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Cave Temples

Badami Cave Temples

In India’s southern state of Karnataka lies the town of Badami, an ancient capital of the Chalukya Dynasty. Pulakeshin I was the leader of the Chalukya Dynasty when Badami was constructed; evidence of this was found in an inscription dated 535 A.D (Reddy 58). Badami is famous for its five cave temples carved into the rock, dating as far back as the 6th century. The five temples and their ornate carvings stand frozen in time, making them an excellent example of early Dravidian (southern) temple architecture. Chalukya rule spanned from the 6th to the 12th century. Over this period it is likely that different religious views came into play and this can be seen in the changing temple architecture. The earliest temple motifs are Hindu and later Jain and Buddhist carvings can be seen. These changing religious themes show a degree of tolerance for new ideas and this allowed the region to display a syncretic nature. To the west of Badami is the Malprabha River that brings life to the city. In the center of the cave complex is Agastya Lake and surrounding the complex is a ravine. The red sandstone structure of the temples contrasts beautifully with the lake and surrounding greenery, creating a truly spectacular scene that rivals any of the great archaeological discoveries. Badami has been recognised as a UNESCO world heritage site (Cohn 3).

As you walk through the town you can see a long set of steps carved into the rock that leads to Temple I, close in proximity to the village. Dwarves of Siva (gana) are placed on each side of the steps and serve as guards of the temple and are commonly found in most of the Badami temples. Temple I has a focus on Siva, the God of the Yogis, and the destroyer of the universe. Henotheism is displayed in the temples, where there are multiple gods and goddesses worshipped but one is raised above the rest. A carving of Siva with multiple arms is found in Temple I, which is the most notable of the motifs in the temple. Siva is depicted as dancing and in Hinduism dances are very spiritual and are often dedicated to gods. Some sources indicate that Siva can be worshipped as the God of Dance and use the Dancing Siva at Badami as evidence (Koostria 6). Siva is dancing the tandava, a fierce dance he performs before he is to destroy the world (Russell 9). To the right of the Siva, there is a smaller carving of Ganesa, who is regarded as his son. Dance and the connection to the divine has always been an important theme in Hindu culture, elevating the significance of the carving in understanding early religious practice of the region. Also, within the temple stands a chapel which is supported by two pillars and on the back wall is a depiction of Mahishasura in a battle with a buffalo demon. Decorating the base of the chapel are more dwarves. To the left of Siva is a carving of a bull, which is named Nandi and is regarded as sacred (Mandala 125). On another wall in Temple I, there is a Kartikeya riding a peacock. Kartikeya is the Hindu God of war (Tyomkin 84).

Temple II is dedicated to Visnu, one of the gods responsible for maintaining the order of the universe. Temple II is rectangular in shape and at its entrance are four pillars and below are multiple carvings of the guardian dwarves as seen on the entrance to temple one. Temples I and II are very similar in styles and carving technique, leading scholars to believe they were constructed around the same time (6th century). An interesting carving within the temple is Varaha, the boar, who is an incarnation of Visnu and in his hand is the Goddess Bhudevi. Bhudevi metaphorically represents the earth in this depiction and Visnu is saving her. Traces of frescos that are no longer intact have been found on the side walls of the temple (Reddy 60). On the roof of the temple is a panel made up of a wheel of fish and svastikas. Multiple stories of Krsna and Visnu are also found carved throughout the temple on the roof. The rafters are adorned with elephants and lions.

Temple III is the grandest temple at Badami and one of the most unique and intriguing Brahmanical temples in India. An inscription was left behind in this temple by the Chalukya King Mangalisa, the son of Pulakeshin I. This inscription allowed for the temple to be accurately dated.   As you enter there are beautifully carved symmetrical pillars that line a long aisle. At the end of the aisle there is a large carving of Visnu and similar to Temple II, this temple is primarily devoted to Visnu. Visnu is depicted as having four arms sitting on the cosmic serpent Ananta, which means without end. Visnu is seated cross-legged with his eyes closed and in his two raised hands, Visnu holds a discus (cakra) and a conch shell (sankha). These objects are commonly found in depictions of Visnu (Burgess 408). Visnu is wearing three necklaces and a belt made out of gems. Temple III features a veranda, which is a common feature among a few of the temples. Walking through the veranda and into the temple you encounter a carving of a man and women covered in foliage, most likely depicting a scene from the Kama Sastras. On the roof of the temple there are carvings of Agni, Brahma, Varuna and Deva seated on a ram. On a back wall of the temple there is a large carving of Narasinha, son of Siva (Burgess 411).

Temple number IV is dedicated to Jainism. While the first three temples are Brahmanical, Temple IV was the last to be constructed and displays the religious tolerance of the Chalukya dynasty. Temple IV is the highest of the four and is located east of Temple III. Similar to other temples, you enter the temple from a set of steps leading to a veranda propped up by pillars. Temple IV features a carving of Mahavira sitting in a meditative position on a throne.  Mahavira is a spiritual teacher who teaches students about Dharma. Accompanying Mahavira are two smaller figures holding fans (chauri) (Burgess 491). Adjacent to the row of pillars is a tall carving of The Tirthankara Parshvanatha, the first Jain spiritual leader featuring cobras surrounding his head. Another carving shows Guatama Swami surrounded by four snakes. Temple IV is believed to be constructed in the late 7th century or early 8th CE (Burgess 492).

References

Burgess, James (2013) The Cave Temples of India. Cambridge­­: Cambridge University Press.

Russell, Jesse, and Ronald Cohn (2012) Badami Cave Temples. Stoughton WI: Books On Demand.

Tartakov, Gary Michael. “The Beginning of Dravidian Temple Architecture in Stone.” Artibus Asiae, Vol. 42, No. 1. (1980), pp. 39-99.

Chavda, Jagdish (2011) The Badami Cave Temples Supporting Cultural Differences. Orlando: University of Central Florida.

Koostria, Orser, Emma Jayne and Prithvi Chandra (2014): The connection between dance and the divine. Sackville: Bharata Natyam­­­.

Subramuniyaswami, Satguru Sivaya (2003) Dancing with Siva: Hinduism’s contemporary catechism. Delhi: Himalayan Academy Publications.

Reddy, VV Subba (2009) Temples of South India. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House.

 

Related Topics

Chalukya Dynasty

Pulakesin I

Pattadakal Temple

Virupaksa Temple

Mahadeva Temple

Karnataka

Jainism

Siva

Ganesa

Kama Sastras

Ramayana

Aihole Temple

 

Related Websites

http://earthsky.org/human-world/indias-rock-cut-cave-temples-of-badami

http://www.cultureholidays.com/Temples/badami.htm

http://www.bagalkot.nic.in/badami.htm

http://www.karnataka.com/badami/

http://www.culturalindia.net/indian-temples/badami-cave-temples.html

Article written by: Sam Adams (March 2016) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

Assorted Aspects of Hindu Culture, Culture, L. Hindu Arts, Architecture and Culture, Literature, Cinema, Etc., T. Assorted Themes in Hinduism

Hinduism in Tamil Cinema

Tamil cinema is a difficult term to firmly define, and is a part of the much wider used term of ‘Indian Cinema’. A brief history of the development of Tamil cinema and of the politics surrounding it is helpful in understanding how and why Tamil cinema portrays Hinduism the way it does.

There was uncertainty among critics over what defined a film as Tamil early on in Tamil cinema’s development, for there was no firm or sole ‘Tamil’ element within Tamil cinema to define it (Hughes 22). While scholars agree upon the film Kalidas as being the first Tamil film, not everyone else agreed with this idea (Hughes 10). One film critic, for example, saw the film Valli as being the first Tamil film instead of Kalidas (Hughes 12). As the film critic differs in opinion compared to scholars, Hughes argues that this suggests that other ways of depicting the development of Tamil films do exist and that they would have been built upon differing criteria over the definition of ‘Tamil film’ (Hughes 12).

Tamil films at this time were not strictly to do with Tamil culture, language, or the location of the production. For example, the film Kalidas was filmed in Bombay like most Tamil films were between 1931 and 1934 (Rajadhyaksha 254). Part of the difficulty for critics with giving Tamil Cinema a firm definition was based upon the fact that many of these so called Tamil films, like Kalidas, had non-Tamil elements within them. The definition of a Tamil film was not solely based upon the film being shot in Tamil for it was usual for Tamil dramatists, actors, and musicians to be contracted by studios in Bombay and Calcutta and for them to be moved from the south (Hughes 9). Language was not always a firm definition for Tamil films either, as in Kalidas, most of it is in Tamil but the male lead speaks in Telugu (Rajadhyaksha 254).

Tamil films were also not simply to do with those who lived within Tamil Nadu as the production of these films at this time involved people throughout India and even people from abroad (Hughes 9). Production of films was not merely an independent affair as productions within the main Indian languages shared many things such as costumes, movie sets, stories, music, and even the actors with one another (Hughes 10).

Things began to change when Tamil films began to be produced mostly in the south, instead of places like Bombay (Mumbai), but this did not stop critics from questioning what was Tamil about Tamil Cinema (Hughes 16-17). Despite being locally based within their productions, Tamil films were still involved with a lot of different people from around India (Hughes 17). The producers and studios of Tamil cinema were also more interested in hiring people for their work experience over hiring those who spoke fluent Tamil (Hughes 17).

Another shift occurred within Tamil Cinema when the defining of ‘Tamil films’ became even more complex with the politics of the Dravidian movement (Hughes 18). Politics became more involved in these films as people, such as the DMK, began to use films as a means of pursuing their political desires. These political desires included the Tamil nationalists’ who argued that the Tamil culture, the Tamil people, and the Tamil language were the last bit of the original Dravidian culture that had once encompassed India (Younger 100). To do this meant that the nationalists had to cast out many aspects of Hinduism: Sanskrit and Hindi languages, the caste system, and even Hinduism itself as elements of an ‘alien’ ideology (Younger 100).

When paraphrasing Sumathy Ramaswamy, Ravi points out that the Tamil language is very important to the Tamil people as the language itself is now the ‘critical centre’ of the Tamil culture (Ravi 48). The Pure Tamil Movement wanted to get rid of the Sanskrit elements within the Tamil language (Hughes 19). They wanted to do this because they viewed Sanskrit as a language that had been brought by the northern Brahmin migrants and had been forced upon them (Hughes 19). The Tamil language was a means of going against the ‘alien’ ideology of Hinduism by using it instead of the Sanskrit and Hindi languages.  This common feeling of being in opposition to Hindi drew together many different types of people within the Tamil community when Hindi was being established as the national language of India (Ravi 48). Scholars also talk about a ‘cultural renaissance’ during the Anti-Hindi Agitation of 1965 which relates to this ‘opposition of Hindi’ for it contained anti-Brahminism ideas, the pushing away of traditional Hinduism as something from the north, and a growing distrust of anything northern (Forrester 22).

Politics are firmly connected and intertwined within Tamil cinema’s history for many politicians and their politics influenced what Tamil cinema produced. For example, C.N. Annadurai had a film called Velaikkari which scholars say had “a strong social theme and message” (Jesudoss 22) and he was also the founder of the DMK, the Dravidian political party, which opposed the Brahmin hegemonic notions of caste and religion (Jesudoss 22). Themes within Tamil cinema were largely influenced by the politics of groups such as the DMK and, therefore, these politics affected how different aspects of Hinduism were portrayed within Tamil film. Scholars often touch upon how Tamil cinema subverts popular Hinduism notions, such as the Brahmins being the elite, and focus a lot upon the ‘anti-Brahmin’ ideas that appear throughout many films.

E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker’s Self-Respect movement dominated Tamil films at this time and “brought anti-northern [and] anti-Brahmin themes” (Hardgrave 290). The hegemonic ideas (i.e. the caste system) of Brahmins being at the top of the system and the most powerful are linked tightly to many notions and ideas within Hinduism. These ideas are teased and questioned within Tamil film. For example, one scholar expresses how the Brahmin character, in a film with an urban setting, is often a character who is shown to be a self-righteous and principled individual who is trying to maintain traditional caste values (Ravi 49). When discussing how Nala Damayanti, a Tamil comedy film, differs from the usual conventions of Tamil cinema, Ravi explains that it seems to go against a usual Tamil cinema convention for it seems to have hero who is Brahmin (Ravi 52). Brahmins are rarely heroes in Tamil cinema (Ravi 49). However, he also notes that this character’s Brahmin-ness is condensed down into his dialect while it is from his actions that Ramji, the character, becomes associated with Tamizhan (Ravi 52). A Tamizhan is a “member of ethnic community defined by Tamil as his language and whose origin is in the southern sub-continent” (Ravi 52).

These sorts of films have not always been readily accepted by everyone. The film Parasakathi was banned, for example, for a time as it questioned the status quo. It was a film that talked about social problems as well as religious superstitions, and it had a big effect on the middle class people because it had Tamil sentiments and ideals (Jesudoss 23). When the screenwriter was interviewed, he stated that he had wanted to “introduce the ideas and policies of social reform and justice in the films [(Parasakathi and Velaikari)] and bring up the status of the Tamil language as they were called for in DMK policies” (Hardgrave 292). DMK policies called for the Tamil language to be seen highly and in opposition to Hindi.

The director of Parasakthi was also unsurprised that it caused a reaction for he stated in an interview that it was intended to and that the reaction was unsurprising for they “were challenging the social law itself” (Hardgrave 292). The director of Parasakathi used his films as a means of making political statements about religion as he stated that the DMK are not against ‘the temple’ but are against the people, who he called evil-minded’, who use it (Hardgrave 292). He also went on to explain that the DMK are monolithic, which goes against elements of Hinduism, and that they do not agree with the bribing of god with puja (Hardgrave 292). Puja is a term to describe a way of worship through ritual in Hinduism (Rodrigues 343). The film Velaikari also attacked religious ideas such as puja, which was used within the film and showed ‘issues’ within religion, and is considered to be a ‘revolutionary film’ (Hardgrave 291-292).

After the success of films like Velaikari and Parasakthi, Tamil cinema created a series of films with social themes (Jesudoss 23). They also used stories that related to Tamil ideas of things such as valor and love as well as their affection for their own language (Jesudoss 22-23). As Jesudoss explains when paraphrasing Baskaran, scholars consider these films and Tamil cinema to have produced a ‘major revolution’ and he explains that this was unsettling to those in the higher castes (Jesudoss 23)

Tamil cinema is credited by scholars to have brought about social changes (Jesudoss 23). It was used to strengthen some social and religious ideas but also questioned and tested traditions and customs (Jesudoss 23). Tamil Cinema formed into a means of culturally expressing the Tamil culture/people (Jesudoss 23). Today, Tamil films are still engaging with this cultural expression idea (Jeusdoss 23): reinforcing Tamil identity, Tamil language, anti-Brahminism, and questioning/challenging of different aspects Hinduism.

 

REFERENCES AND FUTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Rajadhyaksha, A. and P. Willemen (1999) Encyclopedia of Indian Cinema. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Forrester, Duncan B. (1966) “The Madras Anti-Hindi Agitation, 1965: Political Protest and its Effects on Language Policy in India.” Pacific Affairs Vol. 39, No. 1/2: p. 19-36.

Hardgrave Jr, Robert L. (1973) “Politics and the Film in Tamilnadu: The Stars and the DMK.”  Asian Survey Vol. 13, No. 3: p. 288-305.

(2012) “What is Tamil about Tamil Cinema?” In South Asian Cinemas: Widening the Lens. Sara Dickey and Rajinder Dudrah (eds.). New York: Routledge. pp. 8-24.  Special edition of  South Asian Popular Culture Vol. 8 No. 3.

Jesudoss, Perianayagam (2009) “Tamil Cinema.” Communication Research Trends Vol. 28, No. 4: p. 4-27.

Ravi, Srilata (2008) “Tamil Identity and the Diasporic Desire in a Kollywood Comedy: Nala Damayanti (2003).” South Asian Popular Culture Vol 6, No. 1: p. 45-56.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism: The ebook: An Online Introduction. Online: Journal of  Buddhist Ethics Online Books.

(2008) Tamil Cinema: The Cultural Politics of India’s Other Film Industry. Selvaraj Velayutham (ed.). New York: Routledge

Younger, Prakash (2010) S. Velayutham, ed. “Tamil Cinema: The Cultural Politics of Indian’s Other Film Industry.” Canadian Journal of Film Studies Vol. 19, No. 1: p.99-102.

Related Research Topics

Kollywood

Kollywood vs. Bollywood

DMK

Tamil Identity

Tamil language

Politics within Indian films

Self-Respect Movement

Dravidian Movement

Anti-Hindi Agitation

Brahmin

Sanskrit

 

Related Websites

http://www.filmstudies.ca/journal/cjfs/archives/authors/younger_prakash

http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-features/tp-fridayreview/fan-clubs-and-films/article658948.ece

http://www.project-india.com/tag/dmk/

http://www.thehindu.com/features/cinema/tamil-films-2014-our-top-20/article6730718.ece

http://www.quora.com/What-is-the-origin-of-words-Bollywood-Hollywood-Tollywood-Kollywood-etc

 

Article written by: Holly Travis (2015) who is solely responsible for its content

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c. The Caste (Jati) System

Jati (Birth Group or Caste in Hinduism)

Jati, meaning “birth-group”, is a system in which Hindus are categorized. Caste is another name for the over two thousand Jati groups that exist. These groups are usually based upon occupation, although they can also be categorized in different ways, such as by clan, region, or language. Typically, a Hindu will not marry outside of the caste in which they are born. The exception would be women, who sometimes will marry into a higher caste, although this is frowned upon by some. Jati, is related to Varna as well (Mittal and Thursby 357). Varna, meaning “colour”, is first described in the Rg Veda, which is the first sacred book of the Hindus, composed around 1500-1400 BCE. Varna is a class system of four categories which are the Brahmin (priestly class), Kshatriyas (nobility class), Vaishyas (merchant class), and Shudras (servant class). Particular groups of Jati will sometimes claim to be a part of one of the Varna classes. Sometimes, these designations that Jati groups make to be a part of a Varna class are not supported by fellow Hindus (Rodrigues 103-104).  Jati, as well as Varna, is said to be subject to Karma. In addition to Varna, Karma was also first presented in the Rg Veda. Karma, meaning act or deed, is the concept that people’s actions in this life or past lives, will alter their next lives. Hence, a Hindus Karma will decide what Jati one is born into.  Since one cannot control their birth status, some lower caste Jatis believe they are being discriminated against (Mittal and Thursby 357). Creation, mobility, and modern ideas and practices are all important in understanding the Jati system.

The Jati system is somewhat based on the Varna model. Thus, to understand the history of the Jati system, we must start with the history of the Varna system. Because Varna means colour, some historians have drawn the conclusion that it is based on when the Aryans came to settle in the Ganges area. The Ganges River supported many tribes in the Indian subcontinent. Aryans, being lighter skinned, considered themselves to be superior to the non-Aryans, who were of darker complexion. Non-Aryans were the indigenous people that had lived in the Ganges area before the Aryans migration. However, this is based on the migration thesis, and although it is the more widely accepted theory, there are other theses on how the Aryans came to live in these areas. Aryans used the Varna system to differentiate themselves from the rest of the population. Despite the fact that the Varna system existed during the early phases of expansion of the Aryan civilization, it didn’t play a huge role in their society at the time of conception.  For example, Aryans were allowed to marry non-Aryans and higher ranked Varnas worked on the land, which is not their dharma (duty). Jati and Varna did come to play a large role in society, but it was through a slow progression. Throughout the Vedic age, the higher class began to assert more power over the lower classes. Aryans enslaved some non-Aryans and higher classes like the Brahmins and nobles were not subject to taxes, but others were. Exploitation of the lower classes became common.  The developments of the economic order eventually led to Jati groups. Localization from the seventh and twelfth centuries is when Jati groups began to emerge. Trade and commerce largely broke down at this time, as a result communities were more dependent on the Hindus in their regions. Therefore, Shudras and Vaishyas became even more exploited and were more directly controlled by the elite.  At this time, different Jati groups emerged through the diversification of occupations.  For instance, instead of artists having to also fulfill agricultural duties they had to be more focused on their work as artists.  The number of Jatis grew with increased captivation of tribal groups (Gupta 198-224).

Mobility of Jati groups is a greatly debated subject. Some scholars believe that there is no mobility between castes, the caste to which you are born is the one that you will remain in. However, others argue that it is possible for Hindus to move to a different caste through varying methods. Two types of mobility, group-level and individual mobility, are sometimes sought after.  Sanskritization refers to the means of lower castes trying to move to a higher rank in their society.  Castes try to accomplish this goal by imitating the caste in which they want to be a part of. Therefore, Jati groups will adopt specific practices that are used by the group in which they want to belong, for example they might become vegetarian.  Politics is a huge factor in mobilization as well. Some scholars believe that mobility through castes can only be accomplished with support from the government, as well as changing their practices (Vaid 5-6).  Occupation is primarily how Jatis are categorized.  Hindus will inherit a career held by their family. Thus, a way to be mobile throughout castes is through the ability to change occupations. Scholars believe that a breakdown of occupational inheritance will lead to further mobility in Jati groups. Therefore, if Hindus are able to change their occupation then they have mobility in the caste system. It is observed that higher castes are able to use their wealth and influence to change their occupations. By contrast, lower castes are not able to change their occupation as easily because of their lack of wealth and power. This demonstrates that although there is mobility in some situations, it is limited (Vaid 397).

Change has occurred with how people view castes. Jatis and their influence on society have also experienced changes. A study in a rural community shows how some changes have occurred with respects to the Jati structure. It was observed in the small community of Bilwa that although changes have occurred with respects with Jatis, they still play a crucial role in the community (Burger 59-60).  A way that change has occurred in this community is to do with occupation.  Unlike it was previously, where Hindus were unable to hold any career, now people are able to hold different jobs more easily. With help from the government Hindus are able to find more diverse jobs. Also, many Hindus in the village work outside of their community which offers new opportunities that weren’t originally available. The middle castes disagree with these new practices. These Jatis may feel threatened as they do not receive help from the government, therefore they protest these changes. Arguing that these occupations are rights reserved by those born into these Jatis. This is where discrimination based on birth is witnessed (Burger 68-69).

Marriage is an example of how traditions of Jatis have not had any drastic changes.  One is still expected to marry within close range to their Jati. These Hindu castes still follow tradition where marriages are arranged to members of the same Jati. Only a slight change has occurred, because now Hindus are able to marry sub-divisions of the same caste (Burger 72).  It is also important to notice that although some people want to change their Jati or where their Jati is in society, some want the caste structure to remain the same. These Hindus embrace the practices and community that a Jati provides. In Bilwa, traditional ideas of Jatis aren’t as prominent and castes in this society act more as social groups. Jatis are groups in which people are able to share common values, customs, and practices (Burger 75-78).  In another study, college students from North, South, and East India were asked a series of questions that concerned the caste system.  The results concluded that liberal ideas are replacing the traditional views of the caste system. When students were asked if they believed that Karma was what determined their Jati group, 69.7 percent said no.  Karma was previously thought to play an important role in what Jati or Varna someone was born into. This shows that people are becoming more liberal in their ideas of these systems. Another important question that was asked had to do with voting in Indian society.  Out of the college students, more than 80 percent said they would vote for a candidate in any caste group. As well, they were asked if the Jati system should remain the same, be altered, or abolished. 64.4 percent of students voted for the caste system to be eliminated.  In studies such as these, we can see that perspectives are changing regarding Jatis in Indian society (Anant 193-196).

The government in India has gotten involved in the twentieth century to help eliminate Jati discrimination. Reforms have been put in place to aid those in lower Jatis who have said to be discriminated against for their caste. The Government of India Act of 1935 has guaranteed legislative representation for these groups.  It should be noted that seats were also reserved for Christians, Muslims, Anglo-Indians and other minorities in India (Mittal and Thursby 380).  Furthermore, the Constitution ratified in 1950 opposes any discrimination by birth, and adds that words such as Jati be avoided. However, enforcing discrimination regulations proves to be challenging.  Additionally, the government implemented compensatory education and employment as a remedy for the affected Jatis. Another act by the government was to reclassify the Jati groups into four main categories, by roughly inverting the Varna’s ordering. Although these reforms have been in place for a while, that is not to say that discrimination against lower castes is not still a problem in modern India. Progression will continue with these modifications of Jatis as long term effects have yet to be completely observed (Mittal and Thursby 381).

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Anant, Santokh (1978) “Caste Attitudes of College Students in India.” European Journal of Social Psychology. Vol. 8. 193-202.

Burger, Maya (1988) “Jatis: Mirror of Change.”  Revue européenne des sciences sociales, No. 81 p. 59-80. Genève: Librairie Droz.

Gupta, Dipankar (2000) Interrogating Caste: Understanding Hierarchy and Difference in Indian Society. New Delhi: Penguin Books.

Mittal, Sushil and Gene Thursby (2004) The Hindu World. New York: Routledge.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism—The Ebook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics; Online Books, Ltd.

Vaid, Divya (2014) “Caste in Contemporary India: Flexibility and Persistence”. Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 40, p.391-410.  New Delhi: Annual Review.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Varna

Dharma

Aryans and non-Aryans

Karma

Untouchables

Sanskritization

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste_system_in_India

http://philosophy.lander.edu/oriental/caste.html

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/301596/jati

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J%C4%81ti

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Varna_%28Hinduism%29

http://www.hindubooks.org/sudheer_birodkar/hindu_history/castejati-varna.html

 

Article written by: Chelsea Woods (March 2015), who is solely responsible for its content.

 

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Other Goddesses, Sakta Deities (Hindu Goddesses), The Ten Mahavidyas

The Goddess Camunda

The Goddess Camunda is depicted as ferocious and fear striking in Hindu storytelling. Often described as having flames shooting from her eyes, surrounded by goblins, and wearing a garland of skulls it is no wonder she is feared (Jones and Ryan 102). Yet with the fear that surrounds Camunda she is worshipped by many to help cure people of ailments and for protection. Camunda is closely associated with the Goddess Kali. Kali is the fiercest aspect of Durga and can sometimes be described as her helper (Minturn 169). Camunda is known by many names and can be worshipped in different forms. In the Tantric Saptamatrka cult Camunda is depicted as an independent sakti in the cosmic cycle. This cycle begins with Brahma, the creator, and ends with Camunda. Since Camunda is understood as the fierce goddess of destruction she is depicted at the end of this cosmic cycle which signifies the power of destruction which then leads to renewal (Foulston and Abbott 111). It should be noted that as Kali and Camunda are similar; Camunda is depicted as very ugly and Kali, while disheveled, is beautiful. Also, Camunda has an association with death while Kali is more associated with violence (Mohanty 34).

Camunda’s origin as a Hindu Goddess is recounted best in a few stories in the Devi Mahatmya. In the first story Camunda came to life when Siva, Visnu and Brahma called the Mother Goddess, Durga to stop king demon Mahisa from taking over the universe. Mahisa sent his demons Canda and Munda to find the goddess and bring her to him as he wanted to take Durga to be his wife. In the form of Parvati, Kali sprang from her brow due to Durga’s fury toward the demons. Kali decapitated Canda and Munda and presented their heads to Durga. Durga was so pleased by this that she announced to Kali that she will be worshipped and remembered as Camunda, a blend of both the demons names for which she has destroyed (Amazzone 6-7).

In the second story, which continues later in the previous battle, Mahisa is so enraged by the death of his demons that he sends Raktabija to defeat Durga. This battle is difficult and in her anger she transforms into the Goddess Candika for the battle. To her dismay, she learns that every drop of blood Raktabija loses turns into another powerful Raktabija. Feeling herself losing the battle, the Goddess calls Camunda and commands her to lick up the blood so Candika can eventually defeat Raktabija. Camunda’s complexion changed to red as she drank the blood of the enemy (Coburn 67). These stories are significant as they depict Camunda’s power and ability to defeat demons through her power and strength. These stories reiterate that goddesses are not to be thought of as weak or defenseless; they were to be feared and worshipped for their power. Camunda represents that people should be fierce, possess strength, and hold the confidence and ability to go at many things in life alone.

Camunda has been described as looking emaciated and near death to remind people of the fragility of life. She is known to cause fear from her eyes through this form. Her companion to ride is an owl, which can see in the night sky and has 360 degree perception (Amazonne 118). Also, in an image of Camunda on Bubhanesvar temple shows her so emaciated that all of her bones are showing and her eye sockets are sunken in with her eyes popping out. She has drooping breasts and a sunken in stomach (Kinsley 1988: 148). The expression on her face is consistently fierce showing teeth in most representations of her. There is also a sculpture of her in Jajpur in Orissa where she carries all of the discussed features including four arms which hold things such as a wine cup and severed heads. She also wears a necklace made of skulls and has a bald head with fire projecting from it (Kinsley 1988: 148). In history it has been told that King Pratap Singha made a garland out of severed heads from the Muslims slain in the sacrifice battle as a tribute to the goddess in her ferocious form who also wears a garland of severed heads (Urban 96).  From these defining features one can see how she is projected as a fierce Goddess.

The goddess Camunda (Kali) with characteristic garland of skulls (Taleju Devi temple, Bhaktapur, Nepal)
The goddess Camunda (Kali) with characteristic garland of skulls (Taleju Devi temple, Bhaktapur, Nepal)

Camunda is worshipped as an independent deity of the Tantric Saptamatrka. Camunda and the other seven Saptamatrika deities are worshipped for personal and spiritual renewal which leads to rebirth. With this devotion it is understood that all energy is directed towards the Great Goddess, Mahadevi, to reach the highest levels of liberation (Kinsley 1988: 150). Due to this significance Camunda is often worshipped in ancient sculpture and described in detail as a way of worshipping the Great Goddess in her more aggressive facet. Camunda’s association with death brings on more life and represents the recycling of energy (Kinsley 1988: 149).

As with all gods and goddesses in the Hindu tradition there are specific rituals and forms of worship that please such deities. These rituals can come in forms of speaking mantras, rituals, and sacrifice. Camunda is known as a deity who is worshipped through sacrifice. Historically, meat offerings and animal sacrifice, such as sheep, were made to her which seems to play into her ferocious nature (Kinsley 1988:146). In Jainism, these blood sacrifices had to end to keep with Jain practices. In the story of Saciya Nata, sweets were offered to the goddess in place of animal sacrifice. It is said that Camunda became infuriated by the change in sacrifice and caused pain to the monk. However, when seeing how well the man took the pain, she became scared and asked the man for forgiveness. From this point, Camunda no longer demanded meat as a sacrifice (Babb 142). Sacrifice may be a way in which the goddess is worshipped but she is often called upon in times of need. Camunda is also often associated with rituals to remove evil spirits and cure illness. Camunda can be called on during exorcisms to help scare away demons from the ailing (McDaniel 125).

In Bhavabhuti’s Malatimadhava, a hymn is sung that praises Camunda. She is described as having a gaping mouth, laughing in a terrifying tone, and dancing so wildly that it threatened to destroy the world. Due to this depiction of the goddess it has been known to build temples and sites of worship for Camunda far away from villages and towns yet near cremation grounds due to her proximity with death (Kinsley 1988: 147). There is a Camunda-devi temple found 15 kilometers from Dharamsala where the ten Mahavidyas are painted on the walls inside.  Since Camunda was a form of Kali this is why this temple dedicated to her depicts many goddesses. This temple is an example where the Mahadiyas appear as a group, but the temple is only dedicated to one of them, this one being Camunda (Kinsley 1986: 16).

Camunda is often worshipped during the Navaratri festival. This festival is dedicated to Durga and lasts nine nights and ten days four times a year. During the last three days of the festival, the many manifestations of Durga are celebrated, which includes Camunda (McDaniel 79). In this festival Durga is worshipped in her many forms by people reciting stories of her, addressing tantric mantra, setting up shrines, and singing her praises.

Camunda is a fascinating goddess in the Hindu tradition.  Her role as a Mahavidya and in association with Kali in historical stories solidifies her role as an important figure in Hindu religious culture. Even though her image may be portrayed as fearsome and horrifying, she is still worshipped for her power and strength. Many people gather at her temple to participate in rituals and worship her to gain relief of ailment or to further themselves towards the path of liberation.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Amazzone, Laura (2010) Goddess Durga and Sacred Female Power. Maryland: Hamilton Books.

Babb, Lawrence A. (1996) Absent Lord: Ascetics and Kings in a Jain Ritual Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Coburn, Thomas B. (1991) Encountering the Goddess: A translation of the Devi-Mahatmya and a study of its interpretation. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Foulston, Lynn, and Stuart Abbott (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Portland: Sussex Academic Press.

Kinsley, David R. (1986) Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: the Ten Mahavidyas. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kinsley, David R. (1988) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press.

McDaniel, June (2004) Offering Flowers, Feeding Skulls: Popular Goddess Worship in West Bengal. New York: Oxford University Press.

Minturn, Leigh (1993) Sita’s Daughters: Coming Out of Purdah: The Rajput Women of Khalapur Revisited. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc.

Mohanty, Seema (2004) The Book of Kali. London: Penguin Books.

Jones, Constance, James D. Ryan. (2007) Encyclopedia of Hinduism. New York: Infobase Publishing

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://matachamunda.tripod.com/history.htm

http://blog.artoflegendindia.com/2010/10/goddess-chamunda-is-terrifying-and.html

http://sharanya.org/mandala/chamunda-devi-eastern-teacher-to-the-west/4/

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Devi Mahatmya

Durga

Jainism

Kali

Mahadevi

Mahavidyas

Malatimadhava

Parvati

Raktabija

Article written by: Melanie Wasylenko (2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

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2. Hinduism and Ethics, Other Concepts, Yama and Niyama

Ahimsa (The concept of Non-harming in Hinduism)

Ahimsa, which literally translates as “non-violence” or “non-injury”, refers to non-violence towards both human and non-human beings physically, mentally, and spiritually (Ghosh 13).  The idea of Ahimsa had been educed from two related yet unique sources; among traditional Hindu thinkers, rather than the idea of non-violence, it was the idea of not hurting living beings as all living beings were divine (Parekh 196).  Another source where Ahimsa may have derived is from one of the 10 Buddhist Parami (perfections), namely metta (benevolence).  Both ideas present a similar concept; that all life is sacred and no harm should be done unto each other (Parekh 196).  Ahimsa also has its roots in the belief of samsara (eternal cycle).  Traditional Hindu thinkers believe that the soul of an individual can be reincarnated into an animal, thus the killing of an animal would in actuality be the killing of a person.  This belief is particularly in reference to cattle, whom they claim are sacred animals (Schneider 87).

Although the exact origin of the term is unknown, Ahimsa is found in many Hindu scriptures, and predates Aryan culture.  Its earliest known origin in texts can traced back to the Rgveda conception of rta (that which is properly/excellently joined; order, rule; truth) (Heimann 331).  Rta is closely affiliated with dharma (duty), demanding that every living and non-living being follow the cosmic order of their existence in such a way that it does not avert others from being able to follow their own laws of existence (Heimann 331).  In the Mahabharata, the concept of Ahimsa does have exceptions to the rule of non-violence; ksatriyas (warrior caste) who would fight in battle would have their sins dissipated by their acts of heroism in battle in order to secure the advancement of all beings.  A king may also destroy those who may deserve to be destroyed, in order to protect the people of his kingdom. (Ghosh 47).  The Bhagavadgita, in the Mahabharata, is a significant scripture in the Hindu tradition that regards the concept of Ahimsa.  In the epic, Arjuna’s refusal to fight his former allies and loved ones in battle was from the desire for Ahimsa (Ghosh 52).  Ahimsa has multiple variations of its name and definition in many Hindu scriptures, although not all scriptures mention or contain much insight on the concept itself, they do appear in the Upanisads, Brahmanas, Dharma Sastras, Tripitakas (Buddhist canonical literature), Dhammapada (Buddhist scripture), Yajur Veda, and other Hindu scriptures [For more information concerning the concept of Ahimsa in the Rgveda, Upanisads, Bhagavadgita and Mahabharata, see Klostermaier (1996) and Ghosh (1989)].

Traditionally, Ahimsa in Hinduism was not the highest ideal, as animal sacrifice in some rituals was, and still is, part of Hindu tradition.  The later traditions of Buddhism and Jainism would eventually hold the concept (in particular, the Jains) as one of its most important virtues, with complete abstinence from harm necessary in order to reach their ultimate goal of moksa (liberation) (Klostermaier 228).  Although Ahimsa was not considered the highest ideal in Hindu tradition, it was still encouraged among Hindus because the avoidance of harm to both humans and animals would bring the individual closer to moksa (Framarin 286, 288).  Historically, it was not until Emperor Ashoka (268-233 BCE) popularized the concept of Ahimsa through his conversion to Buddhism and by stressing the sanctity of animal life that the concept truly spread through India and Asia (Sharma 60).  Again, the concept of Ahimsa does not refer only to the act of physical non-violence, but mental and spiritual non-violence as well.  Spiritual non-violence, which is making peace with one’s self, is of the utmost importance in Hindu religious tradition to achieve.  Once spiritual non-violence is attained, the body and mind follow effortlessly (Sharma 58).  Ahimsa is also an important part of Patanjali Yoga, in which Ahimsa is the first of five yamas (moral restraints), along with satya (truthfulness), asteya (non-stealing), brahmacarya (sexual abstinence), and aparigraha (freedom from covetousness).  All five yamas must be practiced in order to achieve a state of inner peace (Klostermaier 232).  Ahimsa is considered an important and universal concept in the Yoga Sutras as well, and asserts that Ahimsa should not only be observed towards certain circumstances in time, but that it be observed universally (Klostermaier 234).  Though Hindu tradition acknowledges the concept and practices of Ahimsa, classical Indian tradition scholars believe that Ahimsa did not mean a total abstinence from harm for them, but rather to encourage alpadroha (minimum violence possible that one is responsible for).  Likewise, in Buddhist and Jain tradition, minimal violence as possible is an accepted reality, and those tolerant of minimal violence typically were also tolerant of war and the justifiable treatment of criminals (Parekh 197).

In Buddhist tradition, Ahimsa is not considered a doctrine, nor is it a theory.  It is not a doctrine, as it is not adopted, discussed or defended in Classical Indian Buddhism literature.  It is not considered a theory, as the act of Ahimsa does not enable a better understanding of the nature and structure of the cosmos.  Although Buddhism does not define Ahimsa as a doctrine or a theory, it is indeed considered a cardinal virtue (Chinchore 103).    A Buddhist will recognize his relationship to living beings as being so essential and symbiotic that any act of violence towards another being will certainly harm themselves.  Additionally, the act of non-violence in a Buddhists life is one virtue that contributes in bringing them closer to their ultimate goal of nirvana (a state of perfect happiness) (Ghosh 58).  Although there are some differences in the concept of Ahimsa among the three traditions, the idea of Ahimsa itself stays relatively the same.  As such, all three traditions believe that in order to achieve Ahimsa, one must begin at the mind, as the determination for doing anything begins at the mental level first (Ghosh 59).  In contrast between the Hindu and Buddhist tradition, a notable difference in the concept of Ahimsa is in regards to animal sacrifices.  According to scripture, Lord Buddha claims animal sacrifices are undesirable and unnecessary in order to perform sacrifices, and rather than doing harm to animals, one can instead offer clothing or food such as rice as offerings (Ghosh 64) [For more information regarding Buddhist practices of Ahimsa, see Ghosh (1989)].

Jainism, founded by Mahavira in 5th century BCE, holds the concept of Ahimsa as its most important concept, and base their traditions around this fundamental principle.  Multiple agamas (Jain canonical literature) emphasize that any act of violence towards any living being will increase their sins in the next life, and to eliminate these sins, one must not commit any acts of violence whatsoever (Sharma 61).  Jainism considers Ahimsa as both a doctrine and an elaborate theory, and consider Ahimsa as a vrata (vow, promise).  In addition to their dedication to the practice of Ahimsa, Jains typically perform tapas (asceticism) in order to achieve moksa (Cort 721).  Because Jainism holds the concept of Ahimsa as a much more important and complex idea than either Hindu or Buddhist tradition, Jain tradition adopts the concept quite literally, and as a result, some of its practices of asceticism are considered more extremist or obsessive in nature in dedication to this concept (Chinchore 105).  Jainism practice also involves strict dietary restriction; the killing or eating of an animal would bind one to karma, which keeps one tied to the cycle of rebirth (samsara).  Certain plants may not be consumed in order to avoid the possibility of killing microscopic organisms that may further bind them to karma, and retract them from moksa [For more detail regarding Jain philosophy and its practices of asceticism, see Cort (2002)] (Cort 723-724).

Outside of the religious traditions of Buddhism and Jainism, Ahimsa holds importance in civil and religious law as an ethical doctrine in Hindu tradition, and re-emerged in popularity during the beginning of the 20th century through Mahatma Gandhi.  The concept of Ahimsa, in essence, “sows the seed of tolerance” among others, promoting a sense of equality (Heimann 333).  Mahatma Gandhi coined and developed the term satyagraha (truth) derived from his principles of Ahimsa, and came to popularize and modernize the concept of Ahimsa in ethical and political terms (Parekh 198).  Through his popularity and political influence, Gandhi gave the concept of Ahimsa multiple definitions under different circumstances; a thief that would attack a man was committing an act of Himsa, but a surgeon using a knife in order to save a human being was not committing an act of Himsa, as the act was attempting to alleviate the pain the individual felt (Parekh 198).  Rather than practicing Ahimsa through the literal translation of what it means, Gandhi emphasized that Ahimsa has both ‘narrow’ (negative) and ‘broad’ (positive) categorical definitions of the term.  In its narrow sense, Ahimsa was the literal practice of non-violence, but in its more broad definition, it meant the promotion of well-being to all living things (Parekh 198).  This difference in definition of the concept was brought forth because rather than being concerned with the direct harming of another being, Gandhi was more focused on the daily suffering that occurs around the world that was a result of social, economic and political exploitation (Ghosh 118).  Gandhi was not without criticism and controversy, however; Indian scholars considered Gandhi’s concept of Ahimsa as a radical redefinition and distant from the traditional Hindu concept of Ahimsa.  For this reason, critics would argue that Gandhi was hypocritical of his concept through his own actions; an injured calf in Gandhi’s possession was euthanized at Gandhi’s request in order to alleviate the calf of suffering.  In turn, this caused Gandhi’s critics to reiterate the Indian doctrine of Ahimsa in which any act of killing was unjustifiable, regardless of how much pain the creature was in, and that Gandhi’s Western influence of the alleviation of pain was a more vital concept to Gandhi rather than the absolute preservation of life that held true to the classical Hindu traditional thinking of the definition (Parekh 203).

The concept and practice of Ahimsa is dynamic in its source, and the religious traditions of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism contribute their own understanding of how non-violence is defined (Sharma 64).  The definition of Ahimsa is truly broad in its context, but there is an important similarity in the concept of Ahimsa among the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain traditions: that the prana (life force) is universally sacred and vital to the cosmos for all living beings (Walker 149).

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Amore, Roy C. (1996) “Peace and Non-violence in Buddhism.” In Harvey L. Dyck, ed. The Pacifist Impulse in Historical Perspective.  Toronto: University of Toronto Press.  p. 240 – 259.

 

Chinchore, Mangala (2005) “Conception of Ahimsa in Buddhism: A Critical Note.”  Annals of  the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Vol. 85 No. 1: 103-109.

 

Cort, J. E. (2002) “Singing the Glory of Asceticism: Devotion of Asceticism in Jainism.” Journal of The American Academy Of Religion Vol. 70, No. 4: 719-742.

 

Framarin, Christopher (2011) “The value of nature in Indian (Hindu) traditions.”  Religious Studies 47 #3 (September): 285-300.

 

Ghosh, Indu M. (1989) Ahimsa: Buddhist and Gandhian.  Delhi: Balaji Enterprises.

 

Hay, Stephen (1996) “Gandhi’s Non-violence: Metaphysical, Moral, Political and International Aspects.” In Harvey L. Dyck, ed. The Pacifist Impulse in Historical Perspective.  Toronto: University of Toronto Press.  p. 278 – 295.

 

Heimann, Betty (1932) “Substance of the Lecture on the philosophical aspect of Ahimsa.” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Vol. 13, No. 3: 331-334.

 

Klostermaier, Klaus K. (1996) “Himsa and Ahimsa Traditions in Hinduism.” In Harvey L. Dyck, ed. The Pacifist Impulse in Historical Perspective.  Toronto: University of Toronto Press. p. 227 – 239.

 

Parekh, Bhikhu (1988) “Gandhi’s Concept of Ahimsa.”  Alternatives XIII: 195-217.

 

Ravindra, Ravi (1995) “Ahimsa, transformation, and ecology.” ReVision Vol. 17, No. 3: 23-34.

 

Schneider, Burch H. (1948) “The Doctrine of Ahimsa and Cattle Breeding in India.” The Scientific Monthly Vol. 67, No. 2: 87-92.

 

Sharma, Satish (1999) “Peace and nonviolence in the Indian religious tradition.”  Peace Research 31 #1: 58-65.  Winnipeg: Canadian Mennonite University.

 

Walker, Claire (1994) “What do we mean by non-violence?” Journal of Religion and Psychical Research Vol. 17, No. 3: 146-150.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Maitri

Samsara

Aryan Culture

Rgveda

Rta

Dharma

Mahabharata

Kstriyas

Bhagavadgita

Upanisads

Brahmanas

Dharma Sastras

Tipitakas

Dhammapada

Yajur Veda

Buddhism

Jainism

Moksa

Patanjali Yoga

Yamas

Alpadroha

Nirvana

Mahavira

Agamas

Tapas

Mahatma Gandhi

Satyagraha

Prana

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/10041/ahimsa

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahimsa

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jainism

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gandhism

https://www.himalayanacademy.com/readlearn/basics/ahimsa-nonviolence

http://www.baps.org/Spiritual-Living/Hindu-Beliefs/Compassion-and-Nonviolence-Ahimsa.aspx

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=1662

http://fore.research.yale.edu/news/item/practicing-ahimsa-nonviolence-toward-humans-animals-and-earth/

http://www.madhava.net/as-i-think-mahatma-gandhi-concept-of-ahimsa-in-hinduism-rama-killing-of-vali/

http://www.fsmitha.com/h1/india3.htm

 

Article written by: Nicholas Urquhart (March 2015) who is soley responsible for its content.

b. The Tantras, J. Tantra

The Tantras

An expansion in Hinduism after the eighth century is the rise of a body of texts known as the Tantras. The Tantras are characterized by their secrecy and its oral lessons were traditionally passed from teacher to students through a series of graded initiation. Hindu Tantras point the disciple in the direction of Self-realization, through a unitive encounter with Absolute Reality (Robinson and Rodrigues 158). The Tantras are a system of thoughts or a set of principles and the genre of its texts are based on meditation, rituals and instructions (Banerji 1). The body of texts known as the Tantras have been misinterpreted and misunderstood by Western scholars, but the texts appears not to have been alienated or underestimated by these Western scholars. Instead their seedy and dangerous world has produced a sense of fascination and often, preoccupation and obsession (Urban 8). Sacred utterances, sacred gestures and richly extravagant symbolic constructions may be used as meditative aids (Robinson and Rodrigues 158-159). The Tantras describe the first, golden age as an era filled with spirituality. According to Mahanirvana-Tantra, people were wise and virtuous and the deities were pleased by their practice of Yoga and sacrificial rituals. The people acquired fortitude and power by studying the Vedas [The Vedas are the most revered texts in Hinduism, possessing the status of sruti, divinely revealed teachings (Robinson and Rodrigues153)].  They also acquire courage through meditation, charitable deeds and mastery of the senses. People were good-hearted, happy and prosperous (Feuerstein 5).

The origin and development of the Tantras as a special class of literature and as a special mode of sadhana are ultimately connected to the rise of Saivism and the Pancaratra, the prehistoric Samkhya-yoga providing them with a philosophical background. Although the early recognised literature of the Pancaratra is lost, the literature of this sect and of other contemporary sects are called Tantras. The Pancaratra remained restrained in its development and it is Saivism which supplies a more propitious ground for the development of the Tantras (Basu 55-56). Tantra, though highly inventive, has from the beginning been seen as a continuation of earlier teachings. Therefore, while Buddhist Tantra understands itself as an esoteric tradition going back to Guatama the Buddha himself, Hindu Tantra regards the revelatiory teachings of the Vedas as its starting point (Feuerstein 10). Within the Hindu tradition, the Tantras are composed by the Vaisnava Pancaratra School, the lost Tantras of the Sauras, as well as the more famous Tantras of the Saivities and Saktas. Tantras are found in more almost every corner of the subcontinent, with a powerful hold in the northeast (Bengal, Orissa and Assam) and the northwest (Kashmir). They later spread to the far south (Tamilnadu and Kerala). Buddhist Tantras have spread to not only throughout India, but also to Nepal, Tibet, China and some parts of Southeast Asia (Urban 28). According to the tradition found in the Tantras, Tantras are innumerable. The Nityasodasikarnava says that Tantras are endless in number but records only sixty-four Kaula Tantras. The Saundaryalahari, attributed by some to Sankaracarya, refers to sixty-four Tantras. The numbers are invented but they show that the author of the named Tantra has an elusive idea of the sects and their texts. Tantric texts in their present form belong to the medieval and late-medieval periods (Bhattacharyya 37 and 40).

The practices recommended in the Tantras embrace both elements of enjoyment and renunciation found in karma-kanda and jnana-kanda. Karna-kanda is the path of action which is meant for the preservation and smooth running of the society and jnana-kanda is the path of knowledge which leads man to liberation. Some practices in the Tantras are regarded as mandatory or extremely necessary for spiritual empowerment and are accepted by people with respect as the practices are neither dreadful nor are they secrets. Some other practices of The Tantras are considered obligatory for the attainment of an enlightened life and these practices are looked upon as dreadful and are extremely secretive. There are also some practices which have little or no relation to religion or spirituality and are performed for the fulfillment of some worldly desire or the gratification of some evil motive (Santidev 87-88).

The Hindu Tantras consider themselves to be revealed teachings delivered by Siva, Visnu or Devi. Paralleling the Upanisadic dialogues between student and teachers, the Tantras are often framed as dialogues between god and goddess, Siva (or Visnu) and Parvati (or Laksmi). She asks questions and he replies. In Sakta Tantras, Siva asks the questions and Devi provides the answers. The oft-depicted images of Siva and Parvati seated beside each other, in which she is nestled next to him, sometimes on his lap, evoke the setting of the teaching scenario of the body of texts known as the Tantras. The gods, who are creators of the cosmos, investigate the meaning of existence, which is an exploration of their own natures (Rodrigues 385-386). The contents of a complete Tantric text may be broadly divided as jnana or vidya, which is knowledge including philosophical and metaphysical doctrines with a monotheistic tendency and sometimes a monistic bias. One contains occultism, including a knowledge of the mystic bias while the other contains formulae and figures. The contents of the Tantras can further be divided as yoga or upaya, which means having mind-control, especially with the object of acquiring magic powers. The contents can further be divided as Kriya, which contains instructions for making idols, for constructing and consecrating temples. Finally, it can also be divided as carya or siddhi, which are rules about rites, festivals and social duties (Santidev 14). Broadly speaking, the content of the Tantras fall into two classes. One philosophical and spiritual, the other popular and practical. The latter includes magic, mandra, mudra, mandala, nyasa, cakra and yankra. The principal aims of the Tantras are liberation and siddhi (Banerji 13). [Siddhi means the acquisition of supernormal powers (Robinson and Rodrigues 159)].

The texts list the rewards, including supernatural powers and liberation from worldly existence that accrue form undergoing initiation and worshiping gods in the ways prescribed. However, these texts are not merely ‘manuals’ for the preceptor, as they also address various theological and cosmological topics. Many of them consists of parts apparently intended for the initiate alongside parts intended for the preceptor. Not only is access to these texts prohibited to the uninitiated, it is also prohibited even for those who have undergone initiation as access is only mediated by one’s guru or preceptor. The genre of the Tantras share several features with Stotras [stotras are hymns of praise] (Leach 24-25). Tantra denotes a particular style or genre of spiritual teachings that affirm the continuity between Spirit and matter (Feuerstein 2).

A good example of the numerous texts of the Tantras is the Gandharva-Tantra. The Gandharva-Tantra is an anonymous text in forty-two chapters. It is stated to have been composed after gathering the essence of other Tantras. Chapter one deals with Yoga, Brahman and the way to liberation through enjoyment. Chapter two speaks of Sati as well as the tantric way to mukti through bhukti (Banerji 176). [Mukti is the freedom from Samsara and bhukti is the enjoyment of wordly pleasures (Rodrigues 95)]. Chapter three introduces Pancami-Vidya and some other vidyas or mantras. Chapter four treats the worship of Devi. Chapter five contains matters relating to Devi-Puja. Chapter six deals with the rights of those opposed to Vedic rites and of women opposed to Tantric practices. Chapters seven and eight deal with the worship of Devi.  Chapters nine to seventeen deal with the worship of gods and deities associated with these worships. Chapter eighteen deals with the rules relating to the offer of certain articles in worship. The next three chapters deal with the worship of Sesika Devi. Chapters twenty-two to twenty-three deal with practices connected with the worship of virgins. This worship of virgins and its effect according to prescribed rules is also dealt with. Chapter twenty-four enumerates the places suitable for worship. Of all places, a lonely spot, devoid of animals is stated to be the best. Towards the end of the chapter, the characteristics of good and bad people have been laid down. The next two chapters are devoted to the discussion on the merits, demerits and the duties of sisya and guru as well as diksa. Chapter twenty-seven to thirty-two deal with the mantras and its different kinds. Chapter thirty-three deals exhaustively with Kulacara. This chapter contains some ethical precepts such as having consideration for women, avoidance of jealousy towards others, observance of the rules of conduct, showing respect towards the family members of a guru and also having the absence of greed for other’s property. The next chapter deals with how devotees, who keep their activities secret, should perform their duties. Chapter thirty-five focuses on Sakti, who is necessary in Tantric sadhana. [Sadhana means spiritual rituals (Rodrigues 321)]. In chapter thirty-six, Devi raises the important question about how a man’s wife’s association with someone who has been declared sinful in other Sastras can be acceptable in a Tantric rite. The same topic of supporting Tantric rites is continued in chapter thirty-seven. The next chapter lays down, among other things, how atman is distinct from the body. Chapter thirty-nine deals with how Siva and Sakti became manifest and the knowledge about them arises. The rest of the chapters deal with the rise and disappearance of speech and the two-fold of mukti (Banerji 176-178).

Another text of the Tantras is called Kalitantra, which belongs to kalikula and it comprises twenty-one chapters. The text of the kalikula, the family of the black goddess, is depicted as the chief of all the mahavidyas in different Tantric sources. The worship of Kali is found at the heart of Kashmir Saivism traditions whose origins can be found in the cremation-ground cults (Thakur 72). Chapter one of the Kalitantra deals with the nature of yoga. Yoga is divided into two kinds Manusa (human) and Daivika (Divine). In chapter two, it is stated that man’s mind is restless and can be calmed by yoga. Therefore, yoga should be practised with care. Chapter three holds that detachment is the calmness of mind that is the means to salvation. Salvation is attained when the mind rests on the highest state which is existent, all-compassing, and is free from the dirt of illusion. Chapter four describes maya (illusion). Maya leads to moha (delusion) which produces the quality of tamas and causes disturbances from which danger arises. The following chapter deals with the means of attaining Brahman. The mind with desire is the seed of the tree of rebirth. Brahman is the seed of the worlds, the essence of everything but Brahman has no seed. If vasana (desire) is suppressed, Brahman is quickly attained. Chapter six describes the means of the acquisition of self-knowledge. The next chapter deals with how reflecting on prana by concentration gives perfect bliss and makes one free from fear and unaffected by adversity and prosperity. Chapter eight deals with the nature of Brahman. It is through action that one gets pleasure and pain. But, salvation is not attainable so long as good and bad actions are not destroyed. Salvation is possible by the knowledge that everything in the world, even a blade of grass, is Brahman. Chapter nine describes the housholder’s life. One should take to this life first. When true knowledge dawns, one should resort to samnyasa (renunciation). The next chapter deals with the nature of Laksmi and the means of worshipping her. Chapter eleven deals with diseases and their causes and the following chapter prescribes cures for these diseases. Chapters thirteen and fourteen deal with the six Tantric rites and the practice of yoga. Chapter fifteen focuses on the eight accessories of yoga and the six means of purification. Chapters sixteen to nineteen focus on the eightfold kumbhaka, gives the mantras relating to Navagraha, lays down the dhyanas of various deities, and sets forth the characteristies of a sadhaka (devotee). The sadhakas are Mrdu, Madhya, Adhimatra or Admimatra-tama. Mrdu-sadhaka has the characteristics of little energy, delusion, evil deed, disease, greed and impatience.  Madhya-sadhaka has characteristics such as looking upon all as equal, forgiveness, self –restraint, desire of merit, pleasant speech and freedom from doubt. Adhimatraka-sadhaka has the features of a firm mind, independence, kindness, truthfulness, physical strength, hopefulness, heroism and faithfulness. Adhimatratama-sadhaka has characteristics of energy, courage, knowledge of scriptures, good memory, freedom from delusion and fresh youth. The last chapter lays down the result of studying or listening to this particular Tantra. It destroys all sins and leads to prosperity (Banerji 199-205). The texts of the kalikula describe morbid rites in the cremation grounds to evoke a goddess and allow the practitioner to accomplish salvation through challenging experience (Thakur 73).

These texts are good examples to show how, like other numerous texts of the Tantras, the focus on meditative instructions is necessary in order to attain spiritual realization in corporation and union with the deities. Tantra is not always confined to gross material objects. It recognizes the three aspects of the deity worshipped. These are Sthula (image), Suksma (mantra) and Para (highest; in this aspect, the Devi is to be mentally apprehended) (Banerji 531). The Tantras are a new revelation replacing that of the Vedas. Likewise, most scholars reject the notion that Tantra originated in the era of the Vedas or earlier (Feuerstein 15).

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND RELATED READINGS

Banerji, Sures Chandra (1988) A Brief History of Tantra Literature. Calcutta: Naya Prokash.

Basu, Manoranjan (1986) Fundamentals of the Philosophy of Tantras. Calcutta: Mira Basu Publishers.

Bhattacharya, N.N. (1987) History of the Tantric Religion. New Delhi: Manohar Publications.

Feuerstein, Georg (1998) Tantra: The Path of Ecstasy. New Delhi: Shambhala Publications.

Leach, Robert (2014) “A Religion of the Book? On Sacred Texts in Hinduism.” The Expository Times, Vol. 126, Issue 1. Pages 15-27. Web. 5 March 2014.

Robinson, Thomas and Hillary Rodrigues (2006) World Religions: A Guide to the Essentials. Michigan: Baker Academic.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2007) Hinduism – The Ebook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books.

Santidev, Sadhu (2000) Encyclopedia of Tantras. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications.

Thakur, K. Manoj (2001) The Tantras: An Introductory Outline. Delhi: Worldwide Publications: An Imprint of Book Land Publishing.

Urban, B. Hugh (2007) Tantra: Sex, Secrecy, Politics and Power in the Study of Religion. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited.

Woodroffe, John George (1980) Introduction to Tantra S’astra. India: Ganesh and Company.

 

RELATED RESEARCH TOPICS

  • The Contents of the Tantras.
  • Saivism and its influence on the Development of the Tantras.
  • Jnana, Yoga, Kriya and Carya in Hinduism.
  • Ritual Practices in the Tantras.
  • History of Tantra Literature.
  • Practice of the Sadhana.

RELATED WEBSITES

http://www.berzinarchives.com/web/en/archives/e-   books/unpublished_manuscripts/making_sense_tantra/pt1/making_sense_tantra_01.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaivismhttps://archive.org/details/GandharvaTantra

http://www.academia.edu/4986200/Tantric_%C5%9Aaivism_in_Early_Medieval_India_Recent_Research_and_Future_Directions

https://books.google.ca/books?id=r2q1h7q-JWMC&pg=PA11&lpg=PA11&dq=genre+of+the+tantras&source=bl&ots=uCXfkpbhCB&sig=X3FU0GKHrMUkBIAmVZbnlH77SyM&hl=en&sa=X&ei=bnT7VJ3tGIOyogTq0IKADQ&ved=0CE0Q6AEwCA#v=onepage&q=genre%20of%20the%20tantras&f=false

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/tantra.asp

 

Article written by: Udoh, Nseobong Martins (April, 2015), who is solely responsible for its content.

2. The Dravidian Style of Hindu Temple, c. The Hindu Temple, South Indian

The Dravidian Style of Hindu Temple

Among the massive amount of Hindu temples in India there are two main types of temple styles, a specific temple style seen in the north and one in the south. Temples in India have had a distinct difference in style since the very first temples were built in the fifth and sixth centuries CE. Geographically, the northern temples can be found from the Himalayas to the Deccan, from Gujarat to Orissa and Bengal in the east. However, the southern temples are found almost exclusively in the southern part of the subcontinent.  The main purpose of the Hindu temple was to create a link between persons and gods, and gave a site for gods to be seen by human beings; both southern and northern temples do this. However, the structural make up of these temples is what sets them apart from one another (Michell 61-86).

Southern style temples tend to be constructed with individual cells/layers that are typically identical and are stacked in a pyramid form (Trivedi 256). Northern temples, in contrast, have walls with a curved incline, unlike the pyramidal southern style temples. Additionally, southern temples rise in a much steeper fashion than north temples. Southern temples tend to have a distinctive moulded base, different from the northern style (Hardy 2009:46). Additionally, southern temples frequently have an octagonal overall shape to them, something not seen in northern temples. Also, the Dravidian style temples usually have a small top concave dome whereas the top of the northern style temple tends to be more complex and elaborate (Michell 89-93).

The start of Dravidian temples was created by the Pallavas dynasty. This dynasty ruled from about 550CE to about 890CE in the Tamil region or southern region of India. Historical remains of more than sixty Dravidian style temples can be traced back to this dynasty. Early in this rule, King Mahendra produced many rock cut temples in the south of India. Rock cut temples were found throughout the early builds of Hindu temples. Additionally at this time many depictions of Gods, semi-divine, and royal figures were seen in the architecture of the temples, which became an integral part of the Hindu temple. Towards the end of this era, temple building moved from rock cut temples to temples being their own physical structure, not relying on rock faces to build the temples. Some of the most extensive temples produced in this era were the rathas, which translates into chariots. These rathas temples are considered monolithic (carved from one rock structure), or rock-cut, and began to solidify the unique southern style. These rathas are considered the first known structures to fit the entire mold of the southern style. A well known rathas is the shore temple in Mahabalipuram, which shows key Dravidian style characteristics in steep rising superstructures and repetitions in the wall scheme, along with images of the god Visnu (Michell 131-132).

The Dravidian temple style of the Pallavas ended up bleeding into the Chalukya society due to the conflict between these two powers in the seventh and eighth centuries (Michell 136). Early Chalukya temples were mainly rock cut temples.  However, later in the Chalukya’s rule, they produced some of the oldest known stone Hindu temples.  At this time, a distinctive split in the two types of southern styles Karnatak and Tamil is seen (Tartakov 39-41). Due to this bleeding there is some overlap between the temple styles in some northern sites. One unique aspect of temples built in this era is the use of two gateways and two separate hallways in the temples. However, both the Chalukya and the Pavalla temples shared many of the same key characteristics of the southern style temples, even with their small physical differences and geographical differences (Michell 136).

After the Pallavas and Chalukyas’ eras of southern temples, the Rashtrakutas started to further develop the southern style from the eighth to tenth century. The use of rock cut temples grew in popularity again in this era, whereas the Pallavas began to step away from this type of architecture during the end of their reign. One of the most impressive temples built in this era is the Kailasa, which stands 30 meters high. This temple and others like it built in this era have the  defining southern features “of moulded base, plastered wall, overhanging eave and parapet, which when combined in diminishing superimposition, create the superstructure” (Michell 143).

During the tenth to eleventh century the Dravidian style temple shifted again under the south’s new rule.  During this time of turmoil and war in the south, the Cholas became the ruling power. However, during this time there was not a lot of architectural growth, as seen in the previous eras. Many of the new temples built in this era followed the old Pallava southern temple style, notably using the Pallava octagonal towers. However, the Cholas did have a couple of their own unique characteristics for temple buildings. These included an increase in the amount of sculpture used on the side of temples, along with “multifaceted column projecting square capitals” (Michell 145).

Throughout these different time periods of temple development, the Hindus used sacred texts as a way to orchestrate these magnificent temples. The main genre of text used to build these temples are the Vastusastras, and were thought to be composed by Brahmins over the years. In the vast Vastusasras there are some parts which refer to the northern temple style and some to the southern form. One sub text of the Vastusastras, the Samaranganasutradhara, deals with both northern and southern temples. The chapters of the text devoted to the designs of the temples are very specific, and outline a sophisticated measurement system. One specific Dravidian temple that was prescribed by this text was the Bhojpur temple, which still remains unfinished to this day. Even within the Samaranganasutradhara, there is some overlap between the two temple styles, showing the interconnection between the two styles. The uses of texts like the Samaranganasutrahara show how complex the building of these temples was and how specific these temples were actually made (Hardy 2009:41-46).

Even within the division of southern temple style there are two different types of styles. These two different sub type temples can be classified into Karnatak (Vesara) and Tamil. Tamil southern style reflects the southernmost temple designs, often referred to as the “True Dravidian” temples. The Karnatak mainly developed from the Dravidian style, but has some north style characteristics; some scholars address the Karnatak as its own hybrid temple style. The Karnatak developed in the early Chalukya dynasty; at this point the subtle differences in the two southern temple styles can be seen. Some of the major differences between the two southern sub temples are the height of the temples, differences in moulded bases, and the small amount of northern characteristics seen in the Karnatak style. Almost never are Karnatak temples above four stories, whereas Tamil style temples are known to be over four stories. Also, Tamil temples have a structurally distinctive moulded base, which is not found in Karnatak temples.  One of the northern temple elements found in the Karnatak temple style is in some cases curved northern spires were used, which were not used in Tamil temple styles. Ultimately, the north and south styles both have influence on the build of the Karnatak to varying degrees (Hardy 2001:181-191).

The southern temples are extraordinary architectural feats, but they were built to serve as the spiritual link between the gods and humans. Inside the Hindu temples people had the ability to draw closer to the gods through the use of rituals and ceremonies. Religious symbols are found throughout the Hindu temples architecture, which reinforce the spiritual link. Many ideas from the epics and the Puranas, along with symbolically representing the religion’s ultimate goal of moksa, are seen in the temples. Additionally the Hindu temple was seen as the house of the gods where one would have the ability to see the gods, through rituals and being pure. Specifically, temples were dedicated to certain gods and goddesses and each temple had a womb chamber which was a small shrine to honor the specific god the temple was devoted to (Michell 61-62).

The temple is the site of many religious rituals, where the movement of devotees and priests in the temple is of the utmost importance.  Rituals practiced in temples can be placed into two distinct groups: Pujas, which are daily rituals and urvalams which are festivals practiced at different times of the year (Treada 120). Certain parts of the temples are seen as the specific sites where deities can be met. An example of structural meaning is the doors of the temple that signify the movement from the temporal to the spiritual. Another example of the symbolic structural meaning in the temples is the womb of the temple, which was the place where energy radiates from. The womb of the temple is such a sacred place that only priests are able to enter, even when devotees are bringing sacrifices to the room, they are not allowed in (Michell 66).

The soaring gopuram (gateway) and bathing tank, which is characteristic of Dravida temples (Cidambaram, Tamil Nadu, India)
The soaring gopuram (gateway) and bathing tank, which is characteristic of Dravida temples (Cidambaram, Tamil Nadu, India)

Temples are seen as cultural centres. At these temples people experienced music and dance throughout their history. The daily rituals and yearly festivals which took place in temples often had music as a key component.  Music and dance varied based on the geographical regions, even among yearly practiced festivals. Even sculptors in temples often depicted music and dance. The Periya Melam was in charge of music in the temples and performed the music in rituals. The job of musician was passed down through hereditary lines. These musicians often lived within walking distance of the temples and performed almost every day.  However, music in temples today seems to be disappearing, something lamented upon by many (Treada 128-139).

Another interesting element of the Hindu religion seen in their temples is they believe the gods are attracted to mountains and caves. For this reason a lot of temples were built on the side of mountains, or using caves, as seen in the early southern Pallava’s temple design and other eras. The temples that were not built on rock faces were made to reflect the visual nature of mountains because of the believed attraction of the gods to caves and mountains. Both the curved temple towers of the northern temple style and the pyramid style of the south style are different attempts to create a mountain like structure, ultimately trying to end at the same goal (Michell 69).

Besides the cave like temple designs, Hindu temples also were designed in regard to the cosmic man (Michell 72). The cosmic man is developed in a square form which helps to also symbolically design the temple, with the creator god being represented at the centre of the temple and the edges of the square being dedicated to guardian gods and goddesses. The notion of a temple being designed with the cosmos in mind can be traced back to in text writing as far back as 3000 years, and in actual temple building to more than 1000 years ago. Throughout the Vastusastras the temple designs keep the square in mind, as it symbolically represents the manifestation of the world (Trivedi 245-258). This cosmic man is mainly based on deities but also is designed in part with astrology in mind (Michell 72).

These amazing architectural feats and spiritual houses are seen throughout India and the eventual British rule created legislation to preserve them. Under the colonial rule of the British the Hindu temples became protected under the Ancient monuments act of 1904. Prior to the act British rule controlled around 150 temples in India, however after the act they controlled over 700 Hindu temples. Under this act, the British government greatly limited the use of the temples for Hindus and created problems between the practicing Hindus and the ruling power. The British viewed temples as antique but to orthodox Hindus the temples are still to this day very much a part of their religion. Some accounts of British rule have them taking down parts of temples and moving the inside contents of the temples to artificial buildings for the Hindus to practice rituals in. British rule, did however, rebuild and restore damaged temples during the Act (Sutton 135-137).

Today Dravidian temples (along with Northern Temples) are still used for religious festivals and also act as tourist destinations. Some of the biggest southern temples seen in India today are: the Sri Ranganathaswamy Temple, Thillai Nataraja Temple, Golden Temple of Sripuram, to name a few. Also, in the now culturally diverse world, the spread of religion in general is a more common thing. As a result, many Hindu temples are being built around the world outside of India, some of which have Dravidian characteristics (King 151).

 

References And Further Recommended Readings

Baumann, Martin “Hindu temples.” Internationales Asien Forum, Vol. 6, No. 3/4: p.231.

Hardy, Adam (2009) “Dravida Temples in the Samaranganasutradhara.” South Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1: p.41-62.

Hardy, Adam (2001) “Tradition and Transformation: Continuity and Ingenuity in the Temples of Karnatak.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 60, No. 2: p.180-199.

Michell, George (1977) The Hindu temple: an introduction to its meaning and forms. New York, NY: Harper & Row Publishers.

King, Anna (2007) “Diaspora of the Gods: Modern Hindu Temples in an Urban Middle-class World Waghorne, Joanne Punzo” Material religion, Vol. 3, No. 1: p.150-152.

Kramrisch, Stella (1976) The Hindu Temple II. Delhi, India: Shri Jainendra Press.

Sutton, Deborah (2013) “Devotion, Antiquity, and Colonial Custody of the Hindu Temple in British Indian.” Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 47, No. 1: p.135-166.

Tartakov, Gary Michael (1980) “The Beginning of Dravidian Temple Architecture in Stone.” Artibus Asiae ,Vol. 42, No. 1: p.39-99.

Treada, Yoshitaka (2008) “Temple Music Traditions in Hindu South India: Periya Melam and Its Performance Practice” Asian Music, Vol. 39, No. 2: p. 108-151.

Trivedi, Kirti (1989) “Hindu temples: models of a fractal universe.” The Visual Computer, Vol. 5, No. 4: p.243-258.

Related Topics For Further Investigation

Dravidian

Nagara

Tamil Nadu

Karnatak

Samaranganasutradhara

Vastusastras

Pallavas

Chaluky’as

Rashtrakutas

Cholas

Rathas

Sri Raganasthaswamy Temple

Thillai Nataraja Temple

Golden Temple of Sripuram

Ancient monuments act of 1904

Cosmic Man

King Mahendra

Bhojpur temple

womb chamber

Kailasa

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic

http://calgarymandir.ca/

http://blessingsonthenet.com/index.php?url=indianculture/sections/82/dravidian-temple-architecture

https://hindutemplesindia.wordpress.com/tag/dravidian-style-temple-architecture/

http://srirangam.org/

https://cybertravelinc.wordpress.com/2012/07/26/thillai-nataraja-temple-chidambaram/

http://www.sripuram.org/Pages/Golden-Temple

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_large_Hindu_temples

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dravidian_architecture

 

Article written by: Josh Toth (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

1. Design and Construction, Assorted Aspects of Hindu Culture, f. Tantric Mantras and Yantras, f. Worship Rituals and Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals, Indian Advancements in Knowledge

The Vastu Tradition in Hinduism

The vastu tradition is said to be the ancient science of designing and constructing buildings and houses with a corresponding plot of land. The root word vas in vastu means to dwell, live, stay, and reside (Gautum 17) (Kramrisch 82). The vastu-shastra is the manual used for the architecture on how sacred or domestic building must be constructed. The vastu-purusa-mandala is a metaphorical expression of the plan of the Universe and depicts the link between people, buildings and nature it is used to position a building on potential plots of land (Patra 2006:215-216). This mandala is so universal that it can be applied to an altar, a temple, a house, and a city.  Hindu temples are meant to bring humans and gods together.

The vastu shastra is found originating in the Vedas the most ancient of sacred Indian text, tracing back to at least 3,000 B.C.E., if not earlier. The knowledge of constructing and designing a building is found specifically in the Sthapatya Veda, which is a sub heading in the Artharva Veda which is the fourth Veda. Principles of vastu-shastra can be found in several other ancient texts such as Kasyapa Silpa Sastra, Brhat Samhita, Visvakarma Vastu Sastra, Samarangana Sutradhara, Visnu Dharmodhare, Purana Manjari, Mayamata, Aparajitaprccha, Silparatna Vastu Vidya (Patra 2006:215). Hindu literature also cites that the knowledge of sacred architectural construction of buildings was present in the oral traditions since before the Vedic Period. According to Indian experts the vastu is possibly the oldest sacred architectural construction in the world up to date (Osborn 85-86). The oldest master known for vastu is Maya Danava, acknowledged as the founder of this ancient sacred Indian architectural tradition (Osborn 87). It is said that “man can improve his conditions by properly designing and understanding the location, direction, and disposition of a building that have a direct bearing on a human being” (Patra 2014:44). Based on the experience of several generations it has proved that the building and arrangement of villages and capitals in ancient India gave health and peacefulness. The principles regarding the construction of buildings that are in the vastu-shastra are used to please the vastu-purusa; they are explained by the mandala vastu-purusa-shastra. 

There are five basic principles of the sacred science of sacred architecture, the first of which is the doctrine of orientation (diknirnaya), which related to the cardinal directions: north, east, south, west. Second is site planning which uses the vastu-purusa-mandala and is the examination of the soil through categories such as taste, color, etc. Third is the proportionate measurement of the building (mana, hastalakshana), which is divided into six sections: measurement of height, breadth, width or circumference, measurement along plumb lines, thickness, and measurement of inter-space. Fourth there are the six canons of Vedic architecture (ayadi, sadvarga), base (aadhistaana), column (paada or stambha), entablature (prastaara), ear or wings (karna), roof (shikara) and dome (stupi). Fifth is the aesthetics of the building (patakadi, sadschandas) which deals with the nature of beauty such as principles of texture, color, flow, the interaction of sunlight and shadows, these are some principles of aesthetics (Patra 2014:44). The most important requirement in the manual is that the site of a new building must be placed where the gods are at play (King 69). If the temple is unable to be built by a tirtha (a sacred ford or a crossing place that must be by sacred water) then another suitable site should be found. This can be a riverbank, a river junction, a lake, or a seashore. It can even be mountains, hilltops, or forests/gardens. It can also be placed in populated areas like towns, villages, and cities (King 69 and Osborn 87). Water was said to be a fundamental part of the gods’ play, therefore a sacred temple must be near water but if no water was present then man-made a water source. Directions also hold a particular significance (north, northeast, east, southeast, south, southwest, west, and northwest) they help to clarify the principles of the vastu-shastra.

Once the land has been chosen with appropriate knowledge the ground is then prepared properly using the geometrical design known as vastu-purusa-mandala. Then before the mandala is placed a Priest must perform a number of mantras a sacred utterance that urges all living creatures in the plot to leave so that the new land for the building will not kill any living things (King 69). The soil in the desired area of land must undergo some tests to show whether it is suitable or not. One test that occurs is a pit is dug in the ground and then is filled with water, and the soils strength is then judged by how much water is remaining when the next day arrives. Of course with this in mind before these tests can be done the soil must be examined in the following categories: smell, taste (whether it is sweet, pungent, bitter, astringent), color (white for brahmanas, red for kshatriyas, yellow for vaisyas, black for sudras, the color of the soil and the caste correspond with each other), sound, shape or consistency. After all that is done and if the soil is suitable, then the fertility of the soil must also be tested by plowing the ground and planting seed and recording the growth at 3, 5, and 7 nights. Then according to the success of growth, it is decided whether the soil is fertile and helps decide if this is a good place to build using the mandala (Kramrisch 13-14).

It does not matter whether the building is going to be a house, office, or a school the knowledge from the vastu-shastra must be taken into consideration in order for the execution to be successful. The walls that strengthen the temple are known as prakaras and they may vary in size and number in regards to the size of the temple. When building larger temples like the one in Srirangam they are occasionally surrounded by seven concrete walls that represent the seven layers of matter: earth, water, fire, air, either, mind, and intelligence.

 

The geometry and measurements of the vastu (blueprint) planned site is a very complex science. The shape must be a square that is a fundamental form of Indian architecture; its full name is vastu-purusa-mandala [the sacred diagram by which a temple is configured (Rodrigues 2006:568)] consisting of three parts vastu, purusa, and mandala. Purusa is a universal essence, a cosmic man representing pure energy, soul, and consciousness whose sacrifice by the gods was said to be the creation of all life. Purusa is the reason that buildings must be created using a mandala of him, which means a diagram relating to orientation. A mandala can also be referred to as a yantra (a cosmological diagram). The vastu-purusa-mandala adopts the shape of the land it is set on so it can fit suitably wherever it is placed. The mandala therefore accepts transformation into a triangle, hexagon, octagon, and circle if the area is consistent and it will maintain its symbolism. Even though the ideal shape is a square, its acceptance of transformation in shape shows the inherent flexibility of the vastu-purusa-mandala (Kramrisch 21 and Patra 2014:47). When configuring a temple they use this mandala of purusa to enable them to place the proper things in the proper directions and proper places (i.e. north, west, etc.) such as where the worship places or bedrooms must be and so forth. If the rooms in these buildings are appropriately placed this will keep the building healthy and keep the people in it happy (Patra 2014:47).

Another thing that the vastu-shastra states is that the layout for residences be placed based on caste; the brahmins (priestly class) are placed in the north, the kshatriyas (the warrior class) in the east, the vaishyas (the merchant class) in the south, and the sudras (the lower class) in the west.  When the land is purified and sanctified the vastu-purusa-mandala is drawn on the site with all the subdivisions helping to indicate the form of the building. The mandala is divided into 64 (8×8) squares and is meant for construction of shrines and for worship by brahmins, or 81 (9×9) squares and is meant for the construction of other buildings and for worship of kshastriyas (kings). These squares (nakshatras) are said to be the seats of 45 divinities that all surround a central open space that is ruled by Brahma (Chakrabarti 6-7 and Kramrisch 46). The square is occupied by the vastu-purusa his very shape of his body. His body with its parts, limbs, and apertures is interpreted as having the same boundaries or extent in space, time, or meaning and is therefore one with the 81 squares of the plan. The mandala is filled with magical effectiveness and meanwhile the body of man is the place of insight by the practice of the discipline of yoga (Kramrisch 49). The vastu-purusa-mandala is the vastu-purusa, his body is together with the presence and actions of the divinities located in the mandala, which is their yantra, the center is the brahmasthana and designates the center point of a building (it is a giant skylight) and its superstructure is the temple (Kramrisch 63).

The brahmasthana is the principle location in the temple because this is where the seat of the godhead will eventually be placed. A ritual is performed at this space in the vastu-purusa-mandala called garbhadhana, which invites the soul of the temple to enter the radius of the building. In this ritual a brahmin and a priest place a gold box in the earth during the ceremony of the first ground breaking. The interior of this box is an exact replica of the mandala squares and each square is filled with dirt. The priest then places the correct mantra in writing to call on the presence of the matching deity. When the base is complete the external features of the temple are brought to life through meticulously sculpted figures and paintings, these arts are generally conveyed as the forms of the divine entities (Osborn 90-91).     

It is said that the vastu-shastra is a very powerful ongoing tradition in India today and is in no threat of becoming extinct. The post secondary schools in India have classes to teach students about the variation of skills and techniques required in the science of sacred architecture. In these classes the literature is all written in Sanskrit, therefore in order for the students to learn the correct knowledge they must know how to read Sanskrit. They are taught everything required for vastu-shastra such as geometry, drafting, stone sculpture, bronze casting, woodcarving, painting, and so much more. When the students gain the correct knowledge and skills to be an architect in India they then graduate with a degree and then receive the title sthapati [(temple architect and builder) this title is named after Sri. M. Vaidyantha Sthapati a master architect, he was the designer and architect of some very popular temples and other Hindu buildings]. India has the most examples of sacred architecture that exist compared to all other countries in the world combined (Osborn 87). One of the more important requirements for vastu-shastra that is used today is the orientation of where parts of the buildings needs to be situated based on the points on the vastu-purusa-mandala. Hindu temples back in the nineteenth century were located at the heart of the city.  With that in mind today if one desires to go to a temple the most important temples are now all found in the suburbs, but they still have the same purpose, to bring human beings and gods closer together.

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Boner, Alice (1966) Slipa Prakasa Medieval Orissan Sanskrit Text on Temple Architecture. Leiden: Brill Archive.

Chakrabarti, Vibhuti (2013) Indian Architectural Theory and Practice: Contemporary Uses of Vastu Vidya. New York: Routledge.

Gautum, Jagdish (2006) Latest Vastu Shastra (Some Secrets). New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.

King, Anthony D. (ed.) (2003) Building and Society. New York: Routledge.

Kramrisch, Stella (1976) The Hindu Temple, Vol 1. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Meister, Michael (1976) “Mandala and Practice in Nagagra Architecture in North India.” Artibus Asiae, Vol.99, No.2: p.204-219.

Meister, Michael (1983) “Geometry and Measure in Indian Temple Plans: Rectangular Temples.” Artibus Asiae. Vol.44, No.4: p.266-296.

Michell, George (1977) The Hindu Temple: An Introduction to its Meanings and Forms. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Osborn, David (2010) Science of the Sacred. Raleigh: Lulu Press Inc.

Patra, Reena (2006) Asian Philosophy: A Comparative Study on Vaastu Shastra and Heidegger’s Building, Dwelling and Thinking. New York: Routledge, Vol.16, No.3: p.199-218.

Patra, Reena (2014) “Town Planning in Ancient India: In Moral Perspective.” Chandigarh: The International Journal of Humanities and Social Studies, Vol.2,  No.6: p.44-51.

Rodrigues, Hillary P. (2006) Introducing Hinduism-The eBook. Pennsylvania: Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, LTD.

Rodrigues, Hillary P. (ed.) (2011) Studying Hinduism in Practice. New York: Routledge.

Trivedi, Kirti (1989) Hindu Temples: Models of a Fractal Universe. Bombay: Springer-Verlag.

Vasudev, Gayatri D. (Editor) (1998) Vastu, Astrology, and Architecture: Papers Presented at the First All India Symposium on Vastu, Bangalore. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Mandala

Vedic Period

Vedas

Tirtha

Caste System

Brahmanas

Kshatriyas

Vaisyas

Sudras

Vedic Gods (divinities)

Purusa Legend

Brahmasthana

Yantra

Sthapati

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://architectureideas.info/2008/10/vastu-purusha-mandala/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vastu_shastra

http://www.vastushastraguru.com/vastu-purusha-mandala/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V._Ganapati_Sthapati

http://www.vaastu-shastra.com

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yantra

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandala

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_temple

 

Article written by: Brandon Simon (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Hinduism for the West, a. Significant Figures in Hinduism

Swami Muktananda

Swami Muktananda was a renowned religious leader in Hinduism; he is reputed to have achieved complete self-awareness, the highest level of awareness possible. He started out as a highly respected swami in India, and eventually gained followers/devotees across the world for his views on meditation, self-reflection, self-realization, and his teaching of Siddha Yoga.

Swami Muktananda was born in the early 20th century, there is some dispute as to his exact year of birth. May 16th, 1908 is a generally accepted date (Brooks et Al 26).  According to biographies written by his devotees, from whom a majority of this information is derived, Muktananda was born to a wealthy family near the town of Mangalore. Originally, his parents had longed for a son but had not been blessed with one. Then, one day they went to the temple of Manjunath Mahadev, where they visited a holy man. This holy man decided to give Muktananda’s parents a mantra to chant that would aid them in the birth of a son (Brooks et al 25).  When he was born his parents named him Krsna. Only after his initiation into the Sarasvati Order was he given the name Muktananda (Brooks et al 29); this will be discussed later in the paper. From a young age Muktananda felt that being a sage was his calling. When he was very young he had an encounter with a holy man named Nityananda that forever changed his life. Muktananda wanted to be more like Nityananda, so he  left home in his pursuit of God (Brooks et al 26). It is interesting that Nityananda was the Guru who influenced Muktananda at such a young age, seeing as Nityananda later became his Guru (Brooks et al 32-33).

After leaving home Muktananda’s first stop was the Ashram of Siddharudha Swami, he then studied under Muppinarya Swami after Siddharudha passed. During the years Muktananda spent under these Gurus he learned many things about himself and the way of the life of a disciple(Brooks et al 27-30). One of the most important things that happened to him in these years however, was his initiation into the Sarasvati Order as he officially became a monk. It is a part of this initiation for the participant to be given a name that reflects who they are.  After his initiation his name was changed from Krsna to Muktananda, meaning “bliss of spiritual liberation” (Brooks et. al 28-29).  After his initiation, Muktananda wandered India visiting saints and pilgrimage sites. The journey was not an easy one, he put himself through many trying situations. At points he would have to face extreme circumstances such as sleeping in uncovered places and drinking filtered mud water for sustenance(Brooks et. al 31).  But regardless of his trials Muktananda was still in search of God, in fact it was the only thing he was worried about. Later, Muktananda would say that he hardly noticed his hardships and what he was experiencing, because all he could focus on was his quest for God (Brooks et. al 31). During his travels he met many great teachers, but never the Guru he sought after, the Guru who would show him God. But, finally, he met Siddha Zippruanna, who sent him to Nityananda, for Nityananda was to be the Guru that showed him God (Brooks et. al 32).

Muktananda was lead to Nityananda and studied under him in his search for self-realization. Throughout his studies, other devotees claimed that Nityananda was very hard on him, and Muktananda reported that it made him respect Nityananda even more (Brooks et. al 34). Muktananda appeared to have adored his Guru, Nityananda, as they say all disciples should. His love was so great for his Guru that Muktananda claimed he constantly appeared in his meditations. Muktananda stated that even when he did not think of his Guru, he was still constantly in his mind (Muktananda 1978: 46). This shows how committed to his Guru Muktananda was, and how strong their bond was. In 1947, Muktananda was given Shaktipat initiation under Nityananda, which is the transmission of spiritual powers from Guru to disciple (Muktananda 1978: 284).  Sometime after this occurs, Nityananda claimed that Muktananda had achieved what he said was perfect brahma (Brooks et. al 41) because he had completely given up his human body. Even after Nityananda claimed he had reached perfect brahma, Muktananda still followed Nityananda, even though it was not necessary for him to do so. This shows how dharmic Muktananda was.  Because of his good actions, devotion, and perfect brahma; Nityananda passed the power of the siddha lineage to Muktananda when he took mahasamadhi (passed away). Muktananda stated it was a life changing event for him. He claimed that, “You experience perfection when you are already perfect, and you lose yourself in that perfection. It fills you completely. You experience your all-pervasiveness, and your individuality is destroyed” (Brooks et. al 47).

Muktananda then began his own mission. He appointed his own trustees to the Shri Gurudev ashram, later known as the Siddha Peeth. He devoted this ashram to Nityananda. What made this ashram so remarkable was the fact that it was open to all people, it belonged to everyone (Brooks et al 48-51), even westerners. This ashram was one of the few that believed everyone should be able to find God, no matter who they were, and regardless of religion. Muktananda believed that his duty was, “not to teach Hinduism, but the self; not to live in a cave wearing orange robes, but to see God in oneself as one is, and to see Him where one is, as a Christian, Jew, or Moslem, as a business man, a parent of a worker” (Muktananda 1987: vii). People from all over the world came to meet with Muktananda, and all reported that they had never experienced such radiance or love (Brooks et al 54-56). During this time  Muktananda developed and named his style of yoga as Siddha yoga. This was not a yoga that could be described by a type of movement, but rather a type of spiritual yoga that is taught by an accomplished yogi, and is passed down through these yogis as a lineage (Brooks et al xxv).

Muktananda talked about what it is like to truly meditate and what it is like to gain Shakti. From Muktananda’s point of view when you meditate consistently and love to meditate, eventually Shakti will awaken inside of you with the help of your Guru (Muktananda 1991:33). Muktananda states that Shakti created the outer universe, when it awakens within you it creates an inner universe of bliss and happiness (Muktananda 1991:33). When an individual’s meditation begins to deepen, they will eventually see what Muktananda calls a blue pearl. This blue pearl is where he claims God lives, where the form of the self is within us, and it contains the entire universe (Muktananda 1991: 35). This pearl allows us to feel love for ourselves and others. Eventually our individuality is no longer there. There is no longer any difference between things, and Muktananda believes that we come to this realization once we realize the whole universe dwells inside of us (Muktananda 1991: 36).  To him this a good thing, we are on our way to realizing that we and everything we see, are in fact God (Muktananda 1991: 37).

Despite the growing popularity of Siddha yoga and of Swami Muktananda, there were still a few critics of the Guru. Muktananda disliked materialism, as we can see from his works. He emphasized being free from attachments, which are the source of misery.  Muktananda wanted people to live free of desire and attachment, which you are not born into this world with (Muktananda 1980: 21).  He emphasized this over and over again, telling his disciples to wash away jealousy which causes filth, and to eat and live moderately (Muktananda 1980:29).  Through remaining free from attachment and enjoying things in moderation, only then he claims a person can begin to find happiness and self-realization. Muktananda’s continued stress on these things may be one reason that some westerners were not very fond of his teachings. Western culture puts emphasis on things such as material items and dedication to work, so you can afford even more material items. However, Muktananda believed that God and only God is what is truly important; he believed in continuous worship to God, and that we should immerse our minds in Him [God], because without God our mind would fail to function and think. Because of this, we should make God our one true focus (Muktananda 1980:33).  Some westerners may not like the thought of having to completely commit themselves and their minds to God, especially to such extremes as Muktananda does.

In 1970, when Muktananda was 62, he made his first trip to the west due to the many invitations from his devotees there (Brooks et al 74).  Many were uncertain how this trip would go, due to the fact that he could not speak English and only knew a couple dozen people in the west (Brooks et al 74).  However, even though he could not speak English, that did not stop him from connecting with people. The people he interacted with claimed that he connected with people through the heart (Brooks et al 75). Throughout this trip people learned a lot of new things about Muktananda. For instance people saw that Muktananda did not see himself as anything but an instrument for God and his own Guru, he never asked for help, and although he adapted to new environments easily he never changed his teachings (Brooks et al 74).  The first world tour of the Swami went extremely well and he went on his second tour in 1974. At this time Siddha yoga was becoming much more popular worldwide (Brooks et al 80). Muktananda stated his purpose of this tour was to start a revolution. The revolution he referred to was a meditation revolution. He sought for people to regain their prestige which he claimed had been tainted with evil. This thought of a meditation revolution became the foundation of the Siddha Yoga expansion (Brooks et al 82).  Throughout his second world tour there were over 150 new meditation centres and three ashrams founded around the world (Brooks et al 83).  In 1978 he took his third world tour, which lasted three years and is said to be the peak of his career. Around another twenty ashrams were formed and he had eight books published. It was also on this tour that dislike and the suspicion of cults arose (Brooks et al 109).

Some people believed that Muktananda was the leader of a cult, and that cult was Siddha yoga. Muktananda apparently called for conformity within his ashram, to some people this seemed like something a cult would do (White 315). People felt strongly compelled to be with and please Swami Muktananda. Not only that but many people longed to be exactly like Muktananda (White 316-317).  Unusually, many people have had similar experiences in Siddha yoga, both emotionally and physically. These people do things such as shriek, cry, writhe, and make strange movements. Not only this but they would hardly be able to remain conscious or carry our conversation without going into a trance,  being conscious was actually considered a hindrance to gaining self-realization (White 319).  To many people who were not familiar with the practices and aim of Siddha yoga, this seemed unnatural and made them feel very uncomfortable with the above mentioned happenings.  Muktananda addressed the talk of cults on his third tour when he landed in California. Challenging the people, he encouraged the government to visit every ashram and see what they could find, and he encouraged people to test their spiritual leaders and to watch for false Gurus who were appearing claiming to be like him (Brooks et al 110).

Swami Muktananda was a widely recognized leader, not only in India but all over the world. His followers emphasized his kindness, love, and warmth. While it appears that most people he came in contact with loved him, there were those few who doubted his teachings and were quite critical of him and his followers. Muktananda took mahasamadhi in 1982 (Brooks et al 124) leaving behind his legacy with his two successors, Swami Chidvilasananda and Swami Nityananda (Brooks et al 124).

 

REFERENCES AND OTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Brooks, Douglas and S.P. Durgananda, et al. (2000) Meditation Revolution: A History and Theology of the Siddha Yoga Lineage. India: Muktabodha Indological Research Institute,

Muktananda (1991) Meditate. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Muktananda (1978) Play of Consciousness. New York: SYDYA Foundation South Fallsburg.

Muktananda (1980) Reflections of the Self. New York: SYDYA Foundation South Fallsburg.

White, Charles (1974) “Swāmi Muktānanda and the Enlightenment Through Śakti-pāt” History of Religions (1974) Vol. 13, No. 4,  p. 306-322. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1062089

 

Other Related Topics For Investigation

Shakti

Meditation

Influential Swamis

Spread of Hinduism

Renouncers

Sarasvati Order

Self-realization

Swami Nityananda

Swami Chidvilasananda

Brahma

 

Article written by: Sonja Simmelink ( March 7, 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

c. Vaisnavism, Visnu's Avataras

The Avatara (Divine Descent) Concept in Hinduism

Divine descent is a Hindu phenomenon that has often been misinterpreted or misunderstood. It is widely associated with the Christian doctrine of Docetism (Sheth 12), however the Sanskrit word avatara more closely relates to words such as descent or manifestation (Matchett 4-6). The earliest written record of this doctrine comes from the Bhagavad-Gita. In it, Krsna begins to explain the mysteries of his incarnation in order to clear the warrior Arjuna’s confusion. Krsna explains his previous births (janmani) as being the lord of the individual selves, yet one with all around him. He goes further into saying that he is fully aware of his many previous births and at any point of his choosing he may generate himself in order to touch foot in the mortal world. In the context of the Bhagavad-Gita, Krsna spawns himself a completely new body while still maintaining his personal divinity and understanding of Purusa (see Matchett 102-103).

Krsna finally states, “Whenever law of righteousness withers away and lawlessness arises, then do I generate myself ” (Bhagavad-Gita 4.7-8). This underlines the main purpose for divine descent in the Hindu tradition. The goal is restoring cosmic balance to the realm of humans by maintaining and enforcing dharma while eliminating and defeating adharma or destruction of social order (Sheth 99). In general, the preserver god visnu is the main source of divine descent into the human realm however avatars of gods such as Shiva or Ganesh have also been said to manifest themselves (Courtright 175). It is through the many incarnations of Visnu that the wills and actions of the gods may be fulfilled. This is a vehicle for which the deities may be fully appreciated and their wills fully upheld. Many Hindus believe that meditation on the divine incarnation and the human deeds performed by these avatars can help in the pursuit of enlightenment.

Pillar with bas-reliefs depicting some of Visnu's avataras (Mahabalipuram, India)
Pillar with bas-reliefs depicting some of Visnu’s avataras (Mahabalipuram, India)

Many Hindus hold these avatars (avatara) close in thought through their days. These divinely descended deities have personified themselves in a way that allows Hindus to more accurately understand their importance. Rama and Krsna are both avataric figures that have remained beloved for thousands of years (Roshen 250). These heroes take the most underlying key concepts of Upanishadic texts and personify them in an understandable vehicle for learning. In common belief, many believe these avatars are just heroes responsible for the safeguarding of our existence, making them worthy of praise.

Many sects of Hinduism have been devoted to the teachings and actions of particular avatars. Vaishnavism is one of the main sects of Hinduism that gives focus to Visnu and his descents as supreme lord. One of the most prominent figures in Vaishnava teachings is the eighth avatar of Visnu, Krsna. Many Hindus participate in celebrations dedicated to these prominent figures. One such celebration is that of Rama Navami, a very popular and well-known festival dedicated to the birth of the 7th avatar and protagonist of the great Ramayana epic, Rama (Abbe 111). The teachings of Rama and his actions throughout the epic make him a model for dharmic action and a guide for the perfect man. The Rama Navami is a particularity important festival that honors the birth date of the great deity and is attended by the thousands every year.

Among some of the most important Puranic texts associated with Hinduism is the Bhagavata-Purana. Often considered the purest of the Puranas, the Bhagavata-Purana is one of the great Hindu texts that focuses very clearly on bhakti towards Visnu but often uses Krsna as a vehicle through which Visnu can be more clearly interpreted. Bhakti is a central focus for the attainment of enlightenment and is often expressed as an ongoing devotion and personal love to a god, often associated with monotheistic Hindu views such as Vaishnavism (Gupta 12). Devotees of Krsna consider him to be the only pure expression of Visnu through divine descent. Therefore the great hero of the Mahabharata, Krsna, is often shown tremendous amounts of bhakti throughout Hindu tradition. In some specific schools of Vaishnavism, Krsna is said to be so overwhelmingly important that he is considered the source of all other avatars. This notion gave birth to the school of Krsnaism, a sect devout in their worship to lord Krsna as the Bhagavan himself (Matchett 52).

In modern times, the largest and most common denomination of Hindus are Vaishnavas with more than 550 million practicing today (Abbe 115). The sects’ overwhelming emphasis on the power of bhakti and worship, as a whole, has lead to the creation of many discernable religious practices. Vaishnavism holds representations of Visnu and his avatars, most commonly Rama or Krsna, as reality and essential in showing daily bhakti (Gupta 14). Representations of the preserver god and his avatars are absolutely necessary for reverence and worship. Many will pray to these representations several times a day, often offering material objects as offerings. One of the most discernable of these practices is the marking of the tilak on the forehead of a Hindu. These tilaks vary enormously across different sects but all are characterized by a symbolic connection to Visnu and his avatars (Abbe 163). With such strong emphasis on personal devotion to a single deity, it is easy to see how many elaborate and beautiful temples have been created in order to aid the process. Thousands of temples are scattered across India, adorned beautifully with artwork and sculptures as praise towards the many avatars who descended in order to keep cosmic balance. Thousands attend these intricate temples; dedicated to the many vehicles in which lord Visnu extends his love to his devotees.

When pertaining to avatars in the Hindu tradition, the most widely associated deity is clearly Visnu. Among these incarnations are the ten widely known Dashavataras who are the most important and fundamental in the understanding of avatara. However, there exist many more then just ten manifestations of Visnu: as stated by the Bhagavata Purana there exists an innumerable and infinite number of avatars. Divine descent is not only restricted to Vaishnava deities. The Linga Purana contains manifestations from other gods such as Ganesh and Shiva who sent forth avatars in order to keep the cosmic balance by slaying evil demons and performing dharmic action. Many times we also see the descent of Visnu’s consort Laksmi into the realm of humans; often as consorts for the various avatars of Visnu himself such as Sita, the beautiful and dharmic wife of the hero Rama.

Of the Vaisnava avatars, the most prominent are grouped into a list of ten appropriately named the Dashavatara. Each of these ten incarnations are from one of four yugas or eras in Hindu tradition. The first of these yugas is that of the satya yuga where human action was dictated and governed by the god. Also known as the Golden Age or age of truth, this is when the first four of the dashavatara. Matsya the fish is typically listed as the first of Visnu’s avatars and is often associated with the comparable genesis narrative of Abrahamic tradition (Sheth 113). Matsya descends to earth in order to alert Manu, the first man, of an impending storm that will wipe out the earth and all who reside on it. The flood myth is common across most cultures and many comparisons can be made. Matsya orders Manu to gather all the grain and in many accounts animals as well, and board an arc, which Matsya pulls to safety. Many times, Matsya is said to defeat a demon after saving Manu. From the demon he recovers the holy Vedas and bestows them to man.

From this story a lot can be said about the other nine Dasavataras and the many symbols they represent. From the tale of Matsya, we see the very first supposed avatar of Visnu. Comparatively, Matsya is vital to genesis of human life and in many ways is held to explain our very origins. The subsequent 9 avatars following Matsya seem to all follow this theme of evolution and the creation of human existence. The remaining 3 avatars from the satya yuga are all forms of beasts, including Narasimha who begins to take human characteristics, as well as lion. The evolution from a scientific stand point of the water dwelling fish to the amphibious turtle and subsequently by a boar or more broadly a man beast. Visnu’s avatars seem to clearly represent the process of human evolution in an order that follows scientific reason. The subsequent treta yuga, begins with what could be interpreted as the first proto man, Vamana or the dwarf god. From here, Visnu only chose to incarnate himself into humanly forms each slightly further into the development of human thought. Parasurama lives a life of forest dwelling and using early weapons; his successor Rama is an example of humans organizing themselves into communities and kingships. The evolution extends into a period of more politically advanced systems with Krsna and stops at the catalyzing ninth avatar Buddha who depicts the age of human realization and enlightenment. Hindus had, in a way, shown a Darwinian and evolutionary understanding thousands of years before the very birth of Darwin (Brown 227).

Bas-relief on a temple pillar depicting Visnu in his tortoise avatara (Ranganathaswamy temple, Srirangam, Tamil Nadu, India)
Bas-relief on a temple pillar depicting Visnu in his tortoise avatara (Ranganathaswamy temple, Srirangam, Tamil Nadu, India)

Kalki, the final avatar, is the most unique incarnation of the Dashavatara. Unlike his predecessors, Kalki has not yet descended upon our realm. Of the ten avatars, Kalki is described as the destroyer of filth and the final avatar in the current mahayuga. It is said that Kalki will descend upon the earth following the end of the Kali yuga, the same yuga we reside in today. This moment will mark the end of our current mahayuga where Kalki generates in order to rid the world of the “filth” that has been acquired during this current age of misery and spiritual degeneration (Mahony 333).

The avatars of Ganesh are an interesting comparison to the highly discussed incarnations of lord Visnu. The Mudgala Purana regards Ganesh as the most revered and holy of the gods for his constant involvement in the well being of humans. The incarnations of Ganesh are often used as models for the creation of the world and are used to describe theological concepts of the Hindu tradition. Each incarnation of Ganesh is sent to eradicate a demon typically symbolic with malicious qualities (see Courtright 176). The actions stated in both the Ganesa Purana and Mudgala Purana have lead many to a life of bhakti towards Ganesa.

Divine descent is a truly intricate and substantial process in the Hindu tradition. Its complexities and origins are deeply rooted in the theological Hindu thought that has shaped the lives and practices of countless cultures. These avatars offer a vehicle for which all those wishing to extend their love and devotion to gods, may do so. A universal language of devotion is achieved through these enormously impactful figures. Perhaps the complexities associated with divine descent are truly a measure of the complexities of the gods themselves most undoubtedly characterized by an infinite number of avatars. Divine descent is truly a phenomenon that expresses the extent of love felt by the gods towards their people; love that could not exist without the enduring bhakti of their people.

 

References and Further Readings

Brown, Mackenzie (2010) “ Vivekanda and the Scientific Legitimation of Advaita Vedanta.” Handbook of Religion and the Authority of Science, Vol.10, No.1: 227-230.

Dubois, Abbe (2007) Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies. Paris: Cosimo Incorporated.

Gupta Raui (2007) Caitany Vaisnava Vedanta of Jiva Gosvami: When Knowledge meets devotion. Edinburgh: University of Sterling.

Mahony, William (1987) “Perspectives on Krsna’s Various Personalities.” History of Religions 26, Vol. 26, No.3: 333-335.

Moffit, John (1977) “Incarnation and Avatara: An Imaginary Conversation.” Journal of Ecumenical Studies, Vol.13, No.2: 456-461.

Matchett, Freda (2001) Krishna, Lord or Avatara? : The Relationship between Krishna and Vishnu. Surrey: Routledge Publication.

Courtright, Paul (1987) “ Ganesha: Lord of Obstacles, Lord of Beginnings.” The Journal for Asian Studies, Vol.26, No.1: 175-177.

Roshen, Dalal (2011) Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide. Delhi: Penguin Books India.

Sheth, Noel (2002) “ Hindu Avatara and Christian Incarnations: A Comparison.” Philosophies of East and West, Vol.52, No.1: 98-125.

Related Topics:

Vaisnavism

Visnu

Bhagavad-Gita

Bhagavata- Purana

Dasavatara

Treta Yuga

Dvapara

Kali Yuga

Satya Yuga

Linga Purana

Ganesa

Rama

Krsna

Cosmic Balance

Bhakti

Janmani

Laksmi

Rama Navami

Upanishads

Trimurti

Garuda Purana

 

Noteworthy websites:

http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/Religions/Avatars/Vishnu.html

http://vaishnavparivar.info/

http://www.hinduism.co.za/vedas-.htm

 

Article written by: Zachery Sanderson (March 2015), who is solely responsible for its content