the states in Southern India do display a communal harmony, and participate in festivities. The Southernmost state of Tamil Nadu celebrate Holi around the myth of Kamadeva, the god of love (Reiniche 4081). Thus, Holi is a celebration of love in addition to the arrival of spring.

The literal meaning for the word ‘Holi’ is ‘burning’ (Reiniche 4081). There are numerous myths regarding the orgin of the word, the most notable however is the legend of the demon king Hiranyakasyapa and his son Prahlada. Much to Hiranyakashyap’s dismay, Prahlada became a devout worshiper of the Hindu god, Visnu, who his father hated severely (Wilkins 150). As a result of his unconditional devotion to Visnu, Prahlada refused to worship his father. Enraged by his son’s persistent apparent betrayal, Hiranyakashyap’s condemned Prahlada to death (Wilkins 151). Wilkins goes on to describe the demon king’s subsequent attempts of killing his son, who is continually unaffected. From bites by poisonous serpents, to being trampled by elephants, Prahlada emerges unharmed, professing his belief in Visnu each time (152). Finally, Hiranyakashyap summoned his demoness sister Holika, who had been granted a boon [a wish] that prevented her from being harmed by fire (Marriott 99). She was commanded to sit in a bonfire with Prahlada on her lap in the hope that this attempt would finally kill him. However, it was unknown that the boon only allowed Holika to withstand flames, if entered alone. Thus, as Prahlada chanted Visnu’s name, he was saved from the flames, while Holika burned to death for her evil desires (Marriott 99). For this reason, the festival of Holi is a celebration symbolizing good over evil and the power of devotion.

From this legend comes the symbolic Holi tradition of ‘Holika Dahan’, which refers to the lighting of a bonfire (Reiniche 4081). Typically, preparations for the fire begin days in advance of the full moon, such as the gathering of wood and cow dung piles. Subsequently, the fire is lit with the rising of the full moon, marking the beginning of the festival (Reiniche 4081). In addition to it symbolism of the Holika legend, the fire often represents the foretelling of the coming harvest by the direction of the flames. Additionally, coals and embers are taken from the Holi fire to rekindle household hearths, as the ashes are believed to be sacred and protect against evil forces and disease (Reiniche 4081).

Another legend prominent in the celebration of Holi is of Krsna and his beloved wife Radha (Williams 239). Young Krsna was envious of Radha’s fair complexion, as his was dark; mischievously, one day Krsna applied colour to Radha’s face to make her more like himself. As a result of this myth comes the ritual of the ‘playing of colours,’ symbolizing the immortal love of Krsna and Radha (Marriott 107). Colour playing, perhaps the most notable feature of the Festival of Holi, begins on the day following the bonfire and consists of drenching others in various coloured waters and powders, in addition to mud and cattle urine (Reiniche 4081). The colours are often composed of gulal, a natural powder, and abeer, fragrance, and are sold by street vendors.

Holi is a festival accompanied by pranks and tricks in the spirit of Krsna’s “roisterous personality” (Marriott 106), and is often observed as violent. For example, McKim Marriott recounts his Holi experience and portrays the initial night following the Holika Dahan, as one of chaos and pandemonium (101): mobs throwing cow dung, smashing pots and breaking through loose doors are just some recollections by Marriott (101). Additionally, the women’s harassment of the men is another common observance of Holi. Women will drag, beat with sticks and dress the men in female attire yet, all in the playful spirit of Holi (Reiniche 4081). Marriott’s recollection illustrates this practice: “I know that I witnessed several hysterical battles, women rushing out of their houses in squads to attack me and other men with stout canes…” (104). The festival is also occasionally regarded for its erotic nature; erotic dancing takes place in the streets, as a symbol of spring’s connection with fertility (Jackson 203).

Perhaps most unique of the festival of Holi is its encouragement of social role reversal. Marriot suggests the festival provokes leniency for typical Hindu inter-caste and inter-sex norms. For example, “the servile wife acts as the domineering husband, and vice versa; the ravisher acts the ravished; the menial acts the master; the enemy acts the friend; the strictured [sic] youths acts the rulers of the republic” (110-111). For the duration of the festival an overflowing of the usual traditional hierarchies of age, sex, caste, wealth and power are replaced with love and indifference (Marriott 110).

As a result of globalization, today the Festival of Holi is observed in various forms all across the world among the Hindu population, and also other various races and religions (Reiniche 4082). As the trees traditionally used to make natural coloured powders have become increasingly rare, synthetic, chemically produced dyes have been manufactured (Biswas, et al. 204). Consequently, controversy has recently emerged over the use of these chemicals used in modern powders and dyes, and their potentially severe health impacts (Biswas, et al. 204). Nevertheless, Holi has had a considerable impact on various cultures, as the playing of colours has appeared in numerous settings. Notably in North America, is Colour Me Rad: a five-kilometer race where participants begin in all white attire and are doused in a different vibrant colour every kilometer. Various expressions of the Festival of Holi have appeared all across the globe, differing significantly from place-to-place; however, remaining persistent throughout all practices is the joyous, celebratory spirit of Holi.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READINGS

Biswas, N.R., S. Ghose, T. Velpandian, K. Saha, A.K. Ravi, and S.S. Kumari. (2007).

“Ocular hazards of the colors used during the festival-of-colors (Holi) in India—Malachite green toxicity.” Journal of Hazardous Materials. Vol. 139, No. 2: 204-208.

Crooke, W. (1914) “A Vernal Festival of the Hindus.” Folklore. Vol. 25, No. 1: 55-83.

Jackson, Robert. (1976) “Holi in North India and in an English city: Some adaptations and anomalies.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Vol. 5, No. 3: 203-210.

Marriott, McKim (1966) “Holi: The Feast of Love.” In The Life of Hinduism, by John

Stratton Hawley and Vasudha Narayanan, 99-112. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006.

Reiniche, Marie-Louise (2005) “Holi.” Encyclopedia of Religion. Vol. 6, No. 2: 4081-4082.

Wilkins, W. J. (2009) Hindu Mythology. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.

Williams, George M. (2008) Handbook of Hindu Mythology. New York: Oxford

University Press.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.holifestival.org/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holi

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holika

http://www.colormerad.com

Article written by Alayna Small (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Sacred Dance

The Art of Odissi Dance

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

The ancient art of odissi dancing finds its origins in the eastern state of Orissa on the Indian subcontinent. Commonly called orissi, the intricate dances are performed at many religious Hindu ceremonies and milestones in life (see Anne-Marie Gatson 81-82). It is thought that this art form has dated back to antiquity based on the findings of carved reliefs in caves throughout the foothills of Udaygiri in the province of Orissa (see Kyriakidis 155). Although typically performed by a devadasi (a servant or “wife” of a deity) there emerged three separate sectors of the dance, one of which included young men: mahari (nachuni) the temple dancers, nartaki (bahar gauni) the dancers of the royal court, and gotipua the acrobatic dance where young men portray the role of women (see Vankataraman 69). Mahari dancers, also known as the devadasi, are the temple dancers.

Odissi is a dance founded around a Vaishnavite frame of mind, so typically one would worship Lord Visnu or one of his reincarnations or the Lord Jagannath [Lord of the Universe] (see Anne-Marie Gatson 80-81). If one is to be considered a devadasi they are initiated into the lifestyle with the tying of a strip of cloth from the Jagannath idol around their head. From this point on they are considered to be a wife of the Lord; they are not to indulge in home cooked food and are forbidden to look at an audience while performing because of the sakta and tantric approach portrayed within the dance. A devadasi represented ultimate sakti and procreation (see Venkataraman 68). The nartaki style of the dance is usually performed as a theatre dance or outside of the temple for various festivals and celebrations usually pertaining to the Lord Visnu or Krsna. Gotipua is the style in which young men dress as women to portray roles of a story, usually centered around Krsna. An important characteristic of this style is the acrobatics incorporated into the piece along with the traditional musical score and steps [soon altered by Guru Debaprasad Das, who changed the melody of the song into a poetic meter making it easier for men to follow (see Venkataraman 75)] (see Venkataraman 69).

Holding a strong sense of cultural pride this stylistic art held as a strong tradition throughout Orissa up until the 17^th century when invasions from various Mughal emperors as well as the British imperialistic movement into India, caused the art form to deteriorate into almost complete disuse (see Venkataraman 69) female dancers were now considered little more than courtly mistresses to the British generals and army men. It wasn’t until the 20^th century that the art of odissi finally began to flourish once again into a strong revival thanks Guru Deba Prasad Das, Guru Mayadhar Raut, Guru Pankaj Charan Das, Guru Mahadev Rout, Guru Raghu Dutta, and Guru Kelu Charan Mahapatra in the early 1940s (see Venkataraman 69). Its blossoming and acceptance into everyday Orissa culture was a slow process but by the 1960’s, after the finalization of the fundamental aspects of the dance, it was a strong part of everyday activity for many young men and women drawn to the use of traditional song and dance (see Venkataraman 69-70).

Usually beginning with a floral offering to Lord Jagannath, as well as either Bhumidevi [Krsna’s mother] or Visnu, the performance follows a very strict movement vocabulary and rhythmic syllable format (see Venkataraman 70). The purpose of this dance is to usually portray a story, many based around the life of Krsna and Radha, so the pallavi [thematic line of a song: “pa” coming from the sanskrit word padam meaning word or phrase, “lla” coming from layam meaning poetry or rhythm, and “vi” vinyasam meaning imagination (Subishka Subramani] is vital to the dance. Melodies of verses for the devadisi to perform to are usually sang by four men who read from the Gita Govind [written by the great poet Jayadeva, whom is said to be the husband of princess Rajasundari, who within her dowry was accompanied by dancers and musicians which were the foundation of the temple ritual we know as odissi today (see Venkataraman 64:50], a book which portrays the events of Lord Krsna and more notably his relationship with a particular gopi named Radha, his lover (see Rodrigues 80-81). Mentioned earlier as first being discovered in ancient reliefs throughout Orissa, the dancers have been described as portraying such stances throughout their dance as though they were preparing to be placed upon the walls; for many Indians these stances reflect pure femininity and womanhood (see Rodrigues 80; Venkataraman 67). One of the most characteristic stances of odissi is the tribhanga posture which separates the body into three sections: the head, torso, and lower half of the body [note that there are no sharp hip movements, but rather torso isolations that give the perception of hip work (see Venkataraman 69)]. Another integral aspect of the stances throughout the dance is the use of mudras, commonly seen as only hand gestures, which each stand for or symbolise a certain aspect of life or object that one might use, such as Krsna and his flute. Mudra literally means “stamp” or “seal” as to bring together and finish a certain step and complete the story which is being portrayed, even the tribhanga could be considered a mudra seeing as they can involve the whole body or just separate aspects such as the hands, feet, or eyes (see Venkataraman 60-80, margin notes).

Throughout its initial presence in history and its revitalization the tradition of odissi dancing has been influenced or altered due to other aspects of Hindustani music and classical dance, as well as some influences from Buddhist traditions such as chanting within the music and some postures which are taken throughout a scene (see Venkataraman 64). Although the odissi dance we have come to know today is but a revitalization attempt, and not the original art form it was centuries ago, many natives to the state of Orissa are quite picky and staunch as to how far they believe one can alter the way odissi is performed. The most accepted and practiced version of the dance is the style that was created by Guru Pankajcharan which is famous for the delicacy and liberated approach to women although it was Guru Kelucharan and Guru Bhubaneswar who set the framework for the styles to build upon (see Vankataraman 69-70). Although originating in India, this dance has not stayed within its borders, Guru Debaprasad Das is known for putting odissi dancing on the international map, as well as for altering some aspects such as the tempo and speed of the music, gaining some inspiration from tribal and non-classical Orissan art and groups, as well as adding a strong gotipua aspect (see Venkataraman 75) which has inevitably allowed a love and large student body for the dance to develop in the modern century.

Although odissi dancing is thought for many to be nothing but a national identity or temple practice, many of those who perform the ancient dance have noted that it is more than just a tradition used for temple worshiping; it is more than just a dance for an audience and a god, but it brings stories to life, is the expression of ultimate and fulfilling devotion, as well as an act which brings Indian philosophy to life and liberation of the spirit (see Anne-Marie Gatson 82).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECCOMENDED READING

Rodrigues, Hillary (2011) Studying Hinduism in Practice. New York: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group.

Kyriakidis, Evangelos (2007) The Archaeology of Ritual. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute Publications.

Venkartaraman, Leela (2002) Indian Classical Dance: Tradition in Transition. New Delhi: Lustre Press.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://chandrakantha.com/articles/indian_music/nritya/odissi.html

http://shaktibhakti.com/history-essence.php

Article written by: Shelby Zuback (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

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