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j) Kamala, The Ten Mahavidyas

Kamala: The Lotus Goddess

Kamala (“she of the lotus”), is the last in the list of the Ten Mahavidyas (great revelations or manifestations), who are a group of Tantric goddesses. Kamala’s place as the last of the Mahavidyas is not addressed in the literature. Although it may be taken as signifying a lesser importance than the others, Kamala is one of the most widely worshipped outside of her relationship with the Mahavidyas (Kinsley 1998: 223). She is portrayed as auspicious and beautiful, with a lovely golden complexion. She is seated in a lotus posture upon a lotus flower. She has four hands—two holding lotuses and two held in signs of granting blessings and giving assurance. Iconography of Kamala illustrates her being bathed in nectar by two (sometimes four) large elephants. Kamala is represented in a similar manner to the very popular goddess Sri-Laksmi, as Kamala and Sri-Laksmi are considered to be the same goddess (Kinsley 1988; Kinsley 1998).

In early literature, Kamala is referred to as Sri (Glory). She is associated with positive  and auspicious qualities such as royal power, wealth, beauty, and fertility. Sri is associated with the lotus and the elephant, important aspects of her character throughout the literature (Kinsley 1998). The elephants are thought to be symbolic of fertility and royal authority. The significance of the lotus is twofold. First, the lotus symbolizes life, fertility, and the entire created order of the cosmos. Secondly, the lotus symbolizes spiritual purity, power, and authority. Lotus flowers are rooted in mud, yet bloom uncontaminated above the water. Thus, Sri is seen as a pure life force, which transcends the material world, while remaining rooted inside it (Kinsley 1998: 225-226).

Although Sri may have at one point been an independent personality, she became more consistently known as Laksmi (Grace) fairly early in her history (Kinsley 1998). Sri-Laksmi is associated with several male figures throughout the literature. Some texts refer to her as the wife of Dharma, who is responsible for the maintenance of social order (dharma). Other texts emphasize her relationship with Indra, signifying royal authority, fertility, and prosperity. Indra’s kingly power, dominance, and success are said to be dependent on Sri-Laksmi, and in her absence, the king cannot flourish. In some texts, Sri-Laksmi accompanies the god Kubera, the Lord of Wealth, who is associated with growth and fertility (Kinsley 1998: 227).

Most importantly, Sri-Laksmi is thought to be the wife of the god Visnu. Visnu is often depicted as a divine king, associated with the promotion of dharma. Followers of Visnu seek to maintain social order (Kinsley 1998: 227). Hindu myths suggest that Laksmi is revealed, among other desirable objects and beings, when the gods and demons, seeking the elixir of immortality, churn the milky sea. She is thereby granted to Visnu, the leader of the gods (in this myth). Laskmi’s presence with Visnu allows for the security of royal authority; in her absence, royal authority weakens and deteriorates (Kinsley 1998: 227). When illustrated with Visnu, Laksmi is typically shown with two hands, rather than four. In association with Visnu, iconography of Laksmi also depicts her partaking in domestic chores, such as cooking and cleaning. She is often pictured massaging the feet of Visnu, and is shown to be much smaller than him. In this sense, she is portrayed as submissive to her husband, as his modest, passive, and loving wife (Kinsley 1998: 227).

The view of Sri-Laksmi’s passivity differs between schools of thought in Hinduism (Kinsley 1998). In the Pancaratra school of thought, Laksmi plays an active role alongside Visnu in maintaining the balance of the cosmos. She takes over many of Visnu’s roles as creator of the universe and regulator of dharma. In the Sri-Vaisnava school of thought, Sri-Laksmi has a less significant cosmological role, but plays the role of indulgent and forgiving mediator between Visnu and his devotees (Kinsley 1998: 227).

Laksmi has a large following of worshippers, and she is well-known throughout Hindu culture (Kinsley 1998). There are several annual festivals in the Hindu tradition that are dedicated to the worship of Laksmi. She is worshipped by those seeking wealth, prosperity, good luck, and fertility. Merchants worship their account books to encourage Laksmi to reside within them. Farmers worship their crops to promote Laksmi’s presence. Cow dung is also worshipped as a symbol of Laksmi’s powers of fecundity. Worship of Laksmi is thought to drive away bad luck and misfortune, associated with her inauspicious counterpart, Alaksmi (Kinsley 1998: 228).

Less significant to Sri-Laksmi’s following is her role as Kamala among the Ten Mahavidyas. The Ten Mahavidyas include an eclectic array of characters, ranging from fierce goddesses like Kali and Tara, who are associated with images of severed heads and corpses, to goddesses with more benign and desirable qualities, such as Kamala (Kinsley 1998). The Mahavidyas are portrayed both individually and as a group in many goddess temples across Northern India (Kinsley 1998: 1). There are many myths regarding the significance and origins of the Mahavidyas (see Kinsley 1988: 161-165, 1998: 22-36).

The most common understanding is that the Mahavidyas are distinct manifestations of the same goddess (Kinsley 1988, 1998; Dold 49). Oral and literary accounts describe the story of the goddess Sati. The king Daksa, Sati’s father, does not invite Sati’s husband, Siva, to his Vedic ritual. Siva forbids Sati from attending the ritual, and Sati, furious with her husband, becomes the ten Mahavidyas to show Siva her power. The Mahavidyas, surrounding Siva, frighten him so that Sati may get her way. The fear-inspiring Mahavidyas cause Siva to flee, allowing Sati to attend her father’s ritual (Dold 49).

Despite the lack of definite consensus on the origins of the Mahavidyas, many descriptions of their characteristics are consistent across origin myths. The Mahavidyas are frightening, they possess magical powers, and they are dominant to male characters (Kinsley 1998: 36-38). It has also been suggested that the Mahavidyas serve to maintain dharma, or the cosmological order of the world (Kinsley 1988: 161; Kinsley 1998: 38; Shankaranarayanan 3). Many interrelationships between the Mahavidyas have been suggested, including their representation as sisters; forms of great goddesses; stages of life, consciousness, creation and destruction; and the lunar phases (see Kinsley 1998: 38-49).

The Mahavidyas are worshipped in temples, or in Tantric fashion (Kinsley 1998). During temple worship, rituals are performed by priests, and people may join in public worship of the goddesses. Many of the more inauspicious Mahavidyas accept blood offerings, given in the form of animal sacrifice, in addition to offerings of flowers, incense, and fruit. Worship of the Mahavidyas in temples involves conceptualization of these goddesses as existing outside, above, or beyond the worshipper, similar to the worship of other Hindu deities (Kinsley 1998: 49-50). During Tantric worship, the mantra of an individual goddess is recited repeatedly, in combination with specific hand gestures, offerings, and other details (Kinsley 1998: 49-55). Kamala is among the few Mahavidyas to have several temples across India dedicated to her as an individual goddess, as she is most often worshipped as Sri-Laksmi (Kinsley 1998: 49).

In the context of the Mahavidyas, Kamala is recognizable as Sri-Laksmi; however, there are significant differences in her character. In many ways, Laksmi’s qualities appear to be altered in order to make her a better fit for the Mahavidyas (Foulston and Abbott 124; Kinsley 1998: 228-229). As a part of the Mahavidyas, Kamala remains a symbol of beauty and prosperity. She is generally still flanked by elephants, who symbolize sovereignty and fertility, maintaining Laksmi’s association with these qualities. Similarly, her consistent association with the lotus maintains her representation of creative consciousness and ritual purity (Kinsley 1998: 228; Shankaranarayanan 110-111).

Differing from her portrayal as Sri-Laksmi, in the context of the Mahavidyas, Kamala is notably independent from Visnu and other male characters (Kinsley 1998). She is often depicted as seated on a lotus alone, with neither Visnu nor elephants by her side. This greatly contrasts with the way Laksmi is depicted with Visnu, emphasizing the role of the Mahavidyas as independent goddesses, separate from (or dominant to) male characters (Kinsley 1998). As a part of the Mahavidyas, Kamala is separated completely from marital and domestic contexts. In addition to her auspicious and desirable qualities, Kamala is also given more fear-inspiring qualities when she is associated with the Mahavidyas. For example, Kamala’s role as a demon slayer is not portrayed outside of the context of the Mahavidyas. Laksmi is associated with others who slay demons; however, it is only in association with the Mahavidyas that she herself performs any slaying. Kamala’s association with more fierce qualities illustrates the tailoring of Laksmi’s character to meet the fearfulness of the Mahavidyas (Kinsley 1998: 228-230).

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Dold, Patricia A. (2011) “Pilgrimage to Kamakhya Through Text and Lived Religion.” In Studying Hinduism in Practice, Hillary P. Rodrigues (ed.). London: Routledge. pp. 46-61.

 

Foulston, Lynn and Stuart Abbott (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Portland: Sussex Academic Press.

 

Jones, Constance, and James D. Ryan (2007) Encyclopedia of Hinduism. New York: Infobase Publishing.

 

Kinsley, David (1988) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press.

 

Kinsley, David (1998) Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: The Ten Mahavidyas. Delhi: University of California Press.

 

Pintchman, Tracy (2014) Seeking Mahadevi: Constructing the Identities of the Hindu Great Goddess. Albany: State University of New York Press.

 

Rodrigues, Hillary P. (2016) Hinduism—the Ebook: An Online Introduction. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books.

 

Shankaranarayanan, S. (1972) The Ten Great Cosmic Powers (Dasa Mahavidyas). Pondicherry: Dipti Publications.

 

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Bagalamukhi

Bhairavi

Bhuvanesvari

Chinnamasta

Devi

Dhumavati

Kali

Kamakhya

Laksmi-tantra

Mahabhagavata Purana

Mahadevi

Mahavidyas

Matangi

Sati

Saktisamgama-tantra

Sdkta-pramoda

Siva

Sri-Vaisnava

Tantra

Tantrasdra

Tantric Goddess Worship

Tara

Tripura-sundari

Visnu

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

 

http://www.mahavidya.ca/

 

http://www.exoticindiaart.com/article/mahavidyas/2/

 

http://www.rudraksha-ratna.com/articles/mahavidyas

 

http://www.divinetantrictouch.com/kamalalotus-goddess-of-spiritual-wealth/

 

http://www.jaimaa.org/articles/kamala/

 

http://shaktisadhana.50megs.com/Newhomepage/shakti/kamala.html

 

http://shaktisadhana.50megs.com/Newhomepage/Frames/messageboard/kamala.html

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kamalatmika

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahavidya

 

This article was written by: Dalaine Kubik (Spring 2017), who is entirely responsible for its content.

South Indian Deities

Kingdom of Mysore

The Kingdom of Mysore was founded in 1399 and lasted until 1947. It was a south Indian Kingdom that was located in the region that is now the modern day city of Mysore.  The Wodeyars were the Hindu rulers of the Mysore kingdom and established their capital there in the early fifteenth century. Mysore remained the capital of the kingdom until Raja Wodeyar moved it to Srirangapatna in the upper Kaveri Valley in 1610 (Ikegame 20). Before the Wodeyar dynasty made this move, it was the Vijayanagar kingdom that occupied this space under the Tuluva dynasty. Once the Wodeyar dynasty began to gain interest in the area, they quickly succeeded in replacing Aravidu Tirumala, the provincial governor resident at Srirangapatna, helping them to gain control of the city. By 1612, the Wodeyar dynasty gained a great deal of autonomy. Their independence from the Vijayanagar state was exemplified when they neglected to make regular revenue transfers, compared to the Nayakas, who continued to transfer revenues to the Vijayanagars until the late 1630s (Subrahmanyam 209-210).

By the 1700s, the Mysore kingdom controlled a reasonably sized territory in the core of southern India. It was around this time that a man by the name of Haidar Ali was gaining power within the Mysore military. In the mid eighteenth century that Haidar Ali took over the Kingdom (Ikegame 20). The Muslim warlord held control of the Mysore kingdom until his son Tipu Sultan took over in 1782, which was the time of the second Anglo-Mysore war, fought between Mysore and the East Indian Company (Masani 12). Tipu inherited his father’s creation, which was one of the largest and most skilled armies in the subcontinent. Tipu was a ruthless leader, recognized as the “Tiger of Mysore” because of stories of him keeping chained tigers outside his palace. A story even surfaced that Tipu wrestled and killed a tiger with his bare hands (Masani 13). With all the power the kingdom held in southern India, Tipu found it very difficult to not attack and defeat his weaker neighbors. With every conquest followed major religious and ethnic cleansing, thousands of Christians and Hindus were killed, enslaved, tortured, and deported (Masani 13). The Mysorean army frequently used nose cutting as a form of punishment and humiliation. The nose was targeted because it was viewed as a central part of a person’s identity. In many cases, the nose also represented a person’s status within society, so destruction of the nose represented victory over one’s enemy (Simmons 178-179). This was just one of the various ways in which Tipu Sultan punished his prisoners.

As seen through Sultan’s fights with the East Indian Company he did not get along with the British. That being said, him and the Mysorean army were not necessarily against foreigners in their realm. In fact, he was willing to take help from foreign powers in order to expel those he hated. He is said to have consulted with the French in order to create an alliance to expel the British from India (Sil 2). Tipu Sultan and the Mysorean army were the last regular Indian force to actually stand against the British in their attempts to dominate southern India (Ikegame 20).

The conflicts between the British and the Mysore kingdom were known as the Anglo-Mysore wars, and were fought in four installments from 1767 to 1799 (Barua 23). The first Anglo-Mysore war began when the British became concerned with the increasing power of Haidar Ali, who was the leader of Mysore at the time. Mysore’s boarder began to threaten key trading posts that belonged to Britain. Britain fought back and began to gather important victories eventually pushing Haidar’s military into the Bangalore plain. Due to the craftsmanship of the Mysore leader, Haidar was able to push back out of Bangalore and consequently forced the British to sign a peace treaty (Barua 29). The American Revolution helped spark the second Anglo-Mysore war when tensions between the British and French were on the rise. This war lasted from 1780 to 1784, which included the death of Haidar Ali and the gaining of power for his son Tipu Sultan.  Although Tipu worked to modernize the Mysorean army he was met with defeat in both the third and fourth Anglo-Mysore wars. The fourth war would prove to be the last for Tipu Sultan, as a British invasion of Mysore would be met with little resistance since most of Tipu’s generals had surrendered to the British. Instead of dealing with the humiliation of defeat Tipu was actually killed when the British seized his capital on May 4th 1799 (Masani 15). This marked the end of indigenous rule over the kingdom of Mysore.

Soon after Tipu’s death came the induction of 5-year-old Krishnaraja Wodeyar III as ruler of the Mysore state. Once the Hindu royal house was restored they shifted from the former city of Srirangapatna to their original home in Mysore (Ikegame 20). After Britain’s victory over Tipu Sultan, they did not rule over Mysore directly but did begin to heavily influence the administration and policies of the Wodeyar government, thus beginning the colonial era (Sivramkrishna 699). In 1831, the British took full control of the administration because of the inability of Krishnaraja to subdue a peasant uprising in the northern section of the kingdom. All administration was then moved to Bangalore, and Krishnaraja’s palace, which once held administrative powers, was to be used solely to house the leader. This was intended to help eliminate any influence by the Maharaja (great king) on state level politics. Krishnaraja’s palace was to deal with private affairs and the state would take care of public affairs. For the most part, the British stayed away from the Palace until the death of Krishnaraja Wodeyar III in 1868.  Britain went on to make drastic changes to the palace. First, with the analysis of Krishnaraja’s debts, followed by the examination of his movable and immovable property, and finally the remodeling of the palace establishment (Ikegame 23). Krishnaraja’s adopted son, Chamarajendra Wodeyar X, gained power in 1881. He was re-granted possession and administration of the country, although the British appointed a guardian to educate him. The Mysoreans gradually started to re-gain power in the state level bureaucracy and with this came reform to the management of the palace. In 1910, a new post was formed called the Muzrai Bakshi, also known as the minister of religious endowments. Religious institutions managed by the palace were considered private, while all others were under control by state administration. That being said, the palace steadily gained more power over religious institutions due, in part, to the fact that officials continuously complied to the religious authority of the Maharaja. The palace came to dominate the religious affairs, which gradually became somewhat of its own state within the kingdom of Mysore (Ikegame 25-27).

The Wodeyar dynasty is the only family in Indian history to rule over a kingdom for more than 500 years. The Wodeyar dynasty and the kingdom of Mysore were under the indirect rule of the British from 1799 to 1831, and later from 1881 to 1947. The period between 1881 and 1947 came to be known as the “golden period” for the state of Mysore. During this time, new developments were happening regularly within that state and by the turn of the century, it was known as a “modern state” (Ramaswamy and Asha. S 202). Mysore became one of the most developed and urbanized regions in India. The kingdom of Mysore finally become part of the Union of India in 1948 after its independence from British rule in 1947 (Baweja 4-5). The Joining of Mysore with the Union of India marked the end of the Wodeyar rule after nearly 500 years.

 

References and other recommended readings

 

 

Barua, Prapeep P (2011) “Maritime Trade, Seapower, and the Anglo-Mysore Wars: 1767-1799: Maritime Trade.” Historian 73 #1 (March): 22-40.

 

Baweja, Vandana (2015) “Messy Modernism: Otto Koenigsberger’s Early Work in Princely Mysore, 1939-41.” South Asian Studies 31 #1 (January): 1-26.

 

Ikegame, Aya (2007) “The capital of Rajadharma: Modern Space and Religion in Colonial Mysore.” International Journal of Asian Studies 4 #1 (December): 15-44.

 

Ramaswamy, Mahesh, and Asha. S (2015) “Caste Politics and State Integration: A case Study of the Mysore State.” International Journal of Area Studies 10 #2 (December): 195-219.

 

Sivramkrishna, Sashi (2009) “Ascertaining Living Standards in Erstwhile Mysore, Southern India, from Francis Buchanan’s Journey of 1800-01: An Empirical Contribution to the Great Divergence Debate.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 52 #4/5: 695-733.

 

Ikegame, Aya (2007) “The capital of Rajadharma: Modern Space and Religion in Colonial Mysore.” International Journal of Asian Studies 4 #1 (December): 15-44.

 

Masani, Zareer (2016) “The Tiger of Mysore.” History Today 66 #12 (December): 11-16.

 

Sil, Narasingha (2013) “Tipu Sultan in History: Revisionism Revised.” SAGE Open 3 #2 (April): 1-11.     

 

Simmons, Caleb (2016) “The ‘Hunt for Noses’: Contextualizing the Wodeyar Predilection for Nose-Cutting.” Studies in history 32 #2 (August): 162-185

 

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay (1989) “Warfare and State Finance in Wodeyar Mysore, 1724-25: A Missionary Perspective.” Indian Economic & Social History Review 26 #2 (June): 203-233.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

 

Wodeyar Dynasty

 

Anglo-Mysore Wars

 

East Indian Company

 

Tipu Sultan and Haider Ali

 

Noteworthy websites related to topic

 

https://www.karnataka.com/mysore/the-wodeyar-kings-of-mysore/

 

http://search.credoreference.com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/content/entry/abccliow/anglo_mysore_wars/0

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kingdom_of_Mysore

 

Article written by: Landon Hibbs (February 2017) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

 

k. The Rsis of Ancient Indian Tradition

Agastya

There is a multitude of miracles and myths associated with Agastya, a famous Vedic sage, beginning with his miraculous birth by two godly fathers, Mitra and Varuna (Dallapiccola). The Matsya Purana’s account of Agastya’s birth is as such: in a fight between Indra and Visnu, a celestial nymph named Urvasi (Mahadevan 25) was created from Visnu’s thigh and upon seeing her, Mitra and Varuna cast their semen into a water pot, from which Agastya and his brother, Vasistha, were born (Bolon 76). Agastya was described as dwarfish, about the size of a thumb and born “white in colour with four hands, a sacred thread, a vessel, and a garland” (Bolon 76). Over the span of his lifetime, Agastya is given many names, however, the one he is known by, around the time of his birth, is Kumbhayoni, or jar-born (Mahadevan 25). There is little proof of Agastya’s formal education in life, however, it is widely accepted that he knew a great deal about the Rg Veda, the sciences, and weaponry (Parmeshwaranand 4).

As Agastya grew older, he took on an ascetic lifestyle, becoming a hermit and wandering the forests (Parmeshwaranand 4). It was not until one day, in the forest, he came across his ancestors. After some conversation, they told Agastya they were waiting to go to heaven, but they were not allowed until Agastya had a son. Upon their urging, he became invested in finding a wife (Parmeshwaranand 4). The story goes that Agastya created a beautiful baby girl named Lopamudra and gave her to the King of Vidarbha. Once she was of marrying age, Agastya asked the king for her as his wife (Parmeshwaranand 4). The king was not sure he wanted to give her up; he had concerns about Agastya’s asceticism and what that would mean for his daughter, but Lopamudra went willingly (Parmeshwaranand 4). After they got married, a hymn in the Rg Veda depicts their ascetic married life and the desires of Lopamudra. She pleads with him to give up their asceticism and have a child (Patton 27). The hymn depicts some disagreement between the two, but eventually, Agastya yields and Lopamudra becomes pregnant and gives him a son, Drdhasyu, who supposedly chanted the Vedas immediately at birth (Parmeshwaranand 5). Agastya would later go on to participate in various activities that would become certain myths of the Rg Veda, (Parmeshwaranand 6) which will be discussed later.

While there are little physical depictions of Agastya in the Rg Veda, there are many statues that have survived from cults in Nepal that give a glimpse of what he is believed to have looked like. In one instance, depicted in bronze and only three and a half inches tall, Agastya is seated with crossed ankles and elevated knees. Water sprays out of the pot, in which he is seated, on either side – perhaps giving homage to his birth. He wears a short, pointed beard and the hair on his head is tied on the top in eight loops. Agastya is also depicted as having a vertical third eye on his forehead and in each of his four hands, a symbol is portrayed: a rosary in the upper right, a miniature staff in the upper left, the lower right making a teaching gesture and the lower left holding a water pot (Bolon 75). While this is only one depiction, a later myth tells of Agastya being unable to run away from a king and being whipped (Parmeshwaranand 6), corroborating his small stature. Alternatively, other myths tell the famous story of Agastya ingesting the ocean (Abhyankar 2174), perhaps proving his size was greater.

Throughout his life, Agastya has also been the subject of many Hindu myths and important stories that helped to develop the land in which he lived. Agastya was once known by the name “Mover-of-Mountains” (Danielou 322) after “forcing the Vindhya Mountains to prostrate themselves before him” (Dallapiccola). This act itself is miraculous, but it also gives Agastya credit for connecting the civilizations in the north and south of the mountain range. In a Puranic story, it is said that the Vindhya Mountains were competing with the Himalayans to see who could grow the tallest. The Vindhyas began to block out the sun for villages below and Agastya was called in to help. He told the mountains to lie down until he returned from his journey south. However, he never returned and the mountains stayed down and allowed those people in the north and south an easy passage between (Abhyankar 2174). Not only does this story have a great cultural significance, joining the people on both sides of the mountain, but it also gives way to the story of Agastya’s star, also known as Canopus. The star is considered the brightest in the southern Indian sky (Dallapiccola). Since it is believed that Agastya was the first to see it when he moved the mountains down and was the first to cross them from the north to the south, it is associated with him (Abhyankar 2174).

Agastya is also subject to a myth that involves him drinking the ocean, either as another way across the vast distance (Abhyankar 2174) or to aid Brahmin hermits (Mahadevan 26). As the story goes, he swallowed all of the ocean’s water to expose the Kaleyas, in order that the Devas could remove them easily. The Kaleyas were supposedly killing the hermits and needed to be stopped (Mahadevan 26). Finally, perhaps one of the most famous myths surrounding Agastya is his assistance to Rama in the legendary epic, the Ramayana. In the story, Agastya gives the hero Rama a divine weapon, the “arrow of Brahma” (McLeish), to save Sita, Laksmana, and himself (McLeish) from the demons of the forest in which he was exiled (Danielou 323). Agastya is described as a “friend, advisor and protector of Rama” (Dallapiccola) in this story, making him recognizable even to this day by those that know the story. Given Agastya’s alleged extensive knowledge of weaponry (Parmeshwaranand 4), the myth seems all the more plausible.

Agastya is also known for his hymns in the Rg Veda. The author of about 25 hymns in the first mandala (Abhyankar 2174), Agastya “became a kind of heavenly historian, writing the gods’ stories down and passing them to mortals in the form of the [Rg Veda]” (McLeish). Not only was Agastya an author of many of these hymns, but he also was the subject of a select few, being referred to by name approximately eight times throughout, along with members of his family who are referred to as the Manas (Mahadevan 25). Agastya’s ability to connect the northerners and southerners (Mahadevan 25) is also depicted in the hymns, validating his journey from the north to the south, regardless of the possible fictional liberties taken with the Mountain Mover myth.

Centuries after the life of Agastya, he is still revered and worshiped by Hindus around the world. Because of his affinity for grammar, medicine and other sciences, Agastya “represents the power of teaching” (Danielou 322), and is worshiped for success in such fields. According to a passage in the Matsya Purana, there are, like in the instances of other rsis, many rites that must be done in order to properly worship Agastya. The ritual, repeated for seven days, must start early in the morning, at the rising of Canopus, after the devotee has bathed and dressed in white. While wearing a garland of white flowers, the worshipper must fill a pot with five gems and adorn it with cloth and flowers. Another pot filled with clarified butter must be placed on top of the first pot, and finally, a golden statue with four heads and many arms must be made and placed at the top of both pots. Both pots should be donated to a Brahmin after it has been filled with seven grains, and while the worshipper faces the south, the gold figure should also be given away (Bolon 76). The worship takes into account the number seven, a holy number in Hinduism, as well as the practices of purification before a worship ritual, underlying the connection between the cults of Agastya in Nepal and the significance of Agastya in Hinduism as a whole.

Agastya’s presence also had a lasting impact on societies outside of Hinduism, influencing both the Tamil and Nepalese traditions. Specifically in Tamil, Agastya made an extremely important impression. He is regarded as being crucial in the establishment of the language and literature in Tamil (Dallapiccola), and many Tamil people “believe that Agastya still dwells on the sacred mountain Agastya Malai” (Dallapiccola) in South India. He is so vital in Tamil language and literature that he is venerated as the “father of Tamil” and has his name included in the titles of many works in the Tamil Saivite hymns (Thompson 762). Within these hymns, there is a section specially entitled the Agastya Selection, which includes many of the Tamils most recognizable hymns (Thompson 763). In the myths that describe Agastya’s interactions with the people of the south, there are comments praising him for giving “the gift of the Cauvery river and Tamil language to the people” (Abhyankar 2174). Not only was Agastya’s connection of the north and south important, but him giving the Tamil people their language is also a crucial detail. Because of this advancement, Agastya was “given a very different role by the Tamil tradition,” and labelled “Tamil muni… [or] Tamil sage” (Mahadevan 27). As a Tamil scholar, Agastya was so well known and highly regarded “that for centuries [,] many works on astrology and medicine written by others were fathered on him” (Mahadevan 27). The Tamil even created a cult worshipping Agastya (Danielou 323), and it has spread from South India to Southeast Asian countries (Mahadevan 27).

In the spread across the globe, Agastya is also associated with cults in Nepal. Artefacts such as images and inscriptions of Agastya can be found there, providing evidence of the extended range of his worship (Bolon 75). Agastya’s association with Siva not only helped him bring language to the Tamil people – it is said “Agastya received the Tamil language from Siva… and gave it to the world” (Mahadevan 27) – but also helped validate Agastya’s presence in Nepal. The image of Siva and Agastya also seem to be related: “Agastya is identified with Siva as his devotee and therefore partakes of some of his nature and attributes” (Bolon 88). Images of Agastya in Nepal are similar in appearance to those of Siva, showing their connection as well as Agastya’s significance within Nepalese society in relation to the god Siva. There is also a connection between the two in terms of the importance of the pot imagery; Agastya gets his from his miraculous birth in a pot, being known in images from Nepal as “Kumbharsi Agastya, the rsi of the pot,” and Siva, in some instances being called “Kumbhesvara Siva, Siva Lord of the pot” (Bolon 88).

The life of Agastya, beginning with his miraculous birth, depicts a full life of asceticism, marriage, and fatherhood (Parmeshwaranand 4); myths of moving mountains (Danielou 322) and drinking oceans (Mahadevan 26); writing the histories of the gods (McLeish); and being hailed as the father of a society and its language (Thompson 762). Agastya was a vital figure, not only in the Hindu tradition but other ideologies and civilization developments as well, shaping both the Tamil culture (Abhyankar 2174) and Nepalese worship of him (Bolon 88). As such, he remains an important figure in many of these traditions to this day.

Bibliography and Further Recommended Reading

Abhyankar, K.D. (2005) “Folklore and Astronomy: Agastya a sage and a star.” Current Science 89:2174-2176. Accessed January 31, 2017. Retrieved from www.currentscience.ac.in.

Bolon, Carol Radcliffe (1991) “Images of Agastya in Nepal.” Artibus Asiae 51:75-89. Accessed February 2, 2017. doi: 10.2307/3249677.

Cush, Denise, Catherine Robinson, and Michael York (2008) “Agastya.” In Encyclopedia of Hinduism, 16. London: Routledge.

Dallapiccola, Anna. L. (2002) “Agastya.” In Dictionary of Hindu Lore and Legend. New York: Thames & Hudson.

Danielou, Alain (1985) “The Mover-of-Mountains (Agastya).” In The Myths and Gods of India, 322-323. Rochester: Inner Traditions International.

Mahadevan, Iravatham (1986) “Agastya Legend and the Indus Civilization.” Journal of Tamil Studies 30:24-37. Accessed January 31, 2017. Retrieved from www.ulakaththamizh.org.

McLeish, Kenneth (1996) “Agastya.” In Bloomsbury Dictionary of Myth. London: Bloomsbury.

Parmeshwaranand, Swami (2001) “Agastya.” In Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Puranas, 3-12. New Delhi: Sarup and Sons.

Patton, Laurie L. (1996) “The Fate of the Female Rsi: Lopamudra and Agastya.” In Myth and Mythmaking: Continuous Evolution in Indian Tradition. Edited by Julia Leslie, 27-30. Florence: Routledge.

Thompson, M. S. H. (1928) “The Agastya Selection of Tamil Saivite Hymns.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 4:761-768. Accessed January 31, 2017. doi:10.1017/S0041977X00123675.

Williams, George M. (2003) “Agastya, Agasti.” In Handbook of Hindu Mythology, 47-48. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO.

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Agastya Malai

Arrow of Brahma

Asceticism

Canopus

Drdhasyu

Kaleyas

King of Vidarbha

Kumbharsi Agastya

Kumbhesvara Siva

Lakshmana

Lopamudra

Mitra

Nepalese cults

Rama

Ramayana

Ritual worship

Rsis

Sita

Siva

Tamil

The Matsya Purana

Urvasi

Varuna

Vasistha

Vindhya Mountains

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic:

http://devdutt.com/articles/indian-mythology/the-sage-who-went-south.html

http://www.agasthyakalari.org/html/sage-agasthya.htm

http://www.apamnapat.com/entities/Agastya.html

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/concepts/agasthya.asp

http://www.indianscriptures.com/gurus/rushi-men/sage-agastya-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agastya

https://www.shortstories.co.in/agastya/

Article written by: Ryley Gelinas (Spring 2017), who is solely responsible for its content.

Krsna, L. Hindu Arts, Architecture and Culture

Lila: Divine Play

The definition of lila is “sport” or “play” in Sanskrit. It represents the idea of joyous and unnecessary creativity (Sax 13). The first appearance as a theological term was in the Vedanta Sutra in approximately the third century C.E. (Sax 14). Theological terms arose before mythology was written to explain it, in such texts as the Bhagavad Gita and the Harivamsa Purana composed 300 C.E. (Sax 15). The Vaisnava tradition, particularly the Krsna cult, was the leader in elaborating on lila and its doctrine (Sax 14).

In Hinduism, the gods embody the principles that teach its followers about enlightenment. These gods are believed to be complete, with no needs or desires. To resemble the gods, one must stop acting from necessity and act outside of cause and effect (Kinsley xi). They act outside of maya, or illusion and cosmic ignorance, as maya is the collection of illusive ideas which create a world that is false. The creative process and action of lila is real, and the creation is a manifestation of the true nature of God (Sax 15). Lila is associated with ananda (bliss) in freedom and spontaneity (Olson 165). For the self, this could represent support and appreciation of joy in living, or can be used as the idea to experience tragedies as part of the play of the gods (Sax 15). Maya-lila is the concept that creation is continuous, ceaseless cycles of creation and destruction. There are multiple realities, they are transformable, with blurred definitions between divine play and non-play. It permeates art and religion for the privileged upper classes who intertwine the serious, real aspects of life with creativity, such as switching male and female gender roles (Schechner 35). This cycle is permanent as the maya illusion of necessary work consistently interacts with the lila sport of divine play (Kinsley xii).

All Vedanta schools accept the Vedanta Sutra with different perspectives; by doing so, they also accept the teaching of divine sportiveness in different ways. In the Advaita Vedanta illusionist school, lila is provisional as reality does not exist, and the unenlightened must understand maya to find enlightenment. They would cease any form of creativity and commit themselves to the practice of maya. The followers against this illusionist cosmology would accept and maintain their creative skill. In the Bhagavad Gita, God acts to assist and preserve the world in a righteous way. Thinkers of the Caitanya school disagree, and believe that God acts in sport without thinking of benefiting his creation; therefore the feeling of pleasure is an effect of God’s nature. In other Vaisnava circles, sportive and supportive acts have the same motivation because they are both acts of lila not tied to any form of desire (Sax 15). Brahman must not have had a motive for creating the universe if it is all- sufficient, and since its personal desires are fulfilled, it created the universe from sport (Kinsley 2). In the bhakti cult, the saints and devotees are revered for their “uselessness” in society, acting unproductively and disorderly without the capacity to look after themselves (Kinsley xii). The devotees are not bound by social conventions and follow inclinations that are sometimes disrespectful (Olson 173). “To be an intimate associate of God able to play with him by participating in his lila is the highest possible perfection of human existence” (Bryant 115). The sakta (root sakti, divine feminine power) devotee believes the world in its confusion and fluctuations is the sport of the gods, and ascetics refuse to take part in the cosmic dance (Kinsley 18).

Dualistic schools of Sankhya or Vaisnavism often sees pleasure in worldly life as not divine (Morey 73). Sri Aurobindo Ghose, in his study of the non-dualistic Integral advaita tradition, shows his understanding of lila as the way in which Brahman creates itself in pleasure to see its followers share in the manifestations of the world (Morey 75). In a nondualist perspective of lila, nothing exists outside of the creative energies of Brahman, though many manifestation cycles of creation and destruction happen independently within Brahman (Morey 76). Sri Aurobindo does not believe Atman (the self) is Brahman (the Absolute) with only a few select humans who can glimpse the divine, but a blissful ananda Brahman would allow self-knowledge to bring people closer to the truth, a higher existence of lila. Brahman does not keep humans forcefully in a state of illusion for their lifetimes, however it gives people the ability to choose the qualities which they will further manifest in themselves (Morey 75). To Sri Aurobindo, lila is superior to maya, in this case maya is the “consciousness of Brahman,” and lila “involves the transformation of maya toward the realization of its true nature,” to liberation or moksa (Morey 77). The Being-Conciousness-Bliss, Sachchidananda, evolves through lila at every level of the divine play, the goal of realization never absent, brings humanity closer to Sachchidananda (Morey 80). In this Integral Yoga perspective, this advaita (non-dualism) has three states of being in the individual, universal and transcendental realms (Morey 75).

Multiple epics work to teach these concepts to followers using different manifestations. There is the the story of Visnu creating the world while dreaming asleep on the cosmic serpent Ananta. This dream where the lotus that grows from the navel of Visnu creates Brahma, then Brahma in turn creates the world illustrates lila. In this way, creation is a purposeless, effortless reflex in the mind that happens in the play of the Lord of the Universe with matter; Visnu with Prakrti (Kinsley 3). Lila is used as a metaphor for the appearance of Brahman, the one reality, as prakrti (matter) in the world (Butler 3). In the Mahabharata, Siva treats the universe as his marble ball, or malleable plaything. The dancing god creates the world, and then through his dancing, destroys it (Kinsley 6). Worshippers see Siva, also called Nataraja the Lord of Dancers, as a violent and dangerous deity who dances to create, sustain, and destroy the world (Sax 14). Rudra, the howler who is an avatara (incarnation) of Siva is an untamed free spirit, not bound by rules, with his madness characterized as irresponsible yet playful (Kinsley 28). This is related to his interactions with Kali. She is portrayed as a wild woman who saves severed heads for her own pleasure: a destroyer who maintains cosmic balance (Kinsley 19).

Through cosmic creation and popular devotion, the epic of Krsna combines these senses of lila into one form (Butler 6). Devotion to divine play is one method that leads to salvation (Sax 19). Krsna plays pranks by disobeying his family and stealing butter (Kinsley 64). His playful battles are imaginative when he runs sportively through the forests of Vrndavana recklessly killing demons in front of his friends. Krsna possesses beauty, relating to play as an end in itself, ornamental and existing without purpose (Kinsley 74). The beauty assists his sportive nature in myths dedicated to him seducing women, yet is not an instrumental necessity because of his playful character. It is also related to kama (desire) in its sexual overtones (Butler 6). Krsna steals the clothes of the gopis (cowherd girls) who are bathing in the river, and when they come to him naked wanting their clothes returned, he sings, plays his flute, and dances the rasa-lila (circle dance) to try and seduce them with the illusion maya of pleasure, (Olson 167).

Krsna’s incarnation has two main motives in the text, the Bhagavad Gita: the “official” motive of protecting the righteous by removing demonic military power and saving the earth. The “unofficial” motive is to attract souls lost in samsara (rebirth) to remove attachment to indulgences and the cycle of karma (actions good or bad), then search for the beauty of lila in God (Bryant 116). Bhakti-yoga involves immersing the senses and thoughts with objects connected with Krsna’s lila, as outlined by Patanjali (Bryant 117). Krsna’s avataras themselves demonstrate the playful nature of the gods in their appearances on earth (Kinsley 17). His lila–avataras (pastime –avataras, forms taken from sport) come in numerous incarnations (Knapp 504). He came in the form of Matsya (fish), Kurma (tortoise), Lord Varaha, and Lord Rama, etc. to play in an earthly form (Knapp 508).

There is also play in drama and aesthetics. There is the creative, original-maker type of lila that create new forms of art beyond the works of previous artists, and there are interpreters who are intermediaries that communicate its meaning to the audience (Butler 9). Performances in Vrndavana are a type of less regulated play; with creative characters telling stories simultaneously interpreted by professional declaimers in a way that engages the audience (Sax 17). The rasa-lila is the tradition of aesthetic religious theatre for bhakti (religious devotion) purposes (Thielemann 8). Lila as a genre of drama is a popular cultural event for celebrating Krsna, such as the performance of the ram-lila (Hawley 57).

The concept of lila, divine play, reiterates key elements in understanding the nature of the gods in Hinduism, as well as provides a place for the process of creativity in religious thought. Different schools of religion and philosophers debate the topic of lila, manifesting a modern interpretation. The epics portray the deities to be part of the teachings of lila, as passed down for many generations. Lila is practiced in performance arts to bring additional meaning to the principle of play; widely accessible with the playful integration of different concepts. The ideas and stories surrounding lila impact the beliefs and practices of Hindus and their worldview of existence.

 

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bryant, Edwin F. (2007) Krishna: A Sourcebook. New York: Oxford University Press.

Butler, John F. (1960) “Creation, Art and Lila.” Philosophy East and West 10#1 (April): 3-12

Hawley, John S. and Vasudha Narayanan (2006) The Life of Hinduism. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kinsley, David R. (1979) The Divine Player: A Study of Krsna Lila. Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Knapp, Steven (2005) The Heart of Hinduism: The Eastern Path to Freedom, Empowerment and Illumination. Lincoln: iUniverse Inc.

Morey, Matthew W. (2012) “Sri Aurobindo’s Lila: the Nature of Divine Play According to Integral Advaita.” Integral Review, Vol. 8, No. 1 (July): 68-84.

Olson, Carl (2007) The Many Colors of Hinduism: A Thematic-historical Introduction. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.

Sax, William S. (1995) The Gods at Play: Lila in South Asia. New York: Oxford University Press.

Schechner, Richard (2003) The Future of Ritual: Writings on Culture and Performance. New York: Routledge.

Thielemann, Selina (2000) Singing the Praises Divine: Music in the Hindu Tradition. New Delhi: APH Publishing.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Advaita

Ananda

Ananta

Bhagavad Gita

Bhakti

Brahman

Kama

Karma

Krsna

Mahabharata

Maya

Prakrti

Sachchidananda

Samsara

Siva

Sri Aurobindo

Vedanta Sutra

Visnu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lila_(Hinduism)

https://hampedia.org/images/e/e7/Division_III_Thesis—We_Are_The_Imagination_of_Ourselves.pdf

http://www.hindupedia.com/en/Leela

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/ask/what-is-the-aim-or-purpose-of-gods-creation.asp

http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/000842987500400202

https://nithinsridhar.wordpress.com/2013/01/10/the-two-aspects-of-creation-maya-and-lila/

http://www.vsmpantnagar.org/files/Jnana-Yoga-by-Swami-Vivekananda.pdf

This article was written by: Sharra Fullersmith (Spring 2017), who is entirely responsible for its content.

 

 

 

i. South Indian Kingdoms

The Kingdom of Mysore

The Kingdom of Mysore was an independent state until the British colonized it. Their original boundary made up most of South-western India from the late 1300’s to 1700’s, and was the largest state of its kind in India. Although it originated as a “principality of the great southern Hindu empire of Vijayanagar” it was eventually able to establish its sovereignty (Mahadavaswamy and Kumar 3). The Kingdom’s capital city Mysore was of great importance due to the Maharajas residing in the palace there. The Wodeyars founded it, although many other families held sway in parts of the kingdom, the Wodeyars ruled for many centuries. Mysore was eventually dissolved into what is now modern day India by colonial Britain (Ikegame 2).

The Mysore Kingdom consisted of nine specific districts: “Mysore, Bangalore, Shimoga, Mandya, Chitradurga, Tumkur, Chickmagalur, Hassan and Kolar” (Mahadavaswamy and Kumar 1). Of these nine districts, the capital city of Mysore remained the cultural capital due to the presence of the Maharajas, despite Bangalore surpassing the capital city in population in the 1800’s (Ikegame 20). Mysore remained the capital city of the state until 1610 when the capital was moved to Srirangapattana, under the rule of Raja Wodeyar I. This strategic move was an attempt demonstrate his power over lands that had once belonged to another kingdom (Ikegame 20). Due to the size of the princely state, there was an increased demand for social and political services (Mahadavaswamy and Kumar 1). This demand resulted in the establishment of a representative assembly, which would become the first of its kind in India. (Mahadavaswamy and Kumar 3). Later on, educational and health facilities, as well as effective administration, trained manpower, and more entrepreneurship were created and established under the rule of Shri Nalvadi Krishnaraja Wodeyar IV (Mahadavaswamy and Kumar 3). As the Kingdom of Mysore grew, so too did the demands for services and modernization of the districts, resulting in a liberalized, modern society. This benefited the capital greatly when the British took over, as it became a model state due to industrialization and other modernization efforts (Ikegame 17).

The first Maharajas of Mysore ruled the kingdom as vassals of the great state of Vijayanagar until its decline in the mid-1500’s (Nilakanta 253). As Vijayanagar started to decline, the Maharajas of Mysore began to gain power through the acquisition of land (Ramachandriah 28). Maharaja Raja Wodeyar I, is best remembered for gaining control of Srirangapatna from the Vijayanagar governor during the battle of Talikota (1565), and by the time Maharaja Narasaraja Wodeyar took the throne in 1637, Mysore had succeeded in its efforts to become an independent state (Kamath 228).

Hyder Ali and his son Tipu Sultan temporarily destroyed the Wodeyar regime in the late 1800’s. In order to do so, they destroyed massive parts of Mysore City and overthrew the Wodeyars through many years of warfare (Hasan 8). These wars are called the Anglo-Mysore wars; during this time, the kingdom split up into different factions, the Nizams and Marathas, who sided with the British originally but were swayed by Hyder and Tipu’s gifts of Jewels and elephants (Hasan 9). Eventually, after the death of Tipu Sultan, the lands returned to the control of the Wodeyar family, although the British who technically had control over the state arranged this (Ikegame 17).

The late 1700’s brought about the end of the Wodeyar regime, with the signing of the treaty to dissolve Mysore into India (Ikegame 17). This treaty benefitted the East India Company (Britain) far more than the former state; the treaty forced the former state to pay large subsidies and ensured the superiority of the British regime (Ikegame 17). Due to these conditions, the Mysore political leaders were left with very little control over the territory, this eventually lead to an uprising in 1857, which resulted in power being restored to the Maharajas in 1881 (Ikegame 18). However, this was mostly a farce as the power relationship between Britain and the former Kingdom of Mysore remained more or less unchanged (Ikegame 18). Although the British moved the state capital back from Srirangapattana to Mysore City, Mysore City was relegated in power much like the rest of the Kingdom. Despite its status as the state capital, all administrative and political work was done in Bangalore city after 1831 (Ikegame 18). Dissolving the Kingdom of Mysore into Colonial India resulted in a decline of local political power, but the state itself continued to modernize and flourish under British occupation.

Religion in pre-colonial and post-colonial Mysore closely resembled that of traditional Hinduism, although there were a few differences. The British, in their effort to separate the church and the state, diminished the power of the Maharaja; in doing so, the Maharaja’s role as a religious leader who protects the Dharma of the Kingdom became ambiguous (Ikegame 23). In pre-colonial times, the king would have been considered an important religious figure. The temples in surrounding Mysore Palace reflect this by facing the palace rather than east which was traditional; this composition demonstrates the importance of the king in Mysore not only as a political leader, but as a religious one as well (Ikegame 15). However, the dissolution of this practice brought many temples under control of British leaders, rather than under the control of the palace, though this had limited success. This limited success is attributed to officials who were placed in charge of the institutions regularly deferring judgment to religious officials (Ikegame 27). Despite Britain’s best efforts, Mysore successfully resisted and was able to keep much of their religious traditions.

The Kingdom of Mysore was a modern flourishing state in its heyday; this allowed it to integrate better with the British model of liberalization and modernization. However, the State resisted the religious changes the British had attempted and was able to remain relatively traditional. The city of Mysore still exists in India today and is a major tourist attraction due to the number of temples, palaces, and other cultural sites.

Bibliography

Hasan, Mohibbul (2005) History of Tipu Sultan. Delhi: Aakar Books.

Ikegame, Aya (2007) “The Capital of Rajadharma: Modern Space and Religion in Colonial Mysore.” International Journal of Asian Studies 4 #1(January): 15-44.

Kamath, Suryanath U. (2001) A concise history of Karnataka: from pre-historic times to the present. Bangalore: Jupiter books.

Mahadavaswamy, D, and Kumar R. (2016) Socio-economic Development in Princely State of Mysore: Historical Perspective. Mysore: University of Mysore.

Nilakanta, K.A. (2002) A history of South India from prehistoric times to the fall of Vijayanagar. New Delhi: Oxford.

Ramachandriah, N.S. (1962) India the Land and People: Mysore. New Delhi: National Book Trust.

Related Readings

Satyanarayana, A (1996) History of the Wodeyars of Mysore, 1610-1748. Karnataka, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums.

Stein, Burton (2016) “Notes On ‘Peasant Insurgency’ in Colonial Mysore: Event and Process.” South Asia Research 5 #1(May): 11 – 27.

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay (2016) “Warfare and state finance in Wodeyar Mysore, 1724-25: A missionary perspective.” The Indian Economic and History Review 26 #2 (May): 203 – 233.

Related Websites

http://mysorepalace.gov.in/Wodeyar_Dynasty.htm

http://www.mysore.org.uk/mysore-history.html

http://www.culturalindia.net/monuments/mysore-palace.html

http://www.mysoredasara.com

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kingdom_of_Mysore

http://www.mysoresamachar.com/mysorehistory.htm

Related Topics for Further Study

Mysore Palace

Temple sects residing around Mysore Palace

Hyder Ali

Tipu Sultan

Vijayanagar

Maharajas

East India Company

Raja Wodeyar I

Raja Wodeyar II

Shri Nalvadi Krishnaraja Wodeyar IV

Bangalore city

Article written by: Kassidy Doucette (March 2017) who is solely responsible for this content

g) Dhumavati, The Ten Mahavidyas

Dhumavati

Dhumavati is one of the ten Tantric goddesses and is believed to have appeared between the 10th and 15th centuries (Zeiler 165). She is rarely discussed apart from the other ten Mahavidyas, and always appears to stay within a Tantric context. Up until the 19th century, Dhumavati did not develop individually and has no importance in Epic, Puranic, or Smarta literature (Zeiler 169). The only textual reference to her outside of the Tantric Mahavidya group is in the Saradatilakatantra that was written in the 11th century (Zeiler 169). Although, the first source that mentions her in detail is a commentary on the Saradatilakatanta during the 15th century by Raghavabhatta titled Padarthadarsa.

Described to be a widow, Dhumavati has dirty robes, disheveled hair and has only a few teeth (Bhattacharyya 353). She is thought of as pale, tremulous, and angry (Bhattacharyya 353) as well as rough, deceitful, unstable, and terrifying (Zeiler 174). She wears ornaments made from snakes, and her dress is made up of rags from a cremation ground (Kinsley 176). She is often depicted sitting on a cart on which there is a banner with a crow. Dhumavati is described to be tall with harsh eyes, a big nose, and asymmetrical features (Bhattacharyya 353). She holds a blowing fan and is consistently hungry and thirsty. Also described to be thin and weak, Dhumavati is said to live in ruined and deserted places (Zeiler 174). In one hand, she holds a skull bowl while the other holds a spear (Kinsley 176). She is also presented as a social outsider and can be connected to poverty, misfortune, and evil (Zeiler 174). The thousand-name hymn for Dhumavati describes her home as a cremation ground and how she sits on a corpse while also describing her embodiment of the tamas guna, meaning lust and ignorance. She is also said to like liquor and meat, which are both tamasic (Kinsley 182).

Worship of Dhumavati is meant to achieve protection from one’s enemies. It is believed that one’s enemies will either be restrained or dispelled if they use the mantra of Dhumavati (Zeiler 170). She has also been described as the destroyer of all destroyers (Zeiler 178). If supreme devotion to Dhumavati is practiced, it is said that they will achieve liberation (Dold 242), as well as rewards and ultimate knowledge (Kinsley 183). However, it is typically advised that individuals do not worship her because she is regarded as inauspicious, and married couples especially should refrain from worship as it will create a desire for solitude. (Kinsley 183). A magical ritual of Dhumavati comes from a chapter of the Phetkarinitantra Patala that describes the ritual to be in a deserted place or a cremation ground on the 14th day of the dark part of the month (Zeiler 172).

The origin of Dhumavati is contested, and there are two myths regarding how she was born. The first myth says that Dhumavati was created from the smoke that arose from Sati burning herself to death on her father’s sacrificial fire. Since she was born in funeral smoke, Dhumavati is said to have, “a sad frame of mind” (Kinsley 181). She is considered to be a reincarnation of Sati in the form of smoke. The second myth describes how Sati, Siva’s wife, was hungry and when Siva would not give her any food, she swallowed him. Once he convinced her to expel him, he put a curse on her and she was now in the form of Dhumavati (Kinsley 181). Therefore, in this myth, Dhumavati is associated with Siva and the aggressive part of Sati.

Dhumavati is considered a symbol of inauspiciousness because she is a widow and is also considered unattractive and unlucky. Widows are believed to be dangerous as well as troublemakers and should be feared and avoided. The crow that resides on the top of Dhumavati’s banner is a symbol of death, and she is also referred to as looking crow-like, thus showing her connection to dark things (Kinsley 182). A priest at a Dhumavati temple stated that she only likes those who are unmarried or widowed, and that “only unmarried people could withstand her great power and successfully spend a night alone in her temple. For a married person to do this would result in death” (Kinsley 184). This shows that she encourages solitude and independence. Dhumavati is in the form of smoke and constantly drifting which can connect to samnyasin who wander and never stay in the same place for long.

In the late 19th century, new hymns featuring Dhumavati were created in the Dhumavatitantra chapter of the Mantramaharnava. A fierce Tantric goddess, one description in her hymn known as stotra says that, “[Dhumavati] entered the cremation ground with upraised banner in the arm, after binding a garland of warriors’ heads on her head, which were cut in battle with swords and whose teeth are bloodstained” (Zeiler 177-178). It attempted to incorporate her into a non-Tantric frame while still keeping her roots. One of the reasons thought to explain why her image remained stable for seven to eight centuries was because she had only one function which was to destroy enemies (Zeiler 180-181).

Numerous contemporary works follow the transformation of Dhumavati in the Mantramaharnava and the Saktapramoda. They use both Sanskrit and Hindi, whereby all ritual instructions are in Sanskrit, and are followed by brief comments and remarks in Hindi. All hymns found in modern textual sources are still written in Sanskrit (Zeiler 183). There are only two large works that contain complete ritual instruction, and take into account all information presented in the Mantramaharnava and Saktapramoda, the first being Asli Pracin Dasa-Mahavidya Tantra Mahasastra. As well, there is the Dasa Mahavidya Tantra Mahasastra, which was published in 1998 and includes an illustration, introduction in Hindi, and essential parts of the ritual in Sanskrit for Dhumavati (Zeiler 187-188).

Dhumavati is identified with several other goddesses including Nirrti, Jyestha, and Alaksmi who are also viewed to be inauspicious and are to be avoided (Kinsley 178). They are also connected to misfortune like Dhumavati (Zeiler 184). Nirrti is identified with death, destruction, and bad luck. She is also associated with pain, and many Hindus give her offerings in order for her to stay away from them (Kinsley 178). Jyestha resembles Dhumavati in the usage of a crow as well as possessing similar physical characteristics. Jyestha’s name means “elder,” and Dhumavati is usually portrayed as an older woman. Alaksmi, the third goddess associated with Dhumavati, appears in inauspicious ways such as poverty, hunger, and thirst (Kinsley 179). Dhumavati is also connected to poverty, inauspiciousness, hunger, thirst, and bad luck. However, she is also described to be “fierce, frightening, and fond of blood,” none of which are stressed in descriptions of the other three goddesses. She is also related to Siva and Sati, while the other three are not (Kinsley 180).

In Varanasi, there is a Dhumavati temple, one of very few that exist. The central image consists of a black stone Dhumavati with large eyes, red lips, and four hands that hold a winnowing fan, a broom, and a pot while her fourth hand makes the fear not mudra, a gesture of fearlessness and protection (Kinsley 185). Her sculpture contains attributes that are more common for a married goddess, such as jewelry and the color red (Zeiler 188). Offerings such as flowers, fruit, liquor, cigarettes, and meat are common, and these offerings must be in a smoky fire. The smoke attracts Dhumavati since she is made of smoke. The smoke from incense and cremation fires is also appreciated (Kinsley 186). At this temple, in particular, blood sacrifices are sometimes performed. The temple in Varanasi is also said to exist on the spot where a part of Sati’s body fell, and was found by a sage who has a connection to Dhumavati. She looks after this local neighborhood primarily, and supports them with blessings (Kinsley 186). As such, Dhumavati is regarded here in a different light as she is viewed as approachable and auspicious since she protects those around her. This temple attracts many devotees but she is not significant in other areas of Varanasi or elsewhere (Zeiler 188-189).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath (1982) History of the Tantric Religion: A Historical, Ritualistic, and Philosophical Study. New Delhi: Manohar.

Bunce, Fredrick (2001) The Yantras of Deities and their Numerological Foundations: An Iconographic Consideration. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld.

Dold, Patricia A. (2009) “Tantra as a Religious Category in the Mahabhagavata Purana.” Studies in Religion 38:221-245. Accessed February 1, 2017. doi:10.1177/000842980903800202.

Kinsley, David (1998) Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: The Ten Mahavidyas. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Zeiler, Xenia (2012) “Transformations in the Textual Tradition of Dhumavati. Changes in the Reception of the Tantric Mahavidya-Goddess in Ritual, Function, Iconography, and Mythology.” In Transformations and Transfer of Tantra in Asia and Beyond, edited by István Keul, 165-194. New York: De Gruyter.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Mahavidyas

Kali

Tara

Tripurasundari

Bhuvanesvari

Bhairavi

Chinnamasta

Bagalamukhi

Matangi

Kamala

Sati

Visnu

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dhumavati

http://www.sanatansociety.org/hindu_gods_and_goddesses/dhumavati.htm#.WKdnBDvyvIU

http://www.drikpanchang.com/hindu-goddesses/parvati/mahavidya/dhumavati/goddess-dhumavati.html

http://www.goddessaday.com/hindu/dhumavati

http://vedicgoddess.weebly.com/joy-ma-blog/devi-dhumavati

 

Article written by: Courtney Derksen (March 2017) who is solely responsible for its content.

d. Women in Hinduism, Sakta Deities (Hindu Goddesses)

Goddesses and Women’s Empowerment

According to Knott within Hindu society women are given a lesser status than men (82). This leads to the oppression of women in both the public and private spheres of their religious and everyday lives. This pattern of oppression has led to a narrow and demanding vision of how women should behave. Women are expected to be submissive to the men in their lives, and to be the perfect wife and mother (Knott 81-82).

Through the possession of women by goddesses, they are allowed to express their frustration with the society that oppresses them in a socially acceptable way (Diesel 1998:76). Possession is also seen as a divine experience and those possessed by a goddess are honored. Possession may occur more than once in an individual’s life and there are even those who become possessed regularly and aid others in solving problems (Diesel 1998: 77). These individuals are regarded as a sort of “shaman” in their societies. Women who become possessed and help their community are seen as meaningful to their communities and are therefore held in high regard by society. This high status in the community also gives women a sense of self-worth they may not have previously had. Even if they are not appreciated in their societies being close with the deities they are being possessed by gives them dignity (Diesel 1998:77-79). Women may also use their prominence to aid other women and to increase equality in society.

The goddesses that are usually seen as role models for women are the goddesses that are “the ideal, selfless, submissive wife” (Diesel 2002:8) also known as pativrata. Despite this there are goddesses that are sometimes considered controversial that women see as role models for themselves. Kali, who is a fierce and wild goddess provides inspiration to many women in Hinduism and is viewed as a “redeemer of both nature and women” (Dalmiya, 126). Many of these goddesses have experienced trauma or abuse such as the wife of the Pandava brothers Draupadi in the Mahabharata. She had been subject to the humiliation of Duryodhana attempting to disrobe her in front of his court (Rao, 34-37). This humiliation that Draupadi endured is something that women can relate to. Because of the patriarchal nature of Hindu society women are expected to honour their husbands no matter the circumstance. Despite this expectation of women, there are many who find a model in controversial goddesses such as Kali and a variety of amman goddesses (Diesel 2002: 8-9).

There is also the issue of sexual violence within Hindu society especially when it comes to things such as devadasi [marrying girls to deities] who are often in ritual slavery or used for sexual exploitation (Black 180). One example of a deity who suffered at the hands of men is the goddess Draupadi from the Mahabharata epic. Throughout the epic she goes through many traumatic experiences but her ritual purity helps her overcome the trauma of these events unharmed and unaffected (Diesel 2010:9). There are also many tales of girls and women who are connected with the amman goddesses such as Mariamman or Podilamma. After being wrongly accused of indecent acts or killed because of actions that are deemed improper, the goddesses seek revenge on those who wronged them in their past lives (Diesel 2002:13-15). These tales give women a chance to relate to the goddesses through their mutual suffering.

Being a diverse and widely spread religion means that Hinduism has sects that are different from the rest of the religion. In some of these sects’ women are equal to men and are allowed to be a part of and perform ritual practices usually barred to women (David 337). One of these sects is located in England and is a Tamil diaspora from Sri Lanka (David 338). This sect is led by a man who is often possessed by a female deity and has claimed that his intention is to establish equality between men and women. The women within this Sri Lankan community are able to participate in rituals. They are also given the opportunity to become priests within these areas if they want to (David 341-343). This equality of men and women allows women to receive the same amount of respect as men. It also diminishes the influence of the caste/class system (David 341).

Women’s status in Hindu society is expected to be that of subjection and obedience to men. Despite this woman allow themselves moments of freedom through possession by goddesses (Diesel 1998:76). This gives them a sense of power even if it is only for a short period. Those women who do not experience possession find power through the goddesses in different ways such as accepting them as role models or relating to them through shared experiences (Diesel 2002:9). Often times, these connected events relate to oppression or violence by men. In certain areas of the world, these women are beginning to receive support to be empowered and participate in rituals banned from the majority of women (David 337). Through these and other experiences women are given empowerment and can begin to feel as though they are not just there to serve men. They can feel that they are valued members of their communities.

References and Other Recommended Reading

Black, Maggie (2009) “Women in Ritual Slavery: Devadasi, Jogini and Mathamma in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, Southern India.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies= Alm-e-Niswan=Alm-I Nisvan16,1/2:179-205.

Dalmiya, Vrinda (2000) “Loving Paradoxes: A Feminist Reclamation of the Goddess Kali.” Hypatia 15,1:125-150.

David, Ann R (2009) “Gendering the Divine: New Forms of Feminine Hindu Worship.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 13,3:337-355.

Diesel, Alleyn (1998) “The Empowering Image of the Divine Mother: A South African Hindu Woman Worshipping the Goddess.” Journal of Contemporary Religion 13,1:73-90.

Diesel, Alleyn (2002) “Tales of Women’s Suffering: Draupadi and Other Amman Goddesses as Role Models for Women.” Journal of Contemporary Religion 17,1:5-20.

Knott, Kim (2016) Hinduism: a very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 81-82.

Rao, Shanta Rameshwar (2011) “The Mahabharata.” Telangana:Orient BlackSwan.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Kali

Amman Goddesses

Draupadi Fire Walking Ceremonies

Draupadi

The Mahabharata

Shakti

Goddess Worship

Goddess Possession

Kali-bhakti

Devadasi

Noteworthy Website Relating to the Topic

http://www.asia.si.edu/pujaonline/puja/devi.html

http://www.sanatansociety.org/hindu_gods_and_goddesses/shakti.htm#.WLaKiBIrKog

https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2014/mar/05/india-hinduism-goddesses-feminism-global-development

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women_in_Hinduism

http://reli350.vassar.edu/snodgrass/possession.html

http://www.ancient.eu/Mahabharata/

Article Written by: Lundyn Davis (February 2017) who is solely responsible for its content.

2. Maharishi Mahesh Yogi and Transcendental Meditation

Transcendental Meditation

Transcendental Meditation is a modern movement consisting of a particular style of meditation invented and practiced by Maharishi Yogi in the 1950s. Initially only practiced by a small group of Maharishi’s followers, after the Beatles took their well-known trip to India, over a hundred thousand people learned to practice Transcendental Meditation (Forem 15). In fact, Transcendental Meditation has gained many celebrity endorsements including Clint Eastwood, the Beach Boys and Merv Griffin (Lowe 60). Transcendental Meditation has origins in Tantric traditions, and is practiced by silently repeating a mantra given to a student by a registered teacher of TM based on the student’s age (Lowe 56). Transcendental Meditation is intentionally done with little effort (Balaji, Varne, and Ali). If the practitioner’s attention wanders off, it is allowed to roam until it naturally returns to repeating the mantra (Balaji, Varne, and Ali). Transcendental Meditation also has roots in Vedic traditions, with Maharishi Yogi embracing “the absolutist and ultra-orthodox interpretations of the Vedas” (Lowe 55). The purpose of TM is to enjoy the benefits of a state of relaxed alertness (Yunesian et al. 2). There are also many medical and health benefits of TM. It has been shown to be an efficient method for improving cardiovascular conditions and treating mental health issues such as anxiety, by way of improving an individual’s overall sense of clarity, happiness and life satisfaction. The Western world has many concepts of meditation, notably prayer, but also including Mindfulness meditation, Zen meditation and yoga (Films Media Group). Maharishi Yogi said that “TM has nothing to do with religion, and people of all religions practice TM” (Films Media Group). There is a course fee to learn to practice TM, which costs around $1000 (Films Media Group). Proponents of the movement argue that it is a health investment and it is hard to get anything for free nowadays; critics argue that there are many cheaper resources available, such as books and CDs (Films Media Group). To help share their ideas with the public, the TM Organization [TMO] still conducts studies on meditation, and presents both new and old findings from their research (Lowe 60).

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi was born in Jabalpur, India in 1918, and he lived to the age of 91 (Films Media Group). He obtained a degree in Physics from Allahabad University, before starting his career with Transcendental Meditation (Lowe 56). According to Forem (2012), an individual who studied with Maharishi, he was “a happy man, serene, and at peace with himself” (Forem 13). Forem also refers to him as “brilliant, wise and compassionate,” and explains that the word rishi means ‘sage or seer,’ and that the word maha means great, a title only reserved for great sages who not only ‘see’, but are the embodiment of true knowledge and compassion (Forem 18-19). He started teaching his technique in 1957, defying the deeply ingrained rules in Hindu society. Because he was not born of the Brahmin varna or caste, he was therefore considered to be an illegitimate guru (Lowe 55). Although he borrowed methods of talking and writing like a guru, he never claimed to be a guru himself, even though that was how Westerners largely saw him (Lowe 56). In fact, he was a supporter of Hindu “hereditary caste-assigned occupations” (Lowe 57). Although Maharishi’s teachings were a departure from traditional, orthodox Hinduism, he drew much inspiration from the ultra-orthodox teachings of the Vedas (Lowe 55).

According to Lowe, Maharishi believed that Vedic teachings provided complete and total knowledge of everything in the universe (Lowe 54-55). He interpreted the Vedas as undoubtedly correct, and the “eternal source of all true knowledge about the universe” (Lowe 55). The movement also acknowledges that if one is able to interpret the Vedas, one can obtain all the knowledge that modern scientific investigation holds (Lowe 55). One important example of Transcendental Meditation’s Vedic origins is the concept of the mantra. Maharishi was clearly influenced by the mentioning of aum or om, the cosmological principle that the world is made of vibrations, and that the word is the source of said vibrations, found in the Rg Veda (Lowe 57). He applied the technique of repeating the mantra, and used words drawn from lists built in Indian Tantric traditions to form what is now known as Transcendental Meditation (Lowe 56). Maharishi invoked certain laws of nature synonymous with ancient Vedic deities or devas found in the Rg Veda when inventing TM (Lowe 57).

Another example of TM being built on Vedic foundations is Maharishi’s assertion that Vedic principles are more “complete and accurate” than modern science because “unlike scientific claims, they can not be falsified” (Lowe 57). Maharishi thought knowledge found in the Vedas was more trustworthy than modern science because it provided direct contact with devas rather than relying on empirical evidence (Lowe 58). He also claimed that Vedic texts are “scientific documents containing all knowledge” (Lowe 59). As TM spread around the world, Maharishi’s followers began to demand more empirical evidence of the effects of practicing Transcendental Meditation, and in response to such queries, studies were conducted by the TMO; these were the first studies to prove that any form of meditation has an effect (Lowe 59-60). It is worth noting that “evidence of the negative side effects of TM was not reported,” however, practitioners of TM were reporting improved sleep, stress reduction and better overall health (Lowe 60, 63).

A final example of the influence of the Vedas on Transcendental Meditation is the use of sidhis, a trademarked misspelling of the Sanskrit word siddhi, which refers to Patanjali’s description of powers obtained through meditation in the Yoga Sutras (Lowe 63). In 1976, Maharishi introduced the TM Sidhi Program, meant to teach advanced techniques of levitation, mind-reading and invisibility, among others (Lowe 63). The practice is highly controversial and often mocked for being “just people jumping around” (Films Media Group). Despite “warnings in classical texts”, it was decided that anyone who had been practicing TM for more than six months may spend several thousands of dollars to learn the abilities (Lowe 64). This is perhaps a major argument for critics of the movement. A final example of TM being influenced by information found in the Vedas is its inclusion of yajnas or sacrifices. Lowe illustrates that “Vedic astrology, architecture, medicine, music, fire sacrifices and gem stone theory are purported as science by the TMO” (Lowe 65). In TM, yajna is referred to as yagyas, and is meant to bring material blessings and ward away malevolent cosmological influences in an individual (Lowe 68). Members of the TMO still pay Brahmin priests to perform yagyas for them (Lowe 68).

When an individual practices TM over an extended period of time, they can expect to see many medical benefits. In Transcendental Meditation, Hocus Pocus or Healthy Practice, Films Media Group discusses the results of 146 different medical studies done on TM. They found that TM was twice as effective at reducing anxiety than other prescribed methods (Films Media Group). More specifically, Balaji, Varne and Ali (2012) found that the gray matter in the right orbito-frontal cortex, right thalamus and left temporal gyrus inside brains of individuals that practiced TM for a long period of time was significantly larger than individuals who did not meditate at all (Balaji, Varne and Ali). Another study, The Effects of Transcendental Meditation on Mental Health, confirms that in areas of mental health and anxiety, TM is an effective method to treat such disorders, and TM practisers see this effect independently of age, sex and marital status (Yunesian et al. 1,3). In that study they also found that meditation is an effective treatment for the four areas of mental health they assessed: anxiety, somastication, depression and social dysfunction (Yunesian et al. 2). Transcendental Meditation is also an effective treatment method for individuals with cardiovascular diseases. Dr. Ross Walker from Films Media Group states “TM’s effects on blood pressure are impressive, and Studies have shown there’s a significant reduction of blood pressure comparable to a blood pressure pill” (Films Media Group). They also mention that TM should not be used as a replacement for heart medications, but can have extraordinary benefits when used in conjunction to typical Western medicine (Films Media Group). Another study, Stress Reduction in the Secondary Prevention of Cardiovascular Disease, confirms Dr. Ross Walker’s views. The study found a 48% risk reduction in the overall sample of subjects performing TM, and a 66% risk reduction in subjects who regularly practiced TM (Schneider et al. 755). The study concludes that TM may be a clinically useful behavioural intervention in preventing cardiovascular disease (Schneider et al. 756). Since the World Health Organization (2016) states that cardiovascular disease is the leading cause of death in the world, these findings show that TM can have enormous medical benefits for the general population (WHO, 2016).

Transcendental Meditation is an organization filled with history, drawing inspiration for much of its concepts from Vedic tradition and the personality and influence of Maharishi Yogi. Transcendental Meditation is also very controversial, but boasts numerous claims about impacting and improving the well-being of an individual who practices. Some of said claims are backed by western science and medicine while others are rooted in religious traditions, despite TM being a non-religious movement. For example, it is shown to improve mental well-being, improve cardiovascular health, sleep patterns and the general well-being of an individual.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Balaji, P., Smitha Varne and Syed Ali (2012) “Physiological effects of yogic practices and transcendental meditation in health and disease” North American Journal of Medical Sciences 4.10:442. Accessed February 5, 2017. http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?p=HRCA&sw=w&u=leth89164&v=2.1&it=r&id=GALE%7CA309101558&sid=summon&asid=b985adeeba2d30466b2596a5e90bf03c.

Films Media Group, Films for the Humanities & Sciences (Firm), and ABC International 2012. Transcendental meditation: Hocus-pocus or healthy practice?. New York, N.Y: Films Media Group.

Forem, Jack (2012) Transcendental Meditation: The Essential Teachings of Maharishi Yogi. Carlsbad, California: Hay House, Inc.

Lowe, Scott (2011) “Transcendental Meditation, Vedic Science and Science.” University of California Press (May) 54-76. Accessed February 1, 2017.

Schnieder, Robert H., Clarence E Grim, Maxwell V Rainforth, Theodore Kotchen., Nidich, Sanford L Nidich, Carolyn Gaylord-King, John W Salerno, Jane Morely Kotchen and Charles N Alexander (2012) “Stress Reduction in the Secondary Prevention of Cardiovascular Disease: Randomized, Controlled Trial of Transcendental Meditation and Health Education in Blacks” Circulation: Cardiovascular Quality and Outcomes. 5:750-58. Accessed February 5, 2017. doi:10.1161/CIRCOUTCOMES.112.967406.

World Health Organization (2016) “Cardiovascular Diseases (CVDs) Fact Sheet” (September). Accessed March 27, 2017. http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs317/en/

Yunesian, Masud., Afshin Aslani, Javad Homayoun Vash and Abbas Bagheri Yazdi (2008) “Effects of transcendental meditation on mental health: a before-after study” Clinical Practice and Epidemiology in Mental Health. 4.25:25. Accessed February 5, 2017. doi:10.1186/1745-0179-4-25.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Aum/Om

Caste

Deva

Guru

Mantra

Meditation

The Rg Veda

Siddhi

Yajna

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic

www.tm.org/

https://www.mum.edu/about-mum/consciousness-based-education/transcendental-meditation-technique/

http://www.gq.com/story/gq-transcendental-meditation-guide

http://caic.org.au/eastern/sydda/free-tm.htm

http://nymag.com/thecut/2014/10/14-things-you-need-to-know-to-talk-about-tm.html

Article Written by: Grayden Cowan (February 2017) who is solely responsible for its content.

j) Kamala, The Ten Mahavidyas

Kamala

The Mahavidyas are a group of ten goddesses from late Hindu literary tradition. They are great revelations also known as manifestations. While some of the goddesses in this group hold individual significance and can be dated back to a much earlier time, the group as a whole acts as an important iconographic and mythological expression of Mahadevi theology (Kinsley 1988: 161). This comes from the concept that the Devi, the great goddess, would manifest herself in a variety of forms. A prominent myth claims that the Devi produces different goddesses from different parts of her body. It suggests she assumes different forms at different times in order to maintain cosmic stability (Kinsley 1988:162). All ten of the Mahavidyas are often depicted in goddess temples throughout India today. While not each of the ten forms is individually celebrated, when shown as a group, the Mahavidyas represent the idea that a particular goddess dwelling in the temple takes many forms.

The origin of the ten Mahavidyas in Hindu mythology comes from a story of the creators Sati and Siva. Sati’s father, Daksa, performs a great sacrifice and invites all of the heavenly kingdoms to attend. The only couple he does not invite is Siva and Sati. The claim is that Daksa does not like his son in law because of Siva’s uncivilized habits and disheveled appearance. Therefore, he purposely neglects to invite him to the sacrifice. Siva is not offended, but Sati is greatly insulted and tells Siva that she is going to attend the sacrifice. Siva forbids her to attend the sacrifice and Sati loses her temper. First, she assumes a dreadful form and then she multiplies herself into ten forms, the Mahavidyas: Kali, Tara, Chinnamasta, Bhuvanesvari, Bagala, Dhumavati, Kamala, Matangi, Sodasi, and Bhairavi (Kinsley 1988:163).

Seated on a lotus blossom, Kamala is one of the Ten Mahavidyas who is known as the Great Wisdom Goddess. With a golden complexion, Kamala is the beautiful and fully-realized form of Laksmi, the goddess of wealth, well-being, fertility and prosperity (Kinsley 1999:179-181). In most respects, Kamala is portrayed like the goddess Laksmi. They are in fact the same goddess but Kamala is more esoteric in nature. Kamala sits, the same as Laksmi, with two hands each holding a lotus while the other two hands are bestowing blessings (Amodio 51-53). The lotus signifies purity, auspiciousness, piety and is the direct translation of Kamala’s name in Sanskrit. All of these aspects are also strongly associated with Laksmi. The lotus is a symbol of the universe, is found in every sacred diagram, and is associated with many Hindu deities. It grows from murky waters and then comes forth with large leaves and beautiful fragrant blossoms. This represents the emergence of the pure, limitless Atman (soul) from the restricted material body, and allows a devoted spiritual follower to be untouched by the murkiness of drama, attachment, and ego (Colburn 108). Additionally, the lotus is very nourishing and represents the vital nature of the spiritual path in nurturing our whole self.  

There is a slight difference in iconography between Kamala and Laksmi in that Kamala’s depiction includes two elephants with their trunks raised, a feature which is often absent from images of Laksmi. The elephants, that are depicted surrounding Kamala showering her with water, symbolize the fertile rains of monsoon that bring plants and flowers. This is parallel symbolization to the spiritual wealth that grows through the passion of regular devotion and practice (Danielou 261). The elephants also provide a sense of authority as they are symbols of royalty and status. Since Kamala is the devoted wife of Visnu, preserver of the universe, she is seen as queen and preserver of everything on earth. Kamala is often depicted wearing a dazzling crown on her head, a silk-type dress, a kaustibha gem, and a smiling face (Kinsley 1999:180).

As one of the Ten Mahavidyas, Kamala represents the unfolding of inner consciousness stemming from the foundation of creation (Pintchman 289). As the goddess of material and spiritual wealth and beauty, Kamala is primarily worshipped for her power to eliminate both material and spiritual poverty. In poor economic times, Kamala or Laksmi are worshipped in hopes of bringing material wealth. Altars to Laksmi can often be found in places of business and in individual homes. In the home, a married woman is considered an incarnation of Laksmi. This is attributed to studies that show woman possess a special ability to create wealth from very little (Sharma 1-12). Kamala is referred to as pure creative force and has the power to create beauty and wealth around us. This includes the ability to see beauty in everything. As the creative force, Kamala is also the goddess who blesses families with children. Families having difficulty conceiving or adopting children may offer worship to the powerful Tantric Goddess. Similarly, those who become happily pregnant or have a new addition to their family after much difficulty should offer thanks to Kamala as she is the goddess of fertility, childbirth, and family well-being (Sharma 26).

The profit of worshipping Kamala or Laksmi for the highest spiritual good is not only blessing of material security, but also of spiritual progress. Kamala teaches commitment to the spiritual path through riddance of the drama of our daily lives and bitterness towards others. The true nature of Kamala is the radiant beauty of the cosmos that is manifest in the material world (Kinsley 1999: 202). Kamala is the spirit of nature itself, and she is manifest in the natural world. She can be worshipped by simply spending time in nature and appreciating its profound beauty. Through recognition of her beauty in the natural world, an individual moves further towards liberation (Pintchman 289). A spiritual follower who detaches the fruits of action and finds enjoyment in the acts of service, generosity and prayer for their own sake can truly begin to grasp the inner nature of Kamala, the light of divine consciousness and connection with the self (Colburn 126). Kamala embodies the spirit of giving, receiving graciously and gratefully instead of with greed. She teaches that true wealth is measured by generosity, spiritual depth, and freedom from ego-driven desires. When followers ask something of Kamala in greed, she may grant desires with all of the associated negative consequences. Kamala does have the tendency to remind us that she is also the goddess Kali, who teaches detachment and surrender (Kinsley 1999: 62). This helps to remind followers to trust the way as they find a spiritual path that serves the highest good, instead of being seduced by our own worldly desires for the sake of material gain. In this way, Kamala can be seen as a teacher of financial responsibility in terms of learning to save, paying off debt, investing wisely and without greed, not taking what is not freely given, making charitable offerings, and not spending more than can be afforded.

Kamala can be worshipped to manifest creative vision, eliminate poverty, stabilize your home, open your heart, and deepen spiritual understanding and experience. Laksmi Puja is Kamala’s special holy day which is celebrated on the full moon of Ashvin, typically in early October (Dold, 60-62). Puja simply means devotional worship and followers do not need to wait for a specific day to worship Kamala. She is known to accept all sincere worship. A simple Laksmi and Kamala altar are very similar and can be created by placing a beautiful cloth (white, pink, yellow, or red) on a small table or flat surface that is not directly the ground. Then, one may place a depiction of Laksmi or Kamala on the surface, as well as a vase or plate of flowers, a candle or oil lamp, and some sweet-smelling incense. During Laksmi Puja, it is believed that it is beneficial to place rice stalks or an alternative form of grain at the altar as well. The grain is a symbol of abundance and the foundation of sustenance, both in the physical and spiritual sense. Many followers use a small bell with gentle sounds as it is believed that Laksmi does not like loud noises. On special days, followers will offer a basket or plate that contains a small piece of fine cloth, a small mirror, and comb (symbols of beauty in the manifest world), a small white conch or shell (symbol of clarity), and any kind of coin (symbol of material wealth). Lastly a small cup of coconut water or purified water is placed along with the offering (Hawley 180-185).

The practice of worship involves standing or kneeling in front of the altar and reciting Kamala’s pranama mantra. This mantra praises Kamala as the great goddess Laksmi who is beloved and grants all desires. She is seen as the goddess who encourages the spiritual life in her white form. White symbolizes the color of ultimate reality and presents her as the pure, gentle, independent, powerful, virgin goddess. Simple worship consists of additional movements and behaviours. A follower would use their left hand to ring the bell softly, while taking their right hand to wave the candle or lamp clockwise before the depiction of Laksmi three times. The mantra is repeated and the worshipper bows deeply before the image. A traditional gesture of great respect is kneeling or touching your forehead to the ground. This is when a follower can ask for blessing and offer thanks for all the blessing she has given. The puja ends with another bow. Objects used in worship hold significance and can be considered a blessing for Laksmi or saved for other special days or offerings (Kinsley 1988: 32-35). Presently at the Sri Sri Kamakhya Temple in Assam, India, the inner sanctum known as the garbha grha, which literally means “womb room”, of the temple houses is not only the pitha of Sri Sri Kamakhya Devi, but also of Matangi (Sarasvati) and Kamala (Laksmi). Therefore, when a follower receives the darsana of Kamakhya, they also receive blessing of Matangi and Kamala (Pintchman 289). Kamala is a powerful creative force that encompasses the beauty in everything. Her teachings of commitment to the spiritual path reach to eliminate poverty and create wealth among her devoted followers.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Amodio, Barbara (2011) “The Mahavidya (Great Lesson) of Sacred Transformation in Ten Mahesvan Icons of the Goddess: Secret Identities of Siva and the Goddess (Sakti) as One.” Journal of Indian Philosophy and Religion 16: 51-66. Accessed January 31, 2017. doi: 10.5840/jipr2011162

Colburn, Thomas (1988) Devi Mahatmya: The Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Danielou, Alain (1991) The Myths and God of Indra: The Classic Work on Hindu Polytheism from the Princeton Bollington Series. Inner Traditions: Bear & Co.

Dold, Patricia 2012. “Pilgrimage to Kamakhya Through Text and Lived Religion: Some Forms of the Goddess at an Assamese Temple Site.” In Studying Hinduism in Practice, edited by Hillary Rodrigues, 46-62. Oxon: Routledge.

Hawley, John S. and Donna Wulff (1998) Devi: Goddesses of India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

Kinsley, David (1988) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Traditions. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kinsley, David (1999) “Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: The Ten Mahavidyas.” The Journal of Religion 79, 1:179-181

Pintchman, Tracy (1994) The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2003) Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: The Liturgy of the Durga Puja with Interpretations. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Sharma, Arvind (2005) Goddess and Women in the Indic Religious Tradition. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Ashvin

Atman

Daksa

Devi

Kali

Kaustibha

Laksmi

Lakshimi Puja

Mahadevi theology

Mahavidya

Pranama Mantra

Puja

Sati

Siva

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://journeyingtothegoddess.wordpress.com/2012/08/26/goddess-kamala/

http://www.jaimaa.org/articles/kamala/

http://www.divinetantrictouch.com/kamalalotus-goddess-of-spiritual-wealth/

http://www.goddessaday.com/hindu/kamala

Article written by: Kirsten Cole (February 2017) who is solely responsible for its content

2. Maharishi Mahesh Yogi and Transcendental Meditation

Transcendental Meditation

Meditation can be viewed for traditional Hindus as a vehicle to moksa. Additionally it has been taken up in the West for various psychological and physiological health benefits. There are many methods and techniques that promote this state of relaxed awareness, such as yoga and breath control. Meditation aims to achieve a relaxed alertness during a state of rest (Trotter 376). These forms of meditation have traditionally been associated with semi-religious means to obtain moksa (liberation) and Atman (self-realization) in Hindu society. Transcendental Meditation (TM) offers a simple approach to attaining these goals by using mantras (Trotter 377). It has been widely popularized because it requires no lifestyle alternations (Schmidt-Wilk, Alexander and Swanson 430). Transcendental Meditation offers a way to encourage stress management and wellness enhancement through the use of a simple technique (Schmidt-Wilk, Alexander and Swanson 434). This movement caters to changing values of demanding societies internationally and has stood the test of time to provide both spiritual and heath-based benefits to followers.

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi founded the Transcendental Meditation Movement in 1957 (Lowe 55). He began teaching his form of mantra meditation following the death of his guru, Swami Brahmananda Saraswati (Lowe 55). Mahesh is considered radical because he identified as a spiritual teacher (guru) which violated his jati (caste) where he was designated to be a scribe (Lowe 55). His movement was equally as radical as his challenge to the Hindu status barrier. Maharishi believed that the Vedas contained all the knowledge that scientific investigation could reveal (Lowe 55). This connection between religion and scientific knowledge guided the TM Movement. The movement required him to challenge religious and western science barriers. Eventually, his movement in the form of Vedic Science carried out his visions in an accessible and negotiable way. His vision for world peace resulted in the expansion of the TM Movement throughout India and into Western cultures (Lowe 63). The interacting relation between tradition and science allowed his movement to prosper and adapt to vast cultural values.

History

The Transcendental Meditation Movement has three distinct phases through history. The first phase relates most closely to the Indian-based religious aspects that can be associated with meditation. Maharishi Mahesh Yogi started teaching and promoting his interpretations about the Vedas in 1957 (Lowe 55). Along with other Hindus, Maharishi viewed the Vedas as the source of all knowledge and, if interpreted properly, they could lead individuals to attaining moksa (liberation), which is one of the Four Goals that Hindus pursue (Lowe55). The early years of the TM movement are influenced by Vedic Science. The Vedas outlined the key components of Maharishi’s goals for the future, including, behavior, physical well-being, societal harmony and world peace through spiritual development (Lowe 58). Maharishi presented the importance of having a cognitive understanding of the Vedas in order to gain mystical insight into reality, leading to enlightenment and the revelation of Absolute Truth (Lowe 59). This religious perspective was not widely rendered outside of India. Maharishi recognized that most Western communities were less interested in moksa than other components of meditation, such as, relaxation (Lowe 59). The late 1960’s concluded the missionary phase of Maharishi’s TM Movement.

The second phase to the Transcendental Meditation Movement began in the 1970’s (Lowe 54). The movement focused on science based psychological and physiological aspects of mediation. TM practisers were typically counter-culture youth supporting a sociocultural phenomenon (Woodrum 93). In this phase, supporters began providing experimental scientific evidence. The scientific benefits of TM popularized the movement. In the mid-1970’s celebrity endorsement from the Beatles, The Beach Boys, and others promoted the movement’s growth in the West (Woodrum 94). Maharishi established a course called the Science of Creative Intelligence (SCI) which provided videotaped lectures for those looking for a deeper involvement in TM (Lowe 60). SCI was institutionalized in high schools in the United States of America; students were able to practice TM which focused on “creative intelligence” a secularized version of the Hindu concept of Brahman (Absolute Reality) (Lowe 60). The movement also included the founding of Maharishi International University. TM growth in the mid-1970’s also included TM Initiators that looked specifically at the physiological benefits of TM (Lowe 61). Maharishi emphasized the connection between modern Western science and the claims from the Upanishads in the second phase of the Transcendental Meditation Movement (Lowe 61). The connection to religion caused controversy regarding where TM could be studied (i.e., not in public schools) and was criticized by scientists because the studies done by the Transcendental Meditation Movement could not be replicated (Lowe 64). The “Maharishi Effect”, describes part of the TM-Sidhi program that was critiqued because this program claimed to the practicality of “yogic flying” which contradicts western science (Lowe 64). The relations between the TM organization, its counter-culture youth followers and scientific disproving caused a strain to the movement, causing a re-evaluation of the goals and audience it was aimed at.

The third phase of the Transcendental Meditation Movement emphasized the superiority of Vedic science (Lowe 64). Maharishi introduced a range of traditional Indian practices during this time and accentuated spiritual and scientific aspects of meditation. The practices engaged spiritual awareness that resulted in measurable change in the physical world (Lowe 65). The science of Vedic texts attributes the human body with the cosmos as revealing knowledge (Lowe 67). This period of the movement compromised the previous two phases to create a religious Vedic-science technique aimed at the individual level to gain spiritual and physiological well-being (Rehorick 355). Knowledge generation is based on the concept that scientific and objective means serve to legitimize the observer (Rehorick 345). This concept aids institutions to validate the portrayed importance of TM.

Practice

Transcendental Meditation is based on the principle of repeating bija or “seed” mantras, which are designated to the meditator by the TM instructor (Lowe 56). These mantras are originally found in Vedic knowledge and are specialized for the individual (Rosenthal 279). The technique requires the meditator to sit comfortably with closed eyes, repeating the mantra for 20 minutes, twice per day (Trotter 377). The mantra is supposed to be experienced freely without any particular concentration; other thoughts that enter the mind may be evaluated and discarded without being followed by any associations (Trotter 377). When attention is focused the experience and object coexist (Rosenthal 288). The mantra is used to bring self-awareness as other thoughts become primary. While the mantra takes a secondary role, the meditator finds them self (Rosenthal 288).The technique does not involve physical activity or cognitive control (Wallace 1752). The goal of TM is to experience pure consciousness or restful alertness (Schmidt-Wilk, Alexander and Swanson 431). Advance practices of TM have been referred to as “TM-Sidhi”, “flying-Sidhi”, or more generally, the “Maharishi Effect” which entails being filled with energy that the individual levitates off the ground (Rehorick 343).

Transcendental meditation has been recognized for its psychological and physiological effects. It has been reported that TM practisers have experienced improved sleep, stress reduction and better health (Lowe 63). Additionally, reports suggest that TM has a therapeutic value in relieving mental and physical tension, as well as, decreasing blood pressure, heart rate, and oxygen consumption (Wallace 1754). Overall, the development of one’s consciousness through TM has shown to enhance concept learning, creativity, intelligence, moral reasoning, decreased neuroticism and increase brain efficiency (Schmidt-Wilk, Alexander and Swanson 431). These outcomes have been utilized in collective social settings, such as workplaces, to enhance dynamic qualities of employees and improve well-being and productivity (Schmidt-Wilk, Alexander and Swanson 437).

Current Configurations:

The TM movement has current international configurations. The movement maintains an arrangement of training programs, research, and schools through institutional TM organizations to cater to various groups. The Foundation for the Science of Creative Intelligence adapts programs to target business and professional audiences (Woodrum 95). The Maharishi International University, in addition to the Maharishi European Research University, trains TM representatives, develops curricular and publicity materials, and generates scientific research of TM (Woodrum 95). Additionally, The World Plan Executive Council aims to develop the full potential of the individual resulting in improved relationships and productivity). This outlook coincides with Maharishi’s world peace motive by incorporating TM practice into corporate organization through the influence of others (Lowe 54). Maharishi’s goal is pursued, utilizing a means that shift between the “spiritual” or religious aspects of the original ideology and scientific validity of the benefits (Rehorick 350). The interactive shift between these typically conflicting ideologies allowed Maharishi’s Transcendental Meditation Movement to cater to, and encompass a broad range of people.

Maharishi’s lasting impression of world peace through Transcendental Meditation has been withheld internationally. The Transcendental Meditation Movement is a flexible and adaptable practice that is suitable for everyone. The TM Movement involves aspects of both traditional Vedic religion as well as Western science validity. Over time, these aspects of TM worked together in favor of Maharishi’s goal to develop world peace through individual reflection and wellness and the effects it has on others.

 

Bibliography

Lowe, Scott (2011) “Transcendental Meditation, Vedic Science and Science.” Nova religio:The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 14:54-76. Accessed January 31, 2017. doi: 10.1525/nr.2011.14.4.54.

Rehorick, David A. (1981) “Subjective Origins, Objective Reality: Knowledge Legitimation and the TM Movement.” Human Studies 4:339-57. Accessed January 31, 2017.

Rosenthal, Norman E. (2012) Transcendence: Healing and Transformation Through Transcendental Meditation. New York: Penguin.

Schmidt-Wilk, Jane, Alexander, Charles N., and Gerald C. Swanson (1996) “Developing Consciousness in Organizations: The Transcendental Meditation Program in Business.” Journal of Buisness and Psychology 10:429-44. Accessed February 15, 2017.

Trotter, Robert J. (1973) “Transcendental Meditation.” Science News 104:376-78. Accessed January31, 2017.

Wallace, Robert K. (1970) “Physiological Effects of Transcendental Meditation.” Science, New Series 167:1751-1754. Accessed January 31, 2017.

Woodrum, Eric (1982) “Religious Organizational Change: An Analysis Based on the TM Movement.” Review of Religious Research 24:89-103. Accessed January 31, 2017.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigations

Meditation

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi

Yoga

World Plan Executive Council

Moksa

Atman

Maharishi Effect

Science of Creative Intelligence

Maharishi International University

The Maharishi International University

Mantras

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://ca.tm.org/

http://www.meditationtrust.com/transcendental-meditation-mantras/

http://www.prevention.com/health/this-is-your-brain-on-transcendental-meditation

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2585558/

https://www.quora.com/What-is-the-exact-technique-for-Transcendental-Meditation

http://www.gq.com/story/gq-transcendental-meditation-guide

Article written by: Tienna Chang (Spring 2017) who is solely responsible for its content.