The goddess Bhu Devi has been in Hindu culture, existing with various names throughout the myths and stories of Vedic texts, and built into the geography of India itself. Within the earliest Vedic texts, the goddess of the earth was known as Prthivi, and is depicted as the female principle of Dyaus, the male deity of the sky (Kinsley 8). It is said in the Rg Veda that Dyaus fertilizes the earth with rain, as Prthivi supports and encompasses the growing earth (Kinsley 8). The hymn of praise found in the Artharva Veda is solely dedicated to Prthivi and the feminine principle. It also discusses the image of Visnu—as well as other associated male deities—striding over Prthivi, either protecting her, providing for her, or seen as consorts (Kinsley 9). Prthivi is found later in Hinduism, and often called Bhu Devi, appearing in myths that show her fertile, maternal nature (Kinsley 17). In the Garuda Purana’s form of cosmogony, Visnu is said to deposit is virya (energy or semen) in Laksmi (Pintchman 154), and reinforces the connection between these two principles that is needed for creation. Visnu is told to be a lover of the Earth in early texts. He is depicted conquering a demon in dharmic form, and rising up with the earth from the bottom of the ocean. This earth (bhumi) brought up from the depths is envisioned as the beautiful goddess Bhu Devi (Nelson 154). Bhu Devi’s plea for help is said to bring about many of the incarnations of Visnu, personifying her vulnerability to the fragile soil of the earth (Nelson 272) and her need for the preserver, Visnu. Sri, commonly known as Laksmi or Sri-Laksmi, refers to riches, prosperity, and abundance (Kinsley 19). Sri embodies compassion in her being, and in her manifestation as Bhu Devi, she is often portrayed as the goddess of reproduction and nurture (Nelson 96). The relationship between Laksmi and prakrti can be seen in the myth explaining how Laksmi appeared in her three forms when the lord created the three gunas of prakrti: Sri the sattva guna, Bhu the rajas guna, and Durga the tamas guna (Pintchman 154). This shows the supreme lord Visnu as Purusa, corresponding to Brahma and the rajas principle (Pintchman 155). With Brahma the creator and Bhu the prosperous/nurturing, a better understanding of the rajas guna is given through the personification of these deities. [A detailed account on the arrangements and categories of prakarti is told in Pintchman (1994)].
Visnu in his boar incarnation rescues Bhu Devi, the Earth Goddess (Khajuraho, India)
Extended knowledge and philosophies came through the Tantric Srivaisnavism, as verses are told of Bhu Devi’s greatness and her part as a spouse to Visnu, along with consorts Sri or Laksmi (Nelson 56). In Srivaisnavism, Visnu (the supreme deity of the school) is maintained as the central cosmological figure while Sri is seen as a “devotee’s advocate” (Kinsley 32) in her conversations with Visnu. Sri, as a mother goddess is told to be the mediator between the devotees and Visnu (Hawley and Wulff 93), much like a mother is the mediator between children and their father. Sri-Laksmi is later revealed as the nectar of creation, filled with power, beauty, and riches within the Pancaratra school of thought stemming from Srivaisnavism (Kinsley 21). Due to the connection Laksmi has as the sap of existence, she is also often worshipped with Soma, the essence of plant and organic life (Kinsley 27). Laksmi plays a central role in the universe’s creation and evolution as the sakti of Visnu within the Pancaratra school of thought (Kinsley 30). This school is what begins to gain the goddess independent ground in the pantheon of deities. In the tenth and eleventh centuries, gurus wrote multiple hymns in praise of the greatness of Sri. These hymns towards Sri led the emergence of the mutual love and an inseparable relationship between Sri and Visnu (Hawley and Wulff 90). She is a goddess of nurture, prosperity, and a giver of wealth as seen from tales in the Sri Vaisnava group of worshippers (Hawley and Wulff 87). In the Samhitas, the earth goddess—Prthivi or Bhumi—is shown to have three aspects of nature: the physical earth sustaining living creatures, the universal mother of physical creation, and matter itself that is formed in the cosmogonic creation (Pintchman 30). The process of creation is said to continue when Visnu and Laksmi enter mahat (material existence) and give rise to consciousness and egoity (Pintchman 155).
The personification of nature into Bhu Devi, as well as other mother goddesses, is seen around India in the natural sites that hold the transcendent feminine qualities of nurture and growth [For specific geographic information depicting the mother goddess see Kinsley (1986)]. These sacred sites mimic the feminine principle (sakti) that women themselves are expected to uphold towards their husbands within the culture (Nelson 95-96). Where it is a man’s dharma to ritually worship the gods, it is the woman’s responsibility to further worship her husband and gain sakti in the household. The goddess Kali is seen as large, dominating, and as a force that may bring death, while auspicious goddesses such as Laksmi and Bhu are small and controlled by their male counterpart (Hawley and Wulff 14). Kali often used as a reminder of how women are less fearful when auspicious and dharmic, keeping men as the authority figure in both the household and in the rest of Hindu culture. A common iconographic depiction of Laksmi is of her kneeling before Visnu to either massage his feet or show her submissiveness (Kinsley 28). In turn, the image of Visnu as a lover of earth also motivates Vaisnava movements to take increased care of the earth as a dharmic action (Nelson 155). “Bhudevi’s primary role is that of an injured supplicant who is oppressed by wicked rulers” (Kinsley 179) in need of Visnu’s help, whereas the Vedic goddess Prthivi was seen as a broad, ongoing source of fertility in the early hymns.
Sri Vaisnava temples contain separate shines for Visnu and Sri. While the primary image of Visnu is shown and worshipped with Sri or Bhu on his chest, Sri is often worshipped alone (Hawley and Wulff 98). Some schools such as Tirumala-Tirupati address Visnu as Sri-nivasa (he on whom Sri abides), Sri being a vital part of their worship (Hawley and Wulff 104). The story of Padmavati told in the Tirumala-Tirupati temple is also shown in local legends of Sri becoming a local human girl after a fight with Visnu (Hawley and Wulff 100). Padmavati (Sri incarnate) is followed by Visnu and eventually united in Nacciyar Koil, after being raised by the holy man Medhavi, having found her under an asoka tree (Hawley and Wulff 100-101). This story has many parallels to the Ramayana, in the finding of Sita on land being ploughed, further associating the princess Padmavati to Sri, though her identification as Sri is still questioned today (Hawley and Wulff 100). The name Padmavati itself is linked to the Sanskrit padma, meaning lotus (Hawley and Wulff 100), suggesting Padmavati to be connected to the goddess Laksmi, an extention of Sri.
Within the past century (around 1970), a prominent theologian of the Sri Vaisnava school of thought wrote a prayer to the “Eight Laksmis”, called the Asta Laksmi Stotram, and viewed as the eight manifestations of Sri (Hawley and Wulff 104). In temples dedicated to Asta Laksmi, traditional silver, and decorative jars with the eight engraved manifestations on the sides are traditionally used in worship (Hawley and Wulff 105). Use of a symbolic jar as one of the manifest forms of the goddess is also seen with the Ghatasthapana (jar installation) during worship of the Great Goddess, Devi (Rodrigues 86). The jar is made out of clay with grain planted inside of it, thus symbolizing the Goddess as earth and soil, making a connection to Bhu Devi as well as the Vedic goddess Aditi (the suggested mother or wife of Visnu) who is a supporter of the earth (Rodrigues 86). This jar, much like the one for Asta Laksmi, is made out of metal or unbaked clay and symbolizes the body of Devi (Rodrigues 273). The jar is said to be the abundant earth itself, an all-encompassing container holding each of the life-nourishing elements (Rodrigues 86). When water is poured into the jar, it is representative of these liquid elements of creation, and is consequently associated to Sri-Laksmi in her material prosperity or prakrti (Rodrigues 87-88). There is an ongoing parallel to many of the rituals pertaining to the earth goddess Bhu Devi, in the idea that life-forms temporarily endure but eventually return to their ultimate source, the earth goddess herself (Rodrigues 273).
The ritual art tradition of the kolam is no exception, as it is an essential part of creating auspiciousness in the Tamil Nadu homes. These drawings, both elaborate and simple, are a sign of women’s energies within the four goddesses the ritual involves: Bhu Devi, Laksmi, Mu Devi, and Tulasi Devi. Mu Devi is a goddess of laziness and poverty, the opposite to the consorts of Visnu: Laksmi, Tulasi Devi, and Bhi Devi (Nelson 270-271). The kolam artwork made in the early morning is slowly removed throughout the day by movement of people in and out of the house. Returning the markings back into the soil shows Bhu Devi’s fragile nature, bringing remembrance back to the natural world, as well as making Bhu Devi one of the first thoughts women have each day (Nelson 273). The modern women who have continued the tradition of kolam hold the ideology that the earth as a divine being is capable of cleaning itself, causing elephant dung or pollution to be absorbed by the goddesses of the rivers and the earth (Nelson 277). To better understand this concept, the kolam is seen as a way to ask forgiveness from Bhu Devi for the previous days neglect of her well-being (Nelson 279). Sri-Laksmi, another consort of Visnu is worshipped in the form of cow dung due to her association with agricultural fertility (Kinsley 20). Often depicted on a lotus flower, Laksmi can be seen in the symbol of the lotus growing from the navel of Visnu (Kinsley 21) and as such marks the beginning of manifest creation of the earth and cosmos.
The link between Bhu Devi and the earth goes back to the very beginnings of Vedic religion, personifying and making connections to the geographic landscape. As seen in the ideologies of schools from then into modern day, the earth goddess is worshipped in many forms, and seen in names such as Prthivi, Sri and in Sri’s avatara, Laksmi. The fertility of Bhu Devi, seen in many of the rituals reinforces the great importance of the land, growth, and the cyclical way of life.
Bibliography and Related Readings
Coburn, Thomas (1996) “Devi: The Great Goddess.” In Devi: Goddesses of India. John Hawley and Donna Wulff (eds.). Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. pp. 31-48.
Hawley, John (1996) “Prologue: The Goddess in India.” In Devi: Goddesses of India. John Hawley and Donna Wulff (eds.). Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. pp. 1-28.
Kinsley, David (1987) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publ.
Mumme, Patricia (1998) “Models and Images for a Vaisnava Environmental Theology: The Potential Contribution of Srivaisnavism.” In Purifying the Earthly Body of God: Religion and Ecology in Hindu India. Nelson (ed.). Albany: State University of New York Press. pp. 133-161.
Nagarajan, Vijaya (1998) “The Earth Goddess Bhu Devi: Toward a Theory of ‘Embedded Ecologies’ in Folk Hinduism.” In Purifying the Earthly Body of God: Religion and Ecology in Hindu India. Nelson (ed.). Albany: State University of New York Press. pp. 269-295.
Narayanan, Vasudha (1996) “Sri: Giver of Fortune, Bestower of Grace.” In Devi: Goddesses of India. John Hawley and Donna Wulff (eds.). Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. pp. 87-108.
Pintchman, Tracy (1994) The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Rodrigues, Hillary (2003) Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: The Liturgy of the Durga Puja with Interpretations. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Sharma, Arvind (1998) “Attitudes to Nature in the Early Upanisads.” In Purifying the Earthly Body of God: Religion and Ecology in Hindu India. Nelson (ed.). Albany: State University of New York Press. pp. 51-60.
This account of Swami Chinmayananda’s life is derived from a single source, who may be a devotee, and therefore reflects the overly sympathetic orientation of the source.
Swami Chinmayananda, also referred to as Balakrishna Menon, who was born in Kerala, India during 1916. He earned an Undergraduate Degree in English Literature at Lucknow University in India. At the time of his studies, India was in a political dispute with Britain in order to gain their independence. Menon was a socialist and performed political actions such as, writing leaflets and give speeches in order to rile up the nation (Patchen 8). He was one of many students who demonstrated his differing ideologies against the colonial British, in the events leading up to India gaining independence during the 1940’s (Patchen 7). Because of this political uprising, many Indians were locked up and killed. Balakrishnan Menon came to realize that a warrant was issued for his arrest. He spent the next two years moving around, until he thought it was safe enough to come out. However, government officials soon found him and he was imprisoned (Patchen 10).
Menon caught typhus in prison because of overcrowding, bad ventilation and poor nutrition within the penitentiary. In the old country typhus was commonly known as jail fever because of the confined spaces in prison (Patchen 11). This allowed for the disease to spread rapidly among inmates. Menon was then later released on the side of a road, just out of Delhi, because of contracting typhus. A passerby rescued Menon and he later recovered from his illness. After several weeks he made his way to Baroda, where he stayed with his cousin, Achuthan Menon (Patchen 12).
When Menon was staying with his cousin, he started type writing. He chose articles such as, Mochi “Street shoe cobbler” (Patchen 14) to write on and expressed his socialist views. This marked the beginning of his journalism career. These short responses were then being published in Indian nationalist newspapers (Patchen 14). He was more interested in India’s social reforms than the Hindu religion at this time. Menon left Baroda and headed back to the University of Lucknow, where he achieved his Master’s Degree in English Literature. He became an editor at the local newspaper, but soon found through his work that something was missing.
“Each one of us is in the right atmosphere and environment for our evolution. Don’t try to be more intelligent than universal intelligence. Stay where you are and start opening!” stated Swami Chinmayananda (Patchen 23). Menon started to look deeper into the daily lives of the rich and poor within India. He soon became empathetic towards the poor, but also explored how the rich gained from their lifestyle (Patchen 23). Menon realized that he had to choose his own path and let religion back into his life. He had made a resolution for himself and moved onto a spiritual path for three years. After practicing spiritually, coming to know ones true self, for three years, Menon studied philosophy in order to gain more knowledge of life (Patchen 25). Through his studies, he came across the concept of the Eternal Truth, also known as Sanatana Dharma, within the Vedas. He wanted to achieve the divine goals that were marked in the scriptures because it would lead him to become a true teacher (Patchen 25).
Menon was inspired by the many sages who have attained these divine goals and soon followed their words that “truth cannot be disguised to a sincere seeker” (Patchen 26). He continued to study these wise sages and gained guidance from their words. However, he still had many unanswered questions and doubts. In order to find his answers, he journeyed to the Himalayas in hope of finding these great sages (Patchen 29). He set off to Rishikesh, the place to find a man full of wisdom which is a Swami, in order to find Swami Shivananda on the north bank of the Ganga (Patchen 35). There he spent a few days learning from Swami Shivananda, while gaining spiritual knowledge. For several years, Menon would travel to the Himalayas and continue to learn about spiritual matters from Swami Shivananda. It was not until the late 1940’s that Balakrishnan Menon received initiation into the sannyasa asrama, also known as the life of renunciation, from Swami Shivananda (Patchen 55-56). By being initiated into the sannyasa asrama, Menon was close to achieving the goal of self-realization (Patchen 56). Balakrishnan Menon formally became known as Swami Chinmayananda, meaning “one who reveals in the bliss which is pure consciousness” (Patchen 57-58).
A few days after his initiation, Swami Chinmayananda made his way to the small village of Uttarkasi, in the eastern valley of Varanavatha mountain, where he sought to meet another great sage (Patchen 69). There he met Swami Tapovan, the master of Vedanta, to teach him the scriptures of the Vedas and took him as his guru, (teacher). Swami Tapovan believed that one should not rush their learning process because the ideas already in one’s mind need to be clear before an individual moves on to the next stage (Patchen 70). Therefore, Swami Chinmayananda did not start his new learning right away. Swami Chinmayananda did not spend all his time learning about the philosophy of Vedanta, but he also took time to do chores in order to release natural energy and maintain his strength. He then traveled on foot for a few days with Swami Tapovan and other students in order to get to Gangotri, a place of meditation and peacefulness (Patchen 71). Swami Chinmayananda would chant early every morning before the teachings of the scriptures began. He learned the first Vedanta text which was the beginning of the scriptures that identified all the concepts of the Upanishads in Sanskrit (Patchen 72). These concepts included the nature of the true Self and information on the nature of Brahman. The information given in the first text of Vedanta gave Swami Chinmayananda the core concepts of the scriptures, but also allowed him to further learn the Sanskrit language. Swami Tapovan would slowly read the scriptures out and explain each Sanskrit term for the students to fully understand the meaning of the texts.
Swami Chinmayananda spent a few years of continually traveling from Uttarkasi and back to Gangotri to learn about the scriptures and philosophy of Vedanta. By the time Chinmayananda turned thirty years old, he was able to travel back to his homeland of Kerala, India (Patchen 80). He was able to see his family after a decade and enjoyed sharing with them what it was like to become a Swami. While Chinmayananda was home, he visited many temples and talked to spiritual teachers’ within the area. He was also asked to give many lectures to the public about his life as a Swami. After his visit home, Chinmayananda returned back to Uttarkasi and continued his learning with the guru. He was now ready for the final step in his religious journey, “the dive into Self-realization” (Patchen 84). Several more years of teachings with guru, Swami Tapovan, led Swami Chinmayananda to his greatest achievement of understanding the nature of the mind.
When Swami Chinmayananda reached his goal, he went on a tour of India and decided to do a series of Upanishad Jnana Yagnas, teaching concepts of true knowledge and the nature of absolute reality. Swami Chinmayananda taught these concepts in various cities around India (Patchen 155). He wanted to bring spiritual enlightenment to the people within these cities and educate them on their cultural roots. Chinmayananda wanted to use his knowledge of the Vedic concepts and bring benefit to all of society. He then started teaching right from the scriptures and made his way to the first city, Poona, where he performed his first lecture (Patchen 156). After his first lecture to the public on Vedanta, Chinmayananda decided to live life with the people and encounter the issues they had. He packed all his belongings up and the left the comfort of the Himalayas in order to start the “Divine Mission” (Patchen 158). He believed that the people of India deserved to know more about their Hindu religion, while applying these concepts to every life struggle they would have. He then lectured on the first Yagna, but not many people came. As Chinmayananda continued to lecture on Vedanta, more people would attend (Patchen 163).
Chinmayananda’s passion was to liberate people with his knowledge of Vedanta, which essentially brought happiness, “Maximum happiness for the maximum number of people that is our goal!” stated Swami Chinmayananda (Patchen 203). Groups of educated Brahmins, who went to listen to Swami Chinmayananda lecture wanted to create a program that spread the meaning of his teachings further, and the understanding of Vedanta. They then created the “Chinmaya Mission”, meaning “the true knowledge”, to carry spiritual concepts and discussions to the people (Patchen 203). People would gather from various cities just to hear Swami Chinmayananda talk and soon the group expanded. The “Chinmaya Mission” was now an organization that had grown into something great, while giving the people the knowledge and spiritual guidance they needed. Swami Chinmayananda was all about helping the people and through the “Chinmaya Mission” he was able to create the Chinmaya Mission Hospital during the late 1900’s (Patchen 241). Many more great projects came out of “Chinmaya Mission”, but Swami Chinmayananda died of heart issues in late summer of 1993 (Swami Chinmayananda 1). Through his studies and knowledge of Vedanta, Swami Chinmayananda changed the lives of many people and the “Chinmaya Mission” still carries on in his name.
REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING
Patchen, Nancy (1989) The journey of a master: Swami Chinmayananda : the man, the path, the teaching. Berkeley, California: Asian Humanities Press.
Kartik(a) is the eighth month of the Saka Calendar, the calendar employed in India, falling between the Western Calendar months of October and November (Melton 398). Kartik is seen by some Hindus as one of the three most popular and widely anticipated months of the Hindu calendar for its hospitable weather and religious importance (Pintchman 2004;23). The term vrata appears in various Hindu texts including the Vedas, first appearing in the Rgveda, the Puranas, and is even discussed in the Hindu epic, theMahabharata (see Pearson 1996;45-84). In the Rgveda,vrata is associated with maintaining the cosmic order (dharma), and may be different from one person to another, or from one god to another (see Pearson 45-46). Vrata are viewed as a way to express one’s faith and attain auspicious benefits (Pearson 62). Auspiciousness is a very important attainment in Hinduism and is related to health and happiness and may be achieved through partaking in certain vrata (Pintchman 2003:330). Generally, vrata is defined as a religious vow or observance requiring abstinence, or restriction, from various activities, such as eating (Pintchman 2004:23). However, vrata may also require the performance of certain behaviors or activities, such as snana (bathing) (Pintchman 2004:23).
Vrata performed during the auspicious Hindu months of Kartik (Skt. Kartika), Vaisakh (Skt. Vaisakha) and Magh (Skt. Magha), are perceived to yield more benefits than vrata performed during other months (Pearson 91). As a result a great multitude of vrata, especially month-long vrata, are emphasized and practiced during these months (Pearson 91). The month long vrata include ritual bathing (snana), Hindu worship (puja), recitation of religious texts, or of texts that contain a narrative specific to the vrata or puja, charity, and abstinence from food (fasting) (Pearson 91). A great number of vrata and puja practiced during Kartik are specifically dedicated to the Hindu deity Krsna, a popular avatar of Visnu. However, there also exists puja dedicated to other Hindu deities, such as Laksmi (Hindu goddess) and Lord Brahma during Kartik.
A great number of vrata are largely conducted by women, which has to do with the connection between women and vrata. Though men and women are both equally allowed to partake in vrata, women tend to take over the carrying out of the vrata because of the connection between vrata and maintaining the health and well being of the family, which is largely the role of women in Hindu society (Pearson 126). Popular Kartik vrata include the Kartik puja and Kartik snana, which are done in observance of the Kartik vrata. These specific puja and snana are widely performed in the Indian city of Banares and are largely conducted by female votaries and dedicated to Krsna. During the month long Kartik vrata in Banares, women perform daily snana (bath) in the Ganges before sunrise, as this is dictated to increase meritorious benefits (Pintchman 2004:23). This portion of the vrata is viewed to be crucial to the Kartik vrata, even more important than the fasting portion of the vrata (Pintchman 2004:23). After the daily snana, a portion of female votaries partake in Kartik puja, which is also done in observance of the Kartik Vrata and includes the construction of murtis, singing, offerings and ends with the marriage of Krsna to Tulsi, the basil plant goddess (see Pintchman 2004:23-24). After the snana, female votaries build murtis (icons) of Hindu deities, including Krsna, while the other murtis constructed are also seen to partake in worshipping Krsna alongside the votaries (Pintchman 2004:24). For the first portion of the month long vrata Krsna is viewed as an infant, and the women see themselves as the gopis (female cowherdesses) who looked after Krsna during his childhood in Vrindavan (Pintchman 2004:24). The Kartik puja includes replicating the Krsna rasa-lila, a mythological dance circle in which Krsna multiplies himself and then has intercourse with each of the gopis, and singing and bathing the icons in the Ganges (Pintchman 2004:24). This replication of Hindu mythology is a part of many puja and vrata, and is referred to as vrat-kautha, the story of the vrata (Pintchman 2003:150). Halfway through the month of Kartik the women bring in a Brahmin priest, the first involvement of a male in the vrata, to perform the sacred thread ceremony on Krsna (Pintchman 2004:24). The sacred thread ceremony marks Krsna’s transition into manhood, and for the occasion the women make a new brass murtis of Krsna (Pintchman 2004;24). For the second half of the Kartik vrata Krsna is understood to be a man, no longer an infant, and the women spend the remainder of the month planning Krsna’s marriage to the Tulsi, the basil plant goddess, who is also viewed to be auspicious (Pintchman 2004:24). The wedding between the two Hindu deities takes place on Prabhodani Ekadashi, the day that Visnu awakens from a four month long slumber, which also contributes to the auspiciousness of Kartik as a month (Pintchman 2004:24). The month long Kartik vrata ends on the last day of Kartik, the night of the full moon (purnima) on which Krsna and Tusli depart for Krsna’s parents’ home (sasural) and consummate their marriage (Pintchman 2004:24).
Other ceremonies performed during Kartik in specific worship of Krsna is Gyana Panchami, also referred to as Knowledge Day, a day of Jain worship which occurs on the fifth day during Kartik (Melton 454). The worship includes visiting temples and reading Jain scripture (Melton 454). Another celebration during Kartik is Kartika Purnima, told in Matsya Purana and centers on the first avatar of Visnu, Matsya (Melton 493). A popular vrata observed on the fourth day of the waning moon in Kartik is Karwa Chauth, when married women pray for the health of their families, specifically their husbands, and includes fasting for the day (Melton 497-498).
Though Kartik is largely known as a Hindu month, there also exists a Hindu warrior deity Kartik, whom has specific puja dedicated to him. A group of women perform the puja, Usha Bhasani, during the month of Kartik in observance of this deity (Choudhury 341). The puja is performed in the Cachar district of Assam and takes place on the last day of the month of Kartik (Choudhury 341). Usha Bhasami includes a Brahmin priest, but primarily focuses on the growing of a miniature garden in which an effigy, a figurine made of dirt or cloth and, in this case, made to look like a crude bride, is hidden in the garden (Choudhury 341). The effigy is placed alongside a picture of Kartik (as the Hindu warrior deity) and then immersed in the closest body of water (Choudhry 341). Usha Bhasami includes vrat-kautha, a narrative of the mythology behind the puja. Single women are not allowed to partake in the puja.
Although a large portion of puja conducted during Kartik center on Krsna, there are puja dedicated to other Hindu deities, such as Laksmi (Hindu goddess) and Lord Brahma. Laksmi puja is performed in Benares during Kartik, again by women votaries, and includes cleaning and white washing the home (Pearson 87). The women will then take rice powder and trace footprints with the powder leading from the door of the household to the center of the house (Pearson 87). The footprints are seen as outlines of the goddess’ feet, and are drawn leading into the home to try and entice the goddess into bringing her auspiciousness and good fortune into the home until the next Laksmi puja is conducted in the following year (Pearson 87).
Another observance during Kartik is Bhaiyaduj, or “Brother’s Second”, in which sisters pay tribute to their brothers (Pearson 87). The Karva Cauth Vrat is usually observed during this time as well, and is conducted by women for the well being of their husbands (Pearson 87).
While Kartik is widely known for the many vrata and puja carried out during the month, a large number of festivals and celebrations are also carried out during the month. Kojagari is festival occurring on the first night of the Kartik full moon (purnima) and is done in honour of Laksmi (Pintchman 2003:330). The festival involves both men and women, with participants staying up well into the night to receive blessings from Laksmi, who travels the night asking “ko jagarti”, which translates to “Who is awake?” (Pintchman 2003:330). Divali is another popular festival conducted during Kartik which takes place between the dark and light fortnights in the middle of Kartik (Pintchman 2003:330). During the festival, Laksmi re-roams the earth and observers light lamps to guide the goddess, once again, into people’s homes (Pintchman 2003:330).
A large pilgrimage, the pilgrimage to Pushkar Lake for the Kartik Full-Moon Fair, also takes place during Kartik and includes snana, competitions, circuses, holy men and a large amount of sociabilizing (see Jacobson 8-14). The pilgrimage follows the creation story of Pushkar Lake, which was created by Lord Brahma (creator of the universe) when he cast a lotus blossom to earth creating the lake [Pushkar also means lotus] (Jacobson 8). Pushkar is considered a sacred place and in the Hindu epic the Mahabharata, the ideal pilgrimage is dictated as beginning at Pushkar (Jacobson 8). The pilgrimage and festival brings together various groups of Hindus, and has a highly celebratory atmosphere, including the a performance of the Murwarj Khel, a dramatic musical based on traditional Hindu stories (see Jacobson 8-14). The festival culminates on Kartik Purnima [full moon], and during that day, before the full moon, participants take what is considered a very auspicious snana early in the morning (see Jacobson 8-14).
Kartik is an auspicious month in which a multitude of vrata, puja, festivals and even pilgrimages occur. These religious and festive events help to strengthen the Hindu community, uniting worshippers together through religious observances, specifically through the practice of vrata. These practices help to re-affirm valued Hindu institutions, such as marriage, and to celebrate the roles of women in Hindu society, such as the role of women as protector of their family’s health and well being (see Pintchman 2003:23-32).
REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMNEDED READING
Choudhury, Sujit (1997) “Kartik worship in the Cachar district of Assam.” Folklore 18 #11 (November): 341-347.
Fruzzetti, Lina (1982) The Gift of a Virgin: Women, Marriage, and Ritual in a Bengali society. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press.
Jacobson, Doranne (1979) “Pilgrimage to Pushkar.” Asia 2 #3 (September-October): 8-14
Melton, J. Gordon (2011) Religious Celebrations; An Encyclopedia of Holidays, Festivals, Solemn Observances and Spiritual Commemorations. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO.
Mishra, Nihar Ranjan (2004) Kamakhya; A Socio-Cultural Study. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld.
Pearson, Anne Mackenzie (1996) “Because It Gives Me Peace Of Mind,” Ritual Fasts in the Religious Lives of Hindu Women. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Pintchman, Tracy (2004) “Courting Krishna on the banks of the Ganges: gender and power in a Hindu women’s ritual tradition.” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 24 #1: 23-32
____(2003) “The month of Kartik And Women’s Ritual Devotions to Krishna in Benares.” In The Blackwell Companion To Hinduism. Gavin Flood (ed.). Pintchman: Blackwell. pp. 327-342.
Pintchman, Tracy (2003) Guests At God’s Wedding: Celebrating Kartik Among The Women of Benares. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Pintchman, Tracy (2011) Woman and goddess in Hinduism: reinterpretations and re-envisionings. New York: Palgrave Macmillon.
Pintchman, Tracy (c2007) Women’s Lives, Women’s Rituals in the Hindu Tradition. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.
Rhodes, Constantina Eleni (2010) Invoking Lakshmi; The Goddess of Wealth in Song and Ceremony. Albany: State University of New York.
The deity Ardhanarisvara is depicted as Siva in half female form, otherwise known as “the Lord who is half woman”. In Hinduism, Siva is the personification of the Absolute and goes by many names [see Yadav 18-19]. Siva is regarded by some scholars as the most ancient of the gods, originating in pre-Vedic and non-Aryan times, perhaps even from the age of the Indus Valley Civilization (Yadav 5). Ardhanarisvara is one of the most popular and distinguished forms of Siva (Nataraja being the most popular). Confirmation of this is found in the large number of Ardhanarisvara sculptures available to us from all over India. The earliest images of Ardhanarisvara can be dated back to the late Kusana period or early Gupta era (320-550 CE), first noticed in Mathura (Yadav 33). Another one of the early Ardhanarisvara images appeared in South India between the late Chola period (9th-13th century) and early Vijayanagara period (mid-17th century). The Chola period artists depicted Ardhanarisvara as a slim, willowy figure covered with intricate ornamentation. The Vijayanagara period however, transformed Ardhanarisvara into a large, dense figure that appeared more chivalrous (Seid 2004).
Ardhanarisvara image in the Chola style (Airavatesvara temple, Darasuram, Tamil Nadu)
Ardhanarisvara is the manifestation of Siva combined with his spouse: the right half of the deity being Siva and the left half devoted to Parvati or Sakti. Evidence of the duality is shown in the name Ardhanarisvara itself, which is a composition of three words: ardha, nari, and isvara. These are recognized to mean “isvara (i.e., Siva) with the nari (i.e., Parvati) and his ardha (i.e., half)” (Yadav 9). The half male and half female aspects of duality have also been found in Egypt and Greek myths [see Neeta Yadav 10-14]. From a philosophical perspective, Ardhanarisvara is the idea that male and female concepts are entangled and forever bound together in cosmic union. It is believed that this image came into being as a symbol of a “Supreme Being” that is capable of doing all things singly.
Ardhanarisvara is “the name given in Indian Mythology to one of the forms in which Lord Shiva and his consort Parvati appear together as one body — half male and half female” (Kumar 109-110). The Ardhanarisvara form of Siva resembles two essentially contrasting cosmic forces, named prakrti and purusa. They are continually drawn together to envelop and combine with each other, but are detached by an intervening axis. One of the oldest and most common representations that is based on the duality of male and female principles is the concept of Father heaven and Mother earth. The concept of the universe beginning with a union between a female and a male is more thoroughly discussed in Vedic texts, which discuss the union of husband and wife, or Heaven (dyaus) and Earth (prthivi) (Yadav 131). There is a philosophical concept behind this notion of duality, which can be found in the Sankhya philosophical system. That system teaches the existence of eternal spirits called “the self or male on the one side and eternal productive force or prolific germ on the other, and the union of the two was believed to be indispensable before any creation could result” (Yadav 131). A notable attribute of the image of Ardhanarisvara and its duality connecting male and female is the flawless balance of Siva and Parvati. They each preserve their own identities while being dependent on each other but neither outshining the other. In some works Siva is exemplifies the extreme of austerities and Parvati symbolizes a more extravagant or lavish lifestyle. Their marriage is seen to symbolize stability and unity through merging these two urges of humanity and all other living beings (Kumar 109-110).
In a general sense, analysis of the distinguishable features of Ardhanarisvara imagery testifies that the standard “bipolar” human body of the deity is differentiated along a central vertical axis, dividing it into male and female sides (Goldberg 2002:12). Siva is often found in two forms, a human form and the form of a phallic symbol. Ardhanarisvara however is a saumya and santa (peaceful) aspect of Siva. These depictions evolved from early iconic motifs that existed long before the clarification myths were created (Yadav 6-14). If you look at the images associated with Ardhanarisvara from top to bottom, they are generally depicted as having only one face, but other variations exist.
The male right half of Ardhanarisvara can include the following variations: a head-dress formed from matted hair (jatamukuta) decorated with a crescent and ornamented with snakes; be in company of the goddess Ganga; may or may not be decorated in jewels; have a smaller right eye; and include all or multiple combinations of the following: male figure, flat chest, half moustache, broad shoulder, wide waist with less curvature, and a large thigh (Goldberg 2002:12). In the right ear is an earring in the shape of either a shark or a crocodile (makara-kundala, sarpakundala or any other kundala) often symbolizing the Supreme. The female side earring is called valika and is worn on the left side (Goldberg 2002:12). Earrings are one of the most obvious and primary identification symbols that separate the male and female duality. The entirety of the right side should be embellished in ornaments specific to Siva, as well as garments that cover the body from the waist and down to the knee, usually made of either silk or tiger’s skin (Yadav 20). Unusually, the right side should also be covered in ashes that are red in color. The right side of the image of Ardhanarisvara may have 2-4 arms, each in different poses [see Yadav 19], usually holding a weapon, most commonly a trident. Siva’s right leg should be bent and resting on a lotus (Yadav 19).
The female left side of Ardhanarisvara includes the head as having a karanda makuta or dhamilla, which is a braided hairstyle or bun, sometimes embellished with jewels or other ornaments (Goldberg 2002:14). On the female forehead is half a tilaka mark or dot (bindu) that adjoins with the half eye on the forehead of Siva (right Ardhanarisvara). There are different variations of the bindu on the forehead of Parvati such as either being placed in the center of the forehead or no bindu at all but instead a shared third eye between the two halves in the middle of the forehead (Goldberg 2002:14). The left eye should be painted with collyrium and should be slightly larger and more elongated than the right eye. When a color is stated for the left side, it is commonly the whole body painted in either saffron or parrot-green, but is very rarely seen in practice. Nose ornamentation is also very rare in the earlier depictions of Ardhanarisvara but it appears to be progressively gaining popularity in current depictions (Goldberg 2012:14). The images of the female side usually vary in the number of arms shown, and for each variation there are different poses for the hands and often an assortment of objects being held [see Yadav 20]. A fundamental characteristic of the left half is a woman’s breast that is particularly large and round. The waist appears smaller and the hip appears more voluptuous than that of the male half. Embellishment of the female half includes jewels, earrings, draped silk cloth to the ankles, saffron body powder, various jewellery, and red henna coloring on the left foot or hand (Goldberg 2002:14).
There are a number of overlapping shared characteristics between the male and female sides. They include ornaments on the chest, upper arms, wrists, ankles, neck, fingers and waist. They share an ellipsoidal shaped halo, which frequently lights up the entire deity figure from behind its head. A “sacred thread” (yajnopavita) worn by the twice-born class appears on this deity from the Gupta period forward and is sometimes seen on Ardhanarisvara in the appearance of a serpent (naga yajnopavita) across the upper torso of both the male and female halves. The body of the Ardhanarisvara image is seen in various poses, most prominently, the tribhanga pose where the body is seen in three bends, the head (leaning to the left), torso (it leans to the right), and in the right leg (displaying the voluptuous left hip) (Goldberg 2002:13).
As mentioned above, the earliest verified image of Ardhanarisvara was found in Mathura, displayed in the form of a stone sculpture of a torso. It was dated to the late Kusana period or the early Gupta era and can be found in the Mathura Museum. [See Yadav 33 for other evidence of early sightings of Ardhanarisvara and its locations]. The roughness of the stone sculpture gives evidence that it could have been located underwater for a great deal of time. The body of the sculpture found in Mathura has the appearance of being half male and half female. Ardhanarisvara has been featured on many coins directly dating back to the Kusana period; one of the very first mentioned is the Coin of Kaniska III. It has the king facing right on one side and Ardhanarisvara on the reverse; the coin was made of gold and round in shape. Ardhanarisvara has been documented as being shown on coins, seals and other iconographic motifs (Yadav 35-36). [See Yadav 37-112 for specific dated pieces, illustrations and locations where the art was prominently found and its variations].
Ardhanarisvara worship, often associated with Siva in literature, frequently occurs in the Puranas. It develops out of the conception found in Rgvedic mythology, of creation beginning with the merging of male and female principles. The creative process of one dividing into two is found in the Rgveda and Puranic cosmology, and expressed in a variety of ways, including as father and mother, husband and wife, man and woman. In Rgvedic texts, Dyaus and Prthivi are the universal parents. They mostly appear as a pair of deities in the Rgveda and are rarely mentioned individually (Yadav 113). [Yadav 114-130 explains this concept in greater detail].
The Ardhanarisvara form developed over time, changing from a benign to a fierce aspect and in the interim the conjugal and erotic aspects also evolved. The erotic symbolism, often only seen in temples of an erotic nature, gradually merged with forms of Tantricism. Tantricism is the belief in a transcendental duality of Siva and Sakti. Conjugal love is often found throughout poetic representations of Ardhanarisvara in Hinduism. There are cases where the literature views Siva as “a lifeless corpse” without wisdom and physically immobile without the strength of Siva’s power (Sakti). Males must worship both the wisdom and the power principles (male and female), making the two deities “inseparable” (Yadav 127).
A new line of interpretation promoted by some scholars suggests that the images and texts associated with the concept of duality (male and female) offer evidence of inequality surrounding Ardhanarisvara imagery. Ellen Goldberg (1999) addressed this issue noting that even the name “Ardhanarisvara” devalues the female aspect of this duality. It does not translate as “half male half female” but “the Lord who is half woman”; this is seen as an inequality despite their conjoined figures. Another point Goldberg (1999) addresses is the deliberate placement of the female on the left side and the male on the right side, diminishing the female status when compared next to Siva. In Hindu culture, deities are known for their extravagant number of arms in association with the power or strength that they possess. In the Ardhanarisvara image it is very common that the male half is shown with more arms than the female half, supporting Goldberg’s (1999) notion of inequality. The male half of Ardhanarisvara is usually depicted as holding weapons in its multiple arms whereas the female half is usually holding (if anything) a flower or other devalued motif. As mentioned above, Ardhanarisvara is typically depicted as having a divided symbol on the forehead, which can be seen as a sign of privilege. The female side typically has a bindu or dot on the forehead, which is a clear indicator of marital status in Indian culture. Males, however, have a third eye which attests to Siva’s divinity or transcendence, creating another controversial imbalance of power in the Ardhanarisvara image. Unless identifying marks, as mentioned above, are present it is rather difficult to distinguish the male side from the female side. If female vertical indicators are not present in the deity (left breast, full hip, earring, etc.), other secondary supporting features are not enough to establish the identity of Ardhanarisvara. Hence, the female side of Siva or Parvati may be implicit and not obvious but when paired with the Lord Siva the female features then become explicit. This creates an androcentric ideal of Ardhanarisvara, based on the assumption that male is viewed as the norm and female is viewed as an exception (Goldberg 1999).
The Navadurga Tradition of Bhaktapur, Nepal: An Ethnographic Account
Abstract
The following paper is an ethnographic report that describes the Navadurga tradition of Bhaktapur, Nepal. All data collected was generated through qualitative research means relying mainly on the use of observations and interviews with the tradition’s practitioners and followers. I collected all the data used for the composition of this paper over the summer of 2014 in the months of June, July, and August. This paper will first provide a brief introduction to the geographical area of the study and the tradition itself. The paper will then proceed with a section discussing the collection of the information followed by a historical account of the tradition and finally the tradition as it is practiced today by discussing the tradition’s membership, activities, operations, and relations.
Introduction
Nepal is a land locked county in South Asia bordered by India and China (specifically the region of Tibet). Nepal is a country rich in culture, language, landscape, history, and religion. Not only is Nepal home to the Himalayas and Mount Everest, but it is also the birthplace of the Buddha, and one of the only countries in South Asia (including Southeast Asia) to remain autonomous and free from colonial rule. Like India, Nepal’s most practiced religion is Hinduism, a complex religion that encompasses thousands of deities, thousands of ritual practices, and even competing and sometimes contradictory beliefs. The Navadurga tradition of Bhaktapur, Nepal is an excellent example of a Hindu tradition that is contradictory in some of its practices from that of mainstream Hinduism.
The Kathmandu Valley of Nepal is made up of three major cities, Kathmandu (the nation’s capital), Patan, and Bhaktapur. Kathmandu and Patan have both experienced rapid modernization and development that has caused the cities to loose some of their traditional customs, culture, architecture, and beliefs. Lying on the outskirts of the valley, Bhaktapur has managed to preserve and retain more of its traditional customs, culture, architecture, and beliefs than the other cities have. Bhaktapur’s population is mainly comprised of Newars, an ethnic group that accounts for less than ten percent of the country’s population, and is indigenous to the Kathmandu Valley and the areas surrounding it. A tradition important to the Newar community of the greater Kathmandu Valley, and specifically the citizens of Bhaktapur, is the Navadurga tradition.
Image of Durga above the entrance to the temple with flowers and feathers from the sacrificed chicken at Gathemangal ceremon
The Navadurga is translated as the nine Durgas, referring to nine different forms of the great goddess Durga. To most of the Indian subcontinent Durga is the divine mother, presider over the seasons of life, death, and birth, the liberator of the oppressed and marginalized, and warrior.[1] She is often depicted with eight to eighteen arms, each of which yields a different weapon. Most Hindu deities wield specific items that allow for them to be easily identified. Durga, however, holds the weapons of other deities, including Śiva’s trident and Visnu’s discus, reinforcing her characteristics as a warrior and liberator. Durga’s power is representative of the feminine principle of the cosmos known as Shakti.[2] The goddess Durga is said to have as many forms as there are beings on the planet. Her many forms come in a variety of dispositions and include many female deities from the Hindu pantheon. Such goddesses include Laksmi the goddess of prosperity; Saraswatī the goddess of creativity; Lalita the goddess of light; Vajrayoginī the goddess of power; and Kālī the goddess of transformation and death.[3] Durga is not mentioned in the Vedic scriptures, Hinduism’s earliest literature. The Vedas speak of the goddesses Vac and Ratri, but neither of these goddesses is associated with battle or blood sacrifices, both of which are important aspects of Durga today.[4] Although the Vedas do not portray the wrathful manifestations of Durga some aspects of the Great Goddess are portrayed. The goddess Vac is believed to be an early representation of the goddess Saraswatī, who as previously mentioned is one representation of the Great Goddess. Durga is specifically mentioned in the Puranic literature, which emerged after the Vedas. The Puranas attempted to assume status as the fifth Veda, however it was unsuccessful and is now considered secondary Hindu literature.[5] The Devī Mahatmya arises out of the Markandeya Purana and provides a narrative of Durga’s victory of the buffalo demon Mahishasura. The Devī Mahatmya is the most integral piece of literature on the goddess Durga. Although Durga was not mentioned in the Vedas she has become an important Hindu figure across the Indian subcontinent.
The most widely celebrated festival in Banaras, Indias is for the goddess Durga is Navarātra (Nine Nights)[6] this festival is celebrated over nine nights, each night marked by a journey to one of the nine different Durga temples. More than fifty thousand Hindus participate in the festival each year.[7] The traditions of Bhaktapur differ significantly than the traditions in Banāras. A major distinction is that the festival for the Navadurga lasts for several months rather than nine nights. Another distinction is the use of iconography; in Banāras full images are created and displayed for worship, whereas the tradition in Bhaktapur uses masks that are worshipped when they are stationary and on display, in addition to when they are worn and move around. The use of masks in Durga traditions is a unique practice to Bhaktapur. Mask use, however, is not a unique practice. The Balinese employ the use of masks in various traditions and rituals, specifically when portraying the Ramāyana, a great Hindu epic.[8] The masks used by the Balinese are sacred heirlooms that are treated as gods; when they are not in use they are placed inside the temple next to the main images of the deities to be worshiped and given daily offerings.[9] There are several parallels between the mask use in Bali and Bhaktapur, mainly the reverence and homage paid to them and their ceremonial use. Differences between the use of masks is that the Balinese masks are heirlooms passed down to the next generation whereas the tradition in Bhaktapur begins each year by constructing new masks and ends by cremating them. Bhaktapur’s use of masks is a unique practice within Hinduism and is deeply established within Bhaktapur’s community.
Mahakali leaving the Navadurga temple on Sirja
Having introduced the region, topic of this study, and provided a brief contextual account of similar traditions this paper will now begin to present a full account of the Navadurga tradition of Bhaktapur. It begins by explaining the methods used in the research to generate the information for this paper. This is followed by a historical account of the tradition’s origins, and then outlines the tradition as it is practiced today. Specific aspects of the tradition to be discussed include its membership, operations, activities, and relations.
Information Collection
The information gathered for this paper was mainly collected directly from Bhaktapur, Nepal over a three-month period (June, July, and August) in the summer of 2014. Visits were made to Bhaktapur on a weekly, or biweekly basis to conduct interviews or observe various aspects of the religion such as rituals or ceremonies, preparation for such activities, or the daily actions of the members of the Navadurga community. The following section will discuss and reflect on the methods utilized to gather the information in addition to my personal experiences in conducting the research.
Prior to arriving in Nepal preliminary research was conducted to familiarize myself with Durga, the Navadurga, the use of masks in Hinduism, and Bhaktapur. This was beneficial in building an initial base of knowledge that became useful when talking with members of the Navadurga community, observing the various activities, and conducting interviews. The research in the field would have benefitted had I done more preliminary research on a wider range of topics. This will be discussed at more length in the end of this section. Once in Nepal research was done directly with the locals through interviews and observations.
Interviews serve as the main source of information for this study. A total of twenty-two (22) individuals were interviewed. Of the twenty-two individuals interviewed seventeen belong to the Navadurga community and the remaining five are citizens of Bhaktapur. The five informants outside of the Navadurga community consisted of a one local historian, two tourist guides, and two individuals who pay homage to the Navadurga at their various festivals and ceremonies. The seventeen interviewed from within the Navadurga community consist of performers (both dancers and musicians), priests, community leaders known as Nayas, and various other individuals who participate in the tradition through some other capacity. All but two of the individuals have asked to remain anonymous. Of the twenty-two individuals interviewed only eight individuals will be frequently cited. That is because these eight individuals were able to give additional insight into the topic that the other individuals were either not able to share due to a lack of knowledge or because they were not comfortable sharing. Included in the eight individuals who will be frequently cited are the two individuals who did not ask to remain anonymous, leaving six individuals who will be provided with pseudonyms. Table 1 presents information regarding the individuals’ experiences and base of knowledge of those who have been assigned pseudonyms. Information that was widely agreed upon will not be cited in this paper.
Pseudonym
Gender
Age Range
Extra Information
Bibek Banmala
Male
25-35
Naya in training, learning from his father and the other Nayas
Yogendra Banmala
Male
50-70
A senior Naya
Dipesh Banmala
Male
25-35
A young Naya
Roshan Banmala*
Male
20-25
Performed as Duma when a child, comes from a family line of temple priests
Rabindra Banmala
Male
20-25
A performer
Keshab Banmala
Male
35-50
Priest and performer
* note: Roshan was also a translator
Interviews were conducted with the use of a translator and were recorded using an audio recorder. The interviews were initially based of a basic questionnaire and then evolved along with the conversations as they progressed. Interviews were conducted with either one individual or in groups of two or three. Due to the nature of the topic being studied individuals were hesitant to answer some of the questions or felt as though they were not educated enough to answer properly. Those interviewed were very concerned that they might misrepresent something or share the wrong information, making conducting the interviews very difficult. In fact, a month into my research I found that the information I was collecting from the individuals not to be consistent. After some time I had realized that when I asked certain questions that pertained to information that the Navadurga community regards as sacred and secret they would fabricate their answers. This was a reoccurring theme in many of the interviews, so much so that I decided to start my research again having modified how I approach certain questions and the interviews in general. For this reason you will notice that there are rarely any citations from interviews held in June, except for the interviews held with the two individuals familiar with the interview process; these individuals are Dr. Purushottam Lochan Shrestha (a historian) and Kedar Raj Upadhyay.
One adjustment made to the way interviews were conducted was a change in the translator I used. Originally I had hired a translator recommended to me from a colleague that was not familiar with Navadurga. I believe this had a detrimental effect on the work I was doing, as the translator knew less about the tradition than I had. Following the restart of the interviewing process I was introduced to a young individual named Roshan [pseud.], a son of one the Navadurga temple’s priests. Roshan had recently graduated from with bachelors of tourism, was proficient in English and was very knowledgeable on the Navadurga tradition. He was also eager to secure experience working with tourists (although I consistently claimed not to be a tourist). Hiring Roshan had a very positive impact on my research by opening new doors and creating a more comfortable and familiar environment for the interviewing process; all of the members of the Navadurga community either knew him or were related to him. Not only was Roshan excellent as a translator, but he also proved to be a very valuable informant himself. The more time I spent with Roshan the more inclusive the community became of me and the more I was able to learn.
Observing the community in action and witnessing specific events provided an excellent source for gaining new information as well as to confirm information received from informants. During my time there this summer I was able to observe the rituals and ceremonies of Sirja, Gathemangal, and Ganesh Chaturthi. I was also able to witness the preparations being made for Dashain and the daily puja performed at the temple, except for the puja done in the sacred room that I was not permitted to enter. I was also able to capture images from all of the events I attended, some of which will be shared in Appendix A.
Reflecting back on my experiences collecting information and researching in Bhaktapur I can think of modifications that would have benefitted the information collection process. First and foremost this research would have benefitted from more additional preliminary research. Having only taken one university course on Hinduism the knowledge I poses is basic at best. Had I been more familiar with topics such as Tantra, gender roles, puja, and Hinduism in general I would have been better able to pick up on certain aspects that I had otherwise missed. The most beneficial alteration made to my approach was using someone like Roshan, someone knowledgeable about the Navadurga, as my translator. While I was conducting research in Nepal I was also working an internship with a local environmental non-governmental organization. It was because of this position I was only able to visit Bhaktapur on a weekly or biweekly basis. Spending time with Roshan made connections grow faster and provided new opportunities that helped make the most out of the time I was able to spend in Bhaktapur. If I were to repeat a similar situation in the future I would hope to find an individual as resourceful as Roshan.
The largest hindrance to my research was certainly the internship. I lived and worked in Patan and had to take the local bus out to Bhaktapur, travel time would amount to somewhere between three to four hours each day I travelled. The next time I conduct field research I will certainly ensure that it is my only project and that I immerse myself in the environment of my study. I missed many opportunities because of my internship, whether having to miss an event for work or having to schedule interviews. Although a common practice in the West, setting up meeting times is not a frequent practice of the citizens of Bhaktapur. Often I would meet an individual and have a brief conversation with them to find out that they would make an excellent informant, however, I would be on my way somewhere so I would have to set a time to come back and talk with them. More often than not, the potential informants would not show up to the meeting place, or they would come along at a leisurely pace while I waited for the afternoon. Had I lived in Bhaktapur and was able to focus solely on this research I know it would have had yielded significant benefits.
The Origin of the Navadurga
Few people in Bhaktapur know the story of the origin of the Navadurga tradition. Having spoken with the locals many are familiar with the Navadurga, their processions through the streets of Bhaktapur, and their use of masks and dance. However, not many are acquainted with the story behind the tradition; except for the Navadurga community and citizens who have sought education on the topic. Robert I. Levy is the leading scholar on the city of Bhaktapur and provides an account of the origin story in his book Mesocosm. This section of the paper will present the story as told by Levy followed by key differences and distinctions made by informants from Bhaktapur. The following is a summary of the origin story as presented by Levy[10]:
The Navadurga inhabited the forest Jwala, which was located Northeast of Bhaktapur. As people passed by, the Navadurga would capture them, kill them, and then drink their blood as a sacrifice to themselves. One day the Navadurga captured a man by the name of Sunanda, who was a Ācāju (a priest of farmer origin).[11] Unlike most Ācāju, Sunanda was an expert in Tantric knowledge and mantras (a sacred utterance) and was able to bind the Navadurga, restricting their movement with the use of a mantra. Embarrassed, the Navadurga pleaded to Sunanda to forgive them, and in exchange they would not sacrifice him. Rather than releasing them, Sunanda shrunk them, placed them in his basket and brought them back to his home in Bhaktapur where they were placed in a chest and received periodical worship.
Time passed, the amount is unknown, until one-day Sunanda’s guru, Somarā Rājopādhyāya (a Brahmin) came for a visit. Somarā Rājopādhyāya had a deep and intricate understanding of Tantra and had conveyed to Sunanda that he had not been worshiping the Navadurga properly. Therefore, Somarā Rājopādhyāya took the chest containing the Nine Durgās back to his own house in the Palisāche neighborhood, where he hid them. Somarā Rājopādhyāya worshiped the Navadurga in secrecy using Tantric bidyā (secret arts) and made sacrifices to them. The Navadurga were forced to dance and tell stories using the movements of their hands. Sometime prior, the Navadurga had informed Sunanda and Somarā that should anyone else see them they would be released from the spell. This made Somarā Rājopādhyāya act very surreptitiously; he told his wife to never look into the room where the Navadurga were kept locked up. One day Somarā Rājopādhyāya had left the house and his wife peeked into the room and saw the Navadurgas dancing. The stories differ in what happened to Somarā’s wife; some say that the Navadurga killed her as a sacrificial offering, others say that she was simply severely scolded by her husband. Regardless, the Navadurga, now released from their Tantric binds, escaped from the Brahmin’s home.
Upon their escape, the band of deities captured, sacrificed, and ate a pig at the place known as “Bha: Dwākhā.” Upon his arrival home, Somarā Rājopādhyāya was informed that the Navadurga have escaped. He immediately began pursuing them and with the beating of a small drum and the use of mantras he was able to freeze the Navadurga in their flight in the upper part of the city known as “Swaga Lwaha.” Somarā pleaded with the Navadurga to return to his house. However, this was not possible since the Navadurga had consumed a pig, making them ritually impure and thus impossible for them to reenter the Brahmin’s home. Since the Navadurga could not return to the Brahmin’s house they made the suggestion that a pyākha (dance drama) be arranged where the Navadurga would enter into the performers, allowing for the whole city to be able to see and worship them. Somarā established a god-house for the Navadurga and commissioned to the Gāthā community the authority and responsibility of performing each year as the Navadurga.
An alternative ending to the story is given where Somarā Rājopādhyāya instructed one of his students, an Ācāju to capture the Navadurga in a spell. After some difficulty the student was able to capture them, he then placed them into a god-house in the district of the city where the Gāthā reside. At the request of Somarā the Gāthā cared for the Navadurga and learned their dances. Somarā taught both the Ācāju and the Gāthā all the necessary Tantric procedures they would need. And thus, still following Somarā’s instructions, the Ācāju and the Gāthā still perform their duties for the Navadurga today.
The origin story as told by Levy provides a very thorough overview; only a few distinctions need to be made. The alternate ending to the story is reflective of the Navadurga community’s (Gāthā) perspective, whereas the first ending is reflective of the Brahmin’s perspective, minus a point or two. An informant of mine, Kedar Raj Upadhyay, claims to be the descendent of Somarā, the Brahmin priest from the story. Kedar makes the key distinction that the reason the Brahmin had to pass on the tradition, that is the responsibility and the authority of the Navadurga practices, to the Gāthā, a low ranking caste, was a form of punishment for breaking the oath of secrecy.[12] Another key distinction made is that Somarā had two wives, one Brahmin wife and another low caste wife, and some believe that it was because the lower caste wife saw the Navadurga that the tantric bond was broken releasing the deities.[13] As mentioned previously, the alternate ending provides the account believed by the Navadurga community (also known as Gāthā). The only difference in the story believed by the Gāthās is an element of predestination. The Gāthās say that while Somarā taught the Ācāju a Gāthā brought a delivery of flowers to Somarā, this Gāthā happened to have as many sons as men were needed to carry out the tradition’s practices, providing an easy solution as to who should assume the responsibilities and leadership of the tradition.[14] The Ācāju, or priest, is now called Karmacharya, a role that will be elaborated upon later in this paper.
Some additional points can be made about the history of the tradition that is not included within the origin story. The Navadurga tradition began in the twelfth century of the Common Era under the Malla dynasty, who reigned over Nepal for six hundred years.[15] The Malla were followers of Shakti gods (female), because they believed that the gentleness of the male deities could not protect their nation, king, and countrymen, whereas the dangerous Tantric goddesses could protect all three.[16] Bhaktapur had temples built in cardinal points throughout the city for each of the Navadurga, replicating the Navadurga yantra thereby increasing the tantric power as a means to protect the city.[17] Figure 1 presents a drawing done by Dr. Purushottam Lochan Shrestha of the layout of the Navadurga’s individual god houses with that of the Navadurga yantra. Each point on the periphery is a god-house as well as the point in the center. During the period of Malla rule over Nepal tantric practitioners knew that divinity could transfer itself into wood, stone, and
metal so they began running experiments to see if the divine could transfer into the human body.[18] These experiments happened in the twelfth century and were found to be very successful. It is from this point that the Navadurga tradition as it is known today began.[19] Furthermore, an interesting component of the Navadurga traditions is the use of pigs in sacrifice. Pig sacrifice is not a common practice in Hinduism, animals typically sacrificed include, sheep, goats, chickens, and buffalo. The central use of the pig in the tradition and from the origin story also began in the twelfth century. During that period the Muslim Turks established a powerful kingdom in northern India around Delhi and began to expand their control over the area. In an effort to preserve their culture and traditions the Newars of Bhaktapur adopted the use of pig sacrifice since the Muslims think poorly of pigs and avoid them.[20] The efforts made by the Newars of Bhaktapur successfully preserved the beliefs and traditions of the Malla dynasty so that they could still practiced today.
Sacrificed sheep head placed in the temple of Nasadyo on Ganesh Chaturthi
The Navadurga Today
The Navadurga tradition as practiced today is an intricate tradition that relies solely on the tradition’s keepers, who have been referred to as the Navadurga community throughout this paper, and from the local patrons who provide their support. The Navadurga festival is the longest festival in the area, spanning over nine months and including many specific rituals and ceremonies, and encompassing several other festivals. This section of the paper will present the tradition as it is found today, first by identifying the traditions membership, then its activities such as ceremonies, rituals, and preparations, in addition to its relations and operations.
Membership
The first group of membership to be elaborated upon will be that of the Navadurga themselves. The name Navadurga refers to the nine Durgas who are Mahālaksmī ,Mahākālī, Kumārī, Vārāhī, Brāhmanī, Bhadrakālī (also known as Vaisnavī), Indrānī, Maheśvarī, and Tripurasundarī. Each of these goddesses has a dyo-chen (god house) located in a specific area in the city of Bhaktapur that together form the shape of the Navadurga yantra (figure 1). Of these goddesses Mahālaksmī is the paramount deity; she draws power from Taleju and gives it to the Navadurga. Mahālaksmī does not have a mask; instead she is represented as a silver repoussé that is carried in the lead of the Navadurga processions to showcase her superior position. The Navadurga tradition involves an additional six deities who are Bhairav, Sweto Bhairav, Śiva, Ganesh, Sima and Duma. Bhairav is the leader of the Navadurga and assumes that role in the performances. Sima (tigeress) and Duma (lioness) are the protectors of the Navadurga and accompany them everywhere. All of the deities aforementioned are represented in the Navadurga tradition in some fashion. There are thirteen masks who represent all but Mahālaksmī and Tripurasundarī. As mentioned previously Mahālaksmī is represented in a silver repoussé that is carried in front of the processions. Tripurasundarī’s representation is disagreed upon. Some informants say that Tripurasundarī is represented in the three musical instruments played, while others insist that she is represented by the Kolachen (human skull cap used a cup).
Kumari during Sirja
As mentioned earlier there is a specific community who acts as the sole authority and keeper of the Navadurga tradition. This community prefers to be called Banmala. Other names used for them include Gāthā, as used by Levy, and Gunkā. These names provided are the surnames used by the community. While a majority of them identify themselves as Banmala, you may also find some of the other variations, dependent upon how the individual’s forefathers decided to identify themselves.[21] The Banmala are a low caste group that traditionally farmed and sold flowers to the greater community. Today some still occupy this traditional role, however others have began to farm other crops such as rice and barley. The Banmalas are the tradition’s keepers; they alone fulfill the requirements of the tradition as well as occupy an overwhelming majority of the positions in the tradition. Other individuals or communities assist and will be elaborated upon shortly. The Banmalas provide all of the performers, known as Gana, for the tradition. The Gana includes twelve dancers and three musicians. In addition to the Gana, the Banmala also occupy the roles of temple priests (additional priests from other communities come to perform specific rituals), temple caretaker (known as the Nakin, also to be elaborated upon shortly), the tradition’s leaders (the Naya), as well all other roles needed to upkeep the tradition. The roles of Gana, Naya, and Nakin are restricted to Banmalas only. Should a Banmala marry someone from outside of their community both they and their offspring will not be allowed to assume a position within the Navadurga tradition.[22] As previously mentioned there are other groups or individuals from outside of the Banmala who assist in the tradition. Table 2 presents the various other groups or individuals who assist along with their respective role. These groups either assist as a whole or there is a specific individual from the group that is responsible for completing the tasks (those who are individuals are marked with an asterisk). Some of the groups fill very minor roles, specifically the Shakya, who interestingly enough are the highest caste in the Newar community but assume the least important role within the tradition. This is an interesting contradiction to mainstream Hinduism. The Shakyas are the highest caste in the Newar community, however, they assume a very minor role in the city’s dominant tradition. All of these roles listed in Table 2, regardless of how small they may seem, are important aspects of the tradition.
Name
Role
Chitraker*
Artisan who creates the masks each year. This role is passed down from generation to generation
Prajapati
The clay workers who provide the clay for the masks
Karmacharya*
Sacred priest of the Navadurga who performs specific rituals. Such rituals include the puja at Ganesh Chaturthi and Dashain
Chaturthi *
Also performs rituals and puja, such as the cremation of the masks
Ranjitkar
Colour the sacred thread
Manndhar
Musicians who perform at some events. Different from the musician members of the Gana
Joshi
Newar priests who perform special puja
Sahi
Kill the buffalo during Dashain
Shakya
Repair damaged jewelry
* Note: the names marked refer to a specific individual from their respective community.
The involvement of the Banmala in the tradition can be broken down into four positions or roles. There are the Gana (fifteen individuals), the Naya (eight individuals), the Nakin (one individual), and periodical roles of assistance (number of individuals varies dependent upon the event). The periodic roles are filled according to availability and vary in their responsibilities. These positions are not dictated in the same fashion as the other roles of the Naya, Nakin, and the Gana. The Gana is made up of twelve dancers and three musicians. The musicians are responsible for playing the traditional instruments known as the khin (a large drum played on both sides), ta (small cymbals), and kya (large cymbals). The remaining twelve
The khin, ta, and kya (in order from left to right)
members of the Gana are performers who dance and wear the masks throughout the festival. These twelve members wear the masks of Bhairav, Mahākālī, Vārāhī, Kumārī, Bhadrakālī, Brāhminī, Indrānī, Sweto Bhairav, Maheśvarī, Ganesh, Sima and Duma. Young Banmalas between the ages of five to twelve wear the masks of Sima and Duma.[23] The Gana occupy their roles on a yearly basis, although they may be chosen to perform back to back in either the same position or another one; the rotation cycle comes from a sacred book that will be discussed later in this section. Gana members have to follow specific rules while in their position; such rules include not sharing food from the plates of others except for from fellow Gana. They can not wear their costume or ornaments outside of the specified performance areas, they must always act in a respectful manner; they are restricted to only one meal on performance days, they must be barefoot whenever they are in their ceremonial costume, and finally they may not participate in funeral rights during performance or ritual periods.[24] When the Gana are learning their roles during the off months of the Navadurga tradition they are restricted from coming in contact with women, and must visit their respected god’s/goddess’ dyo-chen (god house) everyday to worship and pray.[25] The Gana positions are restricted to men only. The only position occupied by a woman is the role of Nakin.
The Nakin pouring water so the Gana may cleanse/purify themselves
The Nakin is a specific role that takes care of the Navadurga temple and performs the daily puja.[26] The daily puja is known as Nitya puja and the Nakin performs it twice a day, once after sunset and again before sunrise.[27] The Nakin position operates an annual cycle, each year a new woman will assume the position. The Nakin must live on the temple grounds and act as a guard to protect the images, keep the temple clean, perform daily puja, and take on additional responsibilities during various ceremonies and rituals. [28] Such responsibilities include purifying the Gana before performances and preparing for feasts that are held at the temple. The Nakin must be married. If she is widowed during her time as Nakin she will be replaced. The Nakin has more specific responsibilities over the course of the year than any other member of the Navadurga tradition.[29] The Nakin’s role is another contradiction to mainstream Hinduism. Women are typically not the caretakers of temples as they are not able to become as ritual pure as their male cohorts.
The Naya are the leaders of the tradition. There are eight Nayas in total who work collectively as the managers of the tradition. [30] The Naya are experts and knowledgeable about all aspects and roles of the tradition. They ensure that the temple has all of the supplies it needs to perform all of their required rituals, events, and ceremonies of the tradition as well as care for the ornaments and clothes and manage all of the performances. Such supplies include oil, food, animals for sacrifice, and all essential items for offerings.[31] The role of Naya is a family position that is passed from father to son. If a Naya does not have a son he will instruct his oldest nephew from among his own siblings.[32] It is unknown how the linage of the Nayas was chosen. Like the other positions, the role of Naya operates on an annual cycle; the number of Nayas who are active in their position changes each year.[33] Also like other positions, the Nayas selected each year is predetermined in a book that is kept secret. The Nayas are the sole caretakers of the unnamed book that provides some sort of mechanism for selecting the people who will fill the various roles of the tradition each year. The name and origin of the book are kept secret; interestingly though they are comfortable revealing its existence.
The Tradition’s Activities
The Navadurga tradition is unique in its use of masks, its mobility, and in its social roles. While wearing the masks, it is believed that the gods who are represented come to manifest themselves in the humans. This instance is an excellent example of an aspect of the Navadurga tradition that contradicts mainstream Hinduism. While wearing the masks the Banmala, a low ranking social group, becomes regarded as divine and assumes a position on the top of the social hierarchy. While wearing the masks the Banmala are believed to transcend the normal social order as well as normal human capabilities. During this time the beings are able to do things not normally done by humans, such as drinking liters of alcohol and eating hundreds of eggs.[34] While wearing the masks the Gana also drink blood from sacrificed animals. Most sacrifices to the Navadurga are pigs, however, buffalo, goat, sheep, chicken, and ducks are also sacrificed.[35] The concept of sacrifice and blood offerings can be found in the tradition’s origin story in addition to being a common practice in Durga worship. Of the Navadurga, Bhairav is the member mainly responsible for conducting the sacrifices. Some instances require Mahakālī to perform the sacrifice, and if neither Bhairav nor Mahakālī are able to perform the sacrifice than Varahi is responsible for it. This order is reflective of the order of importance of the deities and is also reflected in the order of dance performances. The Gana perform their dances in the following order: Bhairav, Mahakālī, Vārāhī, Badrakālī, Kumārī, Maheśvarī, Brāhmanī, Ganesh, Indrānī, Sima, Duma, and finally Sweto Bhairav.[36] The Navadurga tradition follows an annual cyclical pattern that begins with Gathemangal.
Dance performance during Ganesh Chaturthi
Gathemangal is a Newar festival that is dedicated to cleansing away demons. Constructing figures built from straw, to represent the demons, and then burning them removes the demons. The festival is marked with loud music and processions of people carrying torches through the streets to light the straw built demons at each cross-road. For the Banmalas this day marks the beginning of the new Navadurga cycle. Every year new masks are made at the beginning of the Navadurga cycle and then cremated at the end. When the masks are cremated the city of Bhaktapur believes that the Navadurga has left their city to go into the countryside to ensure that the agricultural cycle begins.[37] During this time while the Navadurga are away the city becomes occupied with demons. On Gathemangal the Prajapati provide the Banmala with the clay that is used to build the masks.[38] In turn the Banmala take this clay to the Chitraker’s home to be worshiped as Śiva and sacrifice a chicken as an offering.[39] This marks the beginning of the construction of the new masks and the return of the Navadurga to Bhaktapur, which is why the city is being cleansed from demons. The masks need to be completed by Dashain, which is less than two months away. Gathemangal happens in accordance with the lunar calendar and marks the start of a rigorous training period for the Gana.[40] During this training period the Gana have to adhere to the rules listed above under membership and must perform puja at their respective god’s house each day.[41]
The Karmacharya and one of the Naya performing a ritual before the performance during Ganesh Chaturthi
The next annual event is Ganesh Chaturthi, a festival dedicated to Ganesh. The Navadurga have their own event that coincides with this festival. At this time the Gana make a procession from the Navadurga temple to the Nasadyo temple where the Karmacharya will perform the ritual and sacrifice a sheep. Nasadyo is a tantric god of wisdom and knowledge that is worshiped by the Gana everyday from the period of Gathemangal to Dashain so that they may be granted the knowledge necessary to perform their roles.[42] Following the sacrifice of the sheep all Gana members eat a piece of the raw flesh combined with beaten rice. The Gana who performs as Brāhmanī takes a piece of the sacrificed sheep to the Brāhmanī temple to performs a specific puja ritual. After these rites have been completed all of the Gana members return to the Navadurga temple where a feast is being prepared. The sacrificed sheep is butchered and cooked for the feast and the sheep’s hide is removed, stretched, and framed and placed in the sun to dry. The temple will use the sheep hide for some task, such as to repair a damaged drum.[43] Following the feast the Gana perform their first dance of the season. This is the only dance that the Gana perform in public that they do not use their masks for, since the masks have not yet been completed. These dances are not expected to be perfect, since it is some Gana’s very first public performance. Each performer will perform an independent dance, except for Indrānī, Sima, and Duma who all perform together. Following these dances a group number is performed in honour of Ganesh, with the Ganesh Gana in the center.[44]
The next event in the annual cycle is Dashain, the largest Durga festival. By this time the Chitraker will have completed the masks and they are placed on display on the ninth day of Dashain where the citizens of Bhaktapur come to give them offerings and puja.[45]Offerings typically consist of egg, fish, meat, wine, and set Newar food dishes (beaten rice, dal, and spicy potatoes).[46] Before the masks are displayed they are taken to the Taleju temple in the palace compound (Durbar Square) of Bhaktapur where they receive initiation rituals.[47] These rituals are unknown as the members of the Banmala would not share this information; they did however say that the masks received similar initiation rituals as Hindu people. Following their initiation the masks are then regarded as divine and set out to be worshipped by the public.[48] On the tenth day of Dashain Brāhmanī is worshiped in the morning and then a buffalo is sacrificed at the Brāhmanī temple.[49] Following the sacrifice the Navadurga make a procession towards the Taleju temple in Durbar Square. Prior to making the procession the Karmacharya hands each performer their masks, symbolic of the Karmacharya’s, or Ācāju’s, role in capturing and placing the Navadurga into the care of the Banmala.[50] The Taleju image is removed from the temple and placed at the front gate to greet the Navadurga.[51] Having greeted the Navadurga the Taleju image is then taken on procession with them throughout Bhaktapur; this is the only time that the Taleju image is removed from the temple.[52]
Following Dashain the Navadurga Gana journey around the Kathmandu Valley where they perform specific rituals in each community they pass through in addition to being commissioned by patrons to come perform private rituals.[53] The Navadurga travel to the following destinations:
Kavre District: Nala, Banepa, Dhulikhel, Panauti, and Shreekhandapur.
The Navadurga are prohibited from using vehicles. Instead they walk everywhere; they go with bare feet. It is believed that they cleanse the areas they walk through from disease, which is why they must walk everywhere.[54]
After visiting the surrounding areas and performing their rituals at each one the Navadurga season begins to come to an end. Sirja and De-chā-mukego, the last supper and last ceremony, mark the conclusion of the Navadurga season. The De-chā-mukego is the final procession of the Navadurga through Bhaktapur that ends at the Taleju temple.[55] Within the temple compound the Navadurga have their last supper (Sirja) and then return to each of their own respective god house.[56] The next day the masks are cremated at the Brāhmanī temple funeral pyres. The cremation marks the end of the annual Navadurga cycle and it is believed that the goddesses have left Bhaktapur to attend to the fields, crops, and farmers.[57] After the Navadurga have left the city compound a sacred room in the Navadurga temple is sealed off until the Navadurga return, in the next two to three months.[58] After this point the Banmala community begins to train the new Gana and prepare for the next annual cycle.
Relations Between the Locals and the Navadurga
The Navadurga of Bhaktapur are the city’s protectors from violence, disasters, disease, and illness in addition to ensuring agricultural prosperity.[59] The Navadurga dance is a symbolic representation of the struggles, responsibilities, and discipline of the society in which it is based. A common belief in Bhaktapur is that the ringing sounds of the music played by the Navadurga Gana not only give the rhythmic signals to the dancers but also removes all obstacles caused by evil beings.[60] It is for this reason that the Navadurga perform in so many communal areas throughout the Kathmandu Valley. The local people not only believe that the Navadurga remove obstacles and illness, but also that they answer wishes and provide blessings for those who worship them and give them offerings.[61] Those who give the Navadurga money receive Prasad, a gift, in the form of flowers, plants, sacred thread, or food. The sacred thread is tied around the wrist and/or the neck using a specific knot according to tantric beliefs to grant the individual purity in their life.[62] One informant’s grandmother stated that the Navadurga also assist in the digestive system. She recommended that you be careful about what and how much you eat during the months when the Navadurga have left the city. The relationship with the Navadurga and the local populations is of reciprocal nature. While the locals rely on the Navadurga for protection and as removers of obstacles and illnesses, the Navadurga rely on the locals for financial, social, and physical support. The local community donates the clothes worn by the Gana and the Gana must keep and use these clothes until new ones are donated.[63] It is believed that the clothes hold Shakti power which would be lost if the clothes were washed, therefore the clothes remain unwashed and unchanged until the community provides new ones. It is typical for the outfits to be worn for years before they are replaced.[64] While the Navadurga protects the locals they in turn are also in need of protection. Although the Navadurga are gods, they posses the bodies of humans during the Navadurga rituals and become vulnerable. On several instances the Navadurga Gana have been attacked or stolen from while wearing the masks, resulting in broken bones, lost artifacts, and offended deities.[65] The Navadurga rely on the local people and authorities to ensure that the spaces they occupy for their rituals remain safe and sacred.[66] The Navadurga tradition as operated by the Banmala relies heavily on the local community for financial support in order to maintain the traditions as it is practiced today.
Challenges Experienced
The Navadurga tradition relies heavily on its patrons for financial support. The tradition costs approximately 900,000 NRS (Nepali Rupees) per year, without accounting for inflation, which is equal to $10, 537.41 CAD (at an exchange rate of $1 CAD to 85.41 NRS).[67] While this amount seems small from a western perspective, it is a large sum for the people of Nepal. Most of the community members are labourers and a labourer’s salary may range from $80-$250 CAD per month. This total covers the maintenance of the temple, the daily necessities (such as oil for the lamps), the supplies for specific rituals, and animals for sacrifice.[68] The Navadurga make a small earning by renting a few small pieces of property either for farming or in the city to be used for small storage spaces or stores.[69] The remainder amount of the costs is collected throughout the Navadurga festivals from either privately commissioned rituals or from the crowds of people at Navadurga ceremonies and events. The members of the Navadurga tradition do not receive any monetary compensation for their roles.[70] This places a huge strain on the members of the tradition since the various roles last for a whole year when one includes training periods. Members are permitted to work when they are not training or performing. However, the type of work they can do is limited due to the demanding schedule of the tradition and the odd hours it requires. These strains cause a lot of Banmala to remove themselves from the tradition and focus on earning a living and providing for their families.[71] Modernization and westernization are challenges and obstacles faced by the Navadurga tradition. In years past the tradition had the patronage of the royal family, which secured the tradition and brought with it ample support. However, today the government of Nepal does not provide any subsidies or support for religious traditions.[72] Modernization also has effects on the individual and collective values. In past periods the sacred was closely aligned with people’s values, and the positions in the Navadurga tradition would have carried prestigious value. However, today values are beginning to be reflective of the western practice of materialism, which lures the Banmala towards jobs, and positions that do not allow for them to commit the time necessary for being an active member of the tradition.
Conclusion
This paper has presented a report of the Navadurga, a Hindu tradition from Bhaktapur, Nepal. The Navadurga employ interesting and unique practices not present in other traditions. Such practices include mobile deities, the use of masks, an integral female position, and a unique inversion of social roles. It is interesting how interdependent the Navadurga and Newar community of the Kathmandu Valley are. The Navadurga are just as much reliant on the community as the community relies on them. The Banmala have managed to preserve the ancient Navadurga practices due to their rigorous dedication. Although they face many strains I am hopeful that the tradition will remain for many more generations in to the future.
I would like to thank the University of Lethbridge for providing me with the opportunity to travel to Nepal and experience this amazing tradition. I have learned and grown from this experience in countless ways and know that this growth will benefit me in my future endeavors. I would also like to thank my Professor Dr. Hillary Rodrigues for believing in my capabilities and helping me make this all possible. Finally I owe a lot of gratitude to the Banmala for allowing me to conduct this research and for welcoming me into their community and sharing their stories with me. I will cherish the memories built throughout this experience for the rest of my life. Thank you.
End Notes
[1] Laura Amazzone, Goddess Durgā and Sacred Female Power (Lanham, MD: Hamilton Books, 2010), 3.
[6] Hillary Rodrigues, “Divine Times: Goddess worship in Banāras,” in Studying Hinduism in Practice, ed Hillary P Rodrigues (New York: Routledge, 2011), 131.
[10] Robert I. Levy, Mesocosm (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 503-505.
[11] Niels Gutschow, “The Astamātrkā and Navadurgā of Bhaktapur.” In Wild Goddesses in India and Nepal, ed. Axel Michaels, Cornelia Vogelsanger, and Annette Wilke (Berlin: Peter Lang, 1994) 194.
[12] Kedar Raj Upadhyay (Brahmin priest, descendant of Somarā), in discussion with the author, June 18, 2014.
[13] Dipesh Banmala [pseud.], in discussion with the author, July 6, 2014.
[14] Bibek Banmala [pseud.], in discussion with the author, July 16, 2014.
[15] Dr. Purushottam Lochan Shrestha (a historian), in discussion with the author, June 11, 2014.
Amazzone, Laura. Goddess Durgā and Sacred Female Power. Lanham, MD: Hamilton Books, 2010.
Chitgopekar, Nilima. The Book of Durga. New Delhi: Penguin Books India, 2003.
Geertz, Hildred. The Life of a Balinese Temple. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.
Gutschow, Niels. “The Astamātrkā and Navadurgā of Bhaktapur.” In Wild Goddesses in India and Nepal, edited by Axel Michaels, Cornelia Vogelsanger, and Annette Wilke, 191-216. Vol. 2. Berlin: Peter Lang, 1994.
Levy, Robert I. Mesocosm. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.
Rodrigues, Hillary P. “Divine Times: Goddess worship in Banāras.” In Studying Hinduism in Practice, edited by Hillary P. Rodrigues, 131-45. New York: Routledge, 2011.
[Article written by: Brandon McNally (December 2010) who is solely responsible for its written content and pictures.]
Below is a list of scholars who study Hinduism. The list is far from exhaustive, it provides the names of scholars who either have a website or a profile on Academia.edu with additional resources. Simply click on the name of the scholar to be redirected to their respective pages.
Hinduism is a widely practiced religion focussed on the order of the cosmos, which is commonly referred to as Dharma. Opposite to Dharma is a disordering force known as Adharma. Finding balance between these two forces is a central goal in Hindu practice. These key elements originated in the Hindu traditions first found on the Indian subcontinent. As Hinduism spread to other areas of the world, it transformed slightly to accommodate to varying cultures. This is evident when observing Balinese Hinduism. Although Balinese Hindus worship the same gods and goddesses, perform similar rituals, and build sacred temples, there are certain elements that differ from Hindu practices in India. For example, Balinese Hinduism has united the Indian belief in divine beings with the Balinese belief in the protective nature of ancestors (Ariati 13). In addition, Balinese Hindus are not entirely vegetarians as most Hindus are, but they still maintain a Dharmic life style. Some of these differences may have occurred due to local beliefs and traditions of Balinese culture. Other differences may be due to the political changes in Bali that have occurred over the past few decades (Bakker 7).
Hinduism is among the five official religions practiced in Indonesia. The religious traditions of Hinduism emerged in Indonesia within the first millennium CE. Although Buddhism and Islam later replaced Hinduism in most of Indonesia, Bali maintained Hindu traditions. The spread of Hinduism has been thought to be due to settlers and colonists immigrating to these new lands. Although this may be true for some areas of the world, it appears to be false in the case of Bali. Recent research has suggested that the spread of Hinduism to Bali was largely due to allies between Hindus of India and the merchant class of Bali (Ariati 11). In particular, it was due to those among the priestly class of India that largely contributed to the spread of Hinduism in Bali. As described in the following quote, Hindu Brahmins were responsible for introducing elements of Indian culture to the island of Bali.
“Cultural and religious circumstances, the introduction of Sanskrit for writing, and the adoption of Buddhist and Hindu mythology were not the domain of traders. It is more likely that the princes who ruled small Indonesian kingdoms were influenced by priests and Brahmins from India. These priests would have been responsible for introducing a religion that allowed the king to identify himself with a deity or bodhisattva, reinforcing his temporal power. More abstract cultural elements also played a role, such as the concept of the cakravatin (universal ruler), varna or social class, the existence of a supreme supernatural power, rasa in aesthetics, and all the detailed artistic renderings of those concepts. Kingdoms that adopted Indic concepts of kingship were found in Kalimantan, Java, Sumatra and Bali” (Ariati 13).
By examining the rituals performed by Balinese Hindus, the differences between the Balinese and Indian Hindu tradition can be understood more clearly. Early rituals performed by the Balinese Hindus have been indicated through inscriptions which were written in traditional Sanskrit language. The oldest known inscriptions that suggest the presence of Hindu rituals in Indonesia predate between 350-400 CE. They describe gifts of cattle to a Brahmin community, which would indicate the use of ritualistic yupa posts. Unlike the traditional cattle sacrifice commonly performed in India, Balinese Hindus did not sacrifice the cattle. Instead, the cattle were purely given as gifts. This demonstrates the adjustment of traditional Hindu rituals to the culture found within the Indonesian archipelago. This newer form of Hinduism found in Bali has developed distinct local characteristics including the worship of ancestors, as well as animist beliefs. These characteristics set Balinese Hinduism apart from Hinduism of the Indian subcontinent. For the most part, Balinese Hinduism depends on five different groups of rituals known as the Panca Yadnya. The five ritualistic groups include: Dewa Yadnya, Manusa Yadnya, Resi Yadnya, Bhuta Yadnya, and Pitra Yadnya.
The first ritualistic group common among Balinese Hindus is dedicated to worshipping divine beings. This ritual, commonly known as Dewa Yadnya, involves temple festivals referred to as Odalan. The timing of such festivals follows the Balinese 210 day sacred year, or Pawukon. Often during Odalan shrines comprised of traditional Balinese decorations and offerings are built within the temples. In order to associate physical design with the varying degrees of sacred activity, the temples are built in three distinct courtyards. Each courtyard is dedicated to a particular activity. The Pendet dances take place in the outer courtyard to welcome the divine beings to the ceremony. The preparation of decorations and offerings take place in the middle courtyard. Finally, all worship occurs in the inner courtyards where the sacred shrines are located (Ariati 14). It is important to note that these temples are not just places of prayer and worship, but of socialization between sekala (visible beings) and niskala (invisible beings). In addition, there are certain rules that are strictly followed by the Balinese Hindus, including that which prohibits menstruating women to participate in this particular ritual. Although many westerners believe this is to exclude women, it is due to the Balinese belief that blood attracts negative spirits, and therefore puts menstruating women in danger.
The second ritualistic category common among Balinese Hindus is known as Manusa Yadnya, which is the ritual of life cycles. Every Balinese Hindu is required to perform these life cycle rituals throughout their life span. Among the most important rituals in Manusa Yadnya are the three months ritual known as Telubulanin, the six months ritual known as Otonan, and the ‘tooth-filling’ ritual which is performed prior to marriage (Ariati 15). These rituals are of particular importance to Balinese Hindus for the purpose of cleansing and purifying one’s physical and spiritual self. As described below, life cycle rituals begin from the moment a person is born.
“In Balinese belief every baby is born with its four siblings called Kanda Empat. Those four siblings are represented physically by the blood, vernix caseosa, amniotic fluid and placenta which are born with the child and personified as potentially divine or demonic beings that can either protect or harm the baby depending on how we treat them.” (Ariati 15)
Another valued ritual is the Otonan ritual which can be thought of as the Balinese birthday. Unlike western birthdays that occur every 365 days, birthdays in Bali occur every 210 days. This ritual is performed for male Hindus throughout their entire life span, but for women, this ritual comes to an end after marriage. The tooth-filling ritual is the next important ritual in Balinese Hinduism. Depending on the level of Balinese language used, this ritual can be referred to as Mesangih or Mepandes. This ritual is performed either before or during the marriage ceremony in order to reduce any influences of six internal enemies known as Sadripu. These negative influences are reduced by filling the six upper teeth that are symbols of the six internal enemies. Each enemy is associated with a particular emotion. Kama is associated with lust. Lobha is associated with greed. Krodha is associated with anger. Mada is associated with drunkness. Moha is associated with spiritual confusion. Finally, Matsarya is associated with jealousy. All of these emotions, or states of being, are considered negative and therefore must be avoided.
As mentioned previously, rituals for divine beings are known as Dewa Yadnya, where as rituals for demonic beings are known as Bhuta Yadnya. The latter is the third significant ritualistic category common among Balinese Hindus. This ritual is aimed at “appeasing the demonic spirits so that they are transformed into protective spirits” (Ariati 14). It is a significant ritual because the Balinese believe in spirits that are both visible (sekala) and invisible (niskala). These spirits can either be inhabited by humans or hosts of invisible beings that reside in land and space. Any being that is invisible can either be divine or demonic. In order to maintain a harmonious relationship with these invisible beings, the Balinese Hindus make offerings to them daily. These offerings become more elaborate on special occasions such as days within the lunar cycles. Offerings are normally given to demonic beings by laying them on the ground. This stems from the belief that demonic beings reside in the underworld below us. The simplest offering, known as bhuta-kala, consists of rice and banana leafs. Among the more elaborate offerings includes blood or flesh collected from the sacrificial animals. Through the gift of offerings, Balinese Hindus are able to transform demonic spirits into divine spirits that act to protect all who participate in the ritual.
The final ritualistic category is referred to as Pitra Yadnya, or post-modern rituals (Ariati 16). This ritual is significant because the aim is to liberate the soul (atman) to allow it to enter the ancestor realm. According to Balinese Hindu beliefs, the body is simply a microcosm of the universe comprised of five elements: pertiwi (earth), apah (water), teja (fire), bayu (air), and akasa (ether). When a person dies, these five elements must be returned to their place of origin to allow the soul, or atman, to be liberated. Ancestors can be worshipped at any family temple referred to as Sanggah or Merajan, depending on the level of language used. These temples house several shrines dedicated to the ancestors. One involves a wooden shrine that is divided into three segments representing the deceased ancestors of the family, as well as the three major Hindu deities: Visnu, Brahma, and Shiva. Depending on the family’s wealth, these rituals can be quite elaborate. If the cost of this ritual is quite high, then it can be assumed that the family involved is quite prosperous.
Several developments have been taking place in Bali over the past few decades. All developments have been taking place within an environment in which the government is dominant. Among the most significant developments include the development of Protestant and Catholic churches in Bali making Balinese Hindus the minority (Bakker 3). With this new development, Balinese Hinduism temporarily became the unofficial religion of Bali. This was largely due to the fact that the government would only recognize religions that focussed on the belief in one god. Although the Balinese Hindus were confronted with many challenges at this time, recent contact with Indian Hindus has helped to restore Hinduism in Bali to its previous state of religious dominance. Another significant feature of recent development in Bali has been the spread of Balinese inhabitants to other islands in the Indonesian archipelago including Java, Sumatra, Sulawesi, and Kalimantan. This spread of Balinese inhabitants has created a spread of religious beliefs as well. Hinduism is no longer isolated to the island of Bali, making it more dominant within the Indonesian archipelago. To ensure the survival of Hinduism on other islands, instructions on Hindu practice and tradition are being taught in various schools. In particular, these teachers of Hinduism, also known as gurus, are ensuring that the concept of Dharma is reinforced (Bakker 8). In doing so, key elements of Hindu tradition are being maintained throughout the Indonesian archipelago, particularly on the island of Bali.
References
Bakker, Freek L. (1997) “Balinese Hinduism and the Indonesian State: Recent Developments.” In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 153, 1ste Afl. (1997), p. 15-41. KITLV: Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.
Picard, Michel (2011) “Balinese Religion in Search of Recognition: From ‘Agama Hindu Bali’ to ‘Agama Hindu’.” In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Vol. 167, No. 4 (2011), p. 482-510. KITLV: Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies.
Wayan P. Ariati, Ni (2008) “Hindu Rituals in India and Bali.” In the Selected Works of Wayan P Ariati, p. 1-20. SIT Study Abroad.
Related Readings
Bakker, F.L., 1993, “The Struggle of the Hindu Balinese Intellectuals”, Amsterdam: VU University Press. -, forthcoming, The Renaissance of Balinese Hinduism in the Context of Independent Indonesia; Its Relationship with Polities’, Proceedings of the Euroseas
Bagus, G. ., 1993, “Cultural Tourism and Religious Belief Systems in Bali”, in: W. Nuryanti (ed.), Universal Tourism; Enriching
Eisman Jr., Fred B. 1990 Bali: Sekala & Niskala. Vol.: II: Essays on Society, Tradition and Craft. Berkeley-Singapore: Periplus Editions.
Swellengrebel, J., ed. 1960 Bali: Studies in Life, Thought and Ritual. The Hague: Van Hoeve.
While India accounts for the vast majority of the world’s Hindus, there are significant populations in other countries, notably Nepal, the Himalayan nation located between India and China (Tibet). In fact, Hindus make up a larger share of the population in Nepal than any other country. 85 to 90 per cent of the people in Nepal are Hindus, while according to the 2001 census, 80.5 per cent of the people of India identified themselves to be Hindu (Rodrigues 28). Hinduism has played an important role in shaping the history of Nepal, which was a Hindu kingdom, and the world’s only officially Hindu state, until 2008. Although Hinduism as practiced in Nepal is similar in many ways to Hinduism in India, several unique and important aspects characterize Nepali Hinduism.
Nepal has historically been a meeting point of Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman ethnic groups. The Indo-Aryan, or Hindu caste groups, migrated to central Nepal between the 12th and 15th centuries when the Muslims invaded India and they migrated north (Burbank 46). Most of the indigenous Tibeto-Burman groups eventually adopted Hinduism in some form, yet in many cases their religious and cultural traditions survived and were incorporated into their version of Hinduism. Any migrants that arrived in Nepal at different times in history eventually interacted with the local population, and these waves of immigration and the interaction between Hindu groups and indigenous groups helped influence how Hinduism is practiced in Nepal.
Sudden and violent political change has been a persistent part of Nepal’s history (Whelpton 1). Prior to the emergence of the modern state of Nepal, the area that now makes up the country was divided among many competing kingdoms and states. Nepal was first occupied by the dynasty of the Licchavi family and then was dominated by other historical dynasties. The Licchavi-kings ruled the country and had close ties with India because they were related to the Indian dynasty by marriage (Kooij 3). The Malla Dynasty ruled the nation from the 13th to 18th centuries after being forced out of India. During the Malla dynasty was when the indigenous individuals were called Newars (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:4).
The modern state of Nepal emerged in the middle of the 18th century when Prithvi Shah conquered the Katmandu valley, known as Nepal today, and unified the territories that now make up Nepal under his leadership. Prithvi Shah established a royal dynasty that lasted until the ending of the monarchy in 2008 (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:3). The Shah dynasty at this time played an important religious role in Hinduism in Nepal, as the royal family occupied their own caste and were revered, with the king believed by many to be an incarnation of the deity Visnu (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:3)
From 1846 until 1951 the Rana dynasty ruled Nepal with the Shah kings serving only as figureheads (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:4). The Rana dynasty made the prime minister and other governmental positions hereditary. The Rana dynasty used Hindu ritual to codify the castes and ethnic groups of Nepal (Gellner and Whelpton 1997: 4).
A popular uprising led to Nepal becoming a constitution monarchy. In 1990 the new constitution changed the country from an independent Hindu Kingdom to a democratic Hindu and constitutional monarchial kingdom. Ten members of the royal family died in 2001 and prince Dipendra was crowned to be the new monarch. Dipendra shot and killed the family, and eventually Gyanendra, King Birendra’s brother, became king. Protests broke out in 2006 and Nepal was officially in civil war and later was declared a federal republic.
Hinduism played a significant role in the emergence and development of the modern state of Nepal. While the country is now an officially secular republic, political parties with Hindu nationalist and royalist views remain important, although not as powerful as secular parties.
Hindu practices and traditions play an important part in day-to-day life for Nepali people. Festivals and rituals help promote group cohesion and solidarity (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 1). In Nepal a commonly practiced ritual is morning worship at neighborhood shrines (Burbank 80). The main gods that Nepali Hindus worship are similar to India’s Hindus, being Brahma the creator, Visnu the preserver, and Siva the Destroyer. Nepali Hindus may often choose one particular god to worship daily (Burbank 76).
Siva is regarded as the guardian god of the country of Nepal. Temples dedicated to Siva are decorated with bulls on them, as the bull is Siva’s mount. A trident is usually placed on top of the temple and a drum is another decoration and is one of Siva’s known attributes. The word Siva comes from the Sanskrit word meaning “destroyer”; this destruction associated with Siva has to do with the purifying power of opening a new path for new creation. The deity Siva follows Brahma the creator and Visnu the preserver with Siva being the destroyer of the world (Kooij 14).
The Hindu religion in Nepal teaches the concept of Dharma. The duty and righteous actions in relationship with the cosmic order that Hindus follow. In the context of Nepal, people speak of Dharma as something one does, rather than something one believes in (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 8). This concept is practiced by most religious Hindus and is therefore an important part of the faith in Nepal. The three paths to Moksa are also important within the concept of Dharma in Hinduism in Nepal. These three paths consist of the attainment of knowledge, devotion to god, and the path of action are the ways to attain Moksha, the union of the individual with the Supreme Soul (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 11).
Several significant Hindu festivals are celebrated in Nepal. Perhaps the most important festival in Nepal is Dasain. All castes participate in the festival, which lasts fifteen days, making it the longest and most anticipated festival in Nepal. In September to October the fifteen days occur during a lunar fortnight with the final day ending in the full moon. The Hindu Goddess Durga is worshipped for nine days and on the tenth day young individuals receive blessing from elders. The festival has great social significance and family is a very important part of the celebration with a large emphasis on the renewal of community ties (Kooij 11).
Another important festival is Tihar, known as Diwali or Deepawali in India. Tihar is also known as the festival of lights, where lights are celebrated for five days and people pray to the Goddess Laxmi, the goddess of wealth and good fortune and the consort of the god Visnu. Families gather in their homes where they light candles and small clay lamps, which are kept on throughout the night to make Laxmi feel welcome in their home (Burbank 76).
One of the most significant aspects of Hinduism in Nepal is the Kumari tradition, in which young girls, selected from the Newari community, are worshipped as manifestations of the goddess Durga. The word Kumari means “virgin” in Sanskrit and the girls need to be prepubescent and unmarried. While there are multiple Kumaris in Nepal, the most popular well-known Kumari is located in a palace in the center of the capital, Katmandu. The Kumari must perform purification rites before taking her throne and is not supposed to leave her palace except for important ceremonial circumstances. Like Durga, Kumari has a third eye painted on her forehead and she dresses in red. Every few years, in October or November, a new Kumari is selected and has to undergo a test. The first part of the test the young girl is taken to a temple and freed into the courtyard where there are several scary creatures and the second part is sleeping in a room with many scary animal heads. If the girl does not show fear then she is the correct candidate and holds all the right qualities; this takes place during the Durgapuja festival (Kooij 11).
While Hinduism is practiced in Nepal in similar ways to Hinduism in India, it differs in other important ways. The caste system in Nepal, for example, is broadly similar to the caste system in India. In Nepal, as nearly everywhere in India, everyone knows what caste or ethnic group he or she belongs to (Gellner 2007:1823). The caste system was first introduced to Nepal by the Hindu caste groups, which migrated to Nepal around the 12th to 15th centuries. It was during the 14th century that king Jayasthiti Malla introduced caste principles and conduct in Nepal (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 5).
The caste system in Nepal is different from India’s Hindu caste system, although this difference mostly shows up in the comparison of the upper levels of the caste system. In India the caste system came about by regional adaptation in which there were four main categories (Hitchcock 116). The Tibeto-Burman groups were incorporated into the Nepali caste system, this integration being one of the biggest differences between Nepal and India’s caste systems.
In Nepal, the top caste consists of the Brahmans, known as Bahuns in Nepal, and the Kshatriyas, known as the Chetris. The bottom includes untouchable artisan castes (Gellner and Whelpton 1997:4). However, the Nepali system includes Newari and other ethnic group-based castes in the middle, as well as historically included a royal caste at the top. The lack of intermarriage also helped to create this aspect of structure.
There are numerous festivals that are celebrated by Hindus in Nepal and India, whether it is harvest season offerings to gods or rainy season when the rain god is worshipped. Another difference between Hindus in Nepal and India is that some festivals that are celebrated in India are not celebrated in Nepal, or vice versa; and certain festivals are celebrated on different days and at different times. Dasain is a more important festival in Nepal and Diwali is generally more important in India.
Perhaps the main reason for Nepali Hinduism’s unique character is the influence of Tibeto-Burman indigenous groups’ traditions. Kumari and Durgapuji are well-known examples of this influence and of the interaction between the cultures that make up Nepal. The tradition of the Kumari is significant because it originates with Nepali Newari community. Newari culture has retained elements, which are non-Indian and belong to the cultural background of the Tibeto-Burman Himalayan people (Kooij 1). Hinduism in Nepal has been shaped through its interaction with, and incorporation of, these traditions and cultural practices.
Until 2008, Nepal was the world’s only multiethnic, multilingual, democratic, Hindu kingdom (Rodrigues 460). Religion has always been a central feature of Nepali life, and Nepal has been a meeting ground for diverse religions (Pyakuryal and Suvedi 8). Hinduism has played an important role in shaping Nepali history. Although broadly similar, Nepal and Indian Hinduism differ in certain important details. Certain unique aspects, and the interaction between the Hindu migrants from India and the indigenous groups fundamentally shaped the unique nature of Nepali Hinduism. Rituals, festivals, and traditions such as Kumari help define Hinduism in Nepal as well as the country as a whole.
References
Bruce, C. G. and W. Brook Northey (1925) “Nepal” The Geographical Journal. 65(4): p. 281-298
Burbank, Jon (2002) Cultures of the World: Nepal. Tarrytown: Times Media Private Limited.
Gellner, Pfaff-Chzarnecka and John Whelpton (1997) Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics and Culture in Contemporary Nepal. Oxon: Routledge.
Gellner, David N. (2001) The Anthropology of Buddhism and Hinduism: Weberian Themes. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Gellner, David N. (2005) The Emergence of Conversion in a Hindu-Buddhist Polytropy: The Katmandu Valley, Nepal, c. 1600-1995. Cambridge: Comparative Studies in Society and History.
Gellner, David N. (2007) “Caste, Ethnicity and Inequality in Nepal” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 42, No. 20:1823-1828.
Grieve, Gregory P. (2006) Retheorizing religion in Nepal. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hitchcock, John T. (1978) “An Additional Perspective on the Nepali Caste System.” In James F. Fisher ed. Himalayan Anthropology: The Indo-Tibetan Interface, p. 111-120. The Hague: Mouton Publishers.
Karel Rijk van Kooij. (1978) Iconography of Religions: Indian religions. Religion in Nepal. Netherlands: E.J. Brill, Leiden.
Oestigaard, T. (2004) Kings and Cremations – Royal Funerals and Sacrifices in Nepal. Oxford: BAR International Series.
Pyakuryal, Kailash and Murari, Suvedi (2000) Understanding Nepal’s Development. East Lansing: Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources Education and Communication Systems.
Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism the eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.
Whelpton, John (2005) A History of Nepal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Related Readings
Leah, E.R. (1960) “Introduction: what should we mean by caste?: London: Cambridge University Press.
Shah, R. (1975) An Introduction to Nepal: Kathmandu.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a Hindu Indian independence activist, journalist, lawyer and social reformer. Tilak was often referred to as “The Father of Indian Unrest,” originally a derogatory term allotted to him by the British authorities, it is now considered a favorable title (Pati 52). Tilak was also given the honorary title of “Lokmanya,” meaning “accepted by the people.” Tilak greatly valued education and believed that by educating the people of India Indian independence could be achieved. [For a brief history of the Indian Independence Movement see Christopher (2002)]. Bal Gangadhar Tilak began his political career by engaging in various political debates. He eventually became the leader of the extremist wing of the Indian National Congress. Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a devout Hindu holding the distinct belief that Hinduism was the most superior religion on Earth. He believed that the Hindu religion held the key to achieving Indian Independence.
Born on July 23, 1856 in Ratnagiri, India as a Chitpawan Brahmin, Bal Gangadhar Tilak was among the first generation of Indians to receive a college education (Sharma 192). He graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in 1876, and received a Bachelor of Law in 1880 from Deccan College (Sharma 192). Tilak was greatly influenced by his grandfather who had borne witness to some of the atrocities and achievements that occurred during the Indian Mutiny (Sharma 193). This would come to influence his political ideologies later in life.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak was instrumental in advancing the education of the people of India. Tilak said “The salvation of our motherland lay in education and only education of the people” (Sharma 193). His first educational endeavor was in 1880 as a co-founder of Poona’s New English School (Brown 1961:76). Later in 1884, Tilak, along with several of his colleagues, founded the Deccan Education Society (Brown 1961:76). The following year the Deccan Education Society established Fergusson College in Poona. Tilak’s educational activism reflected his belief that educating the masses was the only way to achieve Indian independence.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak established two newspapers, the Mahratta, published in English, and the Kesari, published in Marathi (Brown 1961:77). Both newspapers were intended to promote education among the Hindus of Western India. The newspapers were also meant to promote mass agitation among Indians, a conscious effort to mobilize Indians against British rule (Brown 1961:77). Both newspapers were widely successful and managed to gain the attention of the British authorities. This attention, coupled with Tilak’s ambition of mobilizing the people of India to fight for independence, would cause Tilak legal difficulties in the future.
One of Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s first political experiences occurred as a result of the Age of Consent Bill of 1890, which proposed raising the minimum age of cohabitation for Hindu marriages from 10 to 12 years of age (Sharma 194). Tilak did not disagree with the content of the bill, but disagreed with the British government’s ability to establish and enforce the bill. He felt that legal decisions should be made by Indians upon the attainment of Indian self government, rather than by a foreign government (Brown 1961:77). Tilak often stated “Indian social problems must be solved by Indians” (Sharma 195).
During a three year period from 1905-1908 the British government decided to divide the province of Bengal into two separate provinces, which they claimed was for the purpose of “administrative convenience” (Sharma 195). Tilak and two of his colleagues, Lala Lajpat Rai and Binpin Chandra Pal, created the Lal-Bal-Pal political regime to protest what they believed was actually an attempt to “divide and rule” by the British government (Sharma 195). The Lal-Bal-Pal regime is often considered the first instance of Indian nationalism and spurred the Swadeshi (indigenous goods) Movement (Muralidharan 12). [For more information on the economic and social impact of the Swadeshi Movement see Biswas (1995)]. Their program of “swaraj, swadeshi and national education” provided the impetus required to mobilize the people of India (Nambodiripad 4).
Tilak played a fundamental role in the Swadeshi Movement. The aim of the Swadeshi Movement was to gain swaraj or “self rule” for India through the establishment of economic self sufficiency. Tilak often stated “swaraj is my birthright; and I will have it” (Nambodiripad 3). Tilak used the movement as an opportunity to extend his political influence to both the working class and the citizens of Bombay (Pati 61).
Bal Gangadhar Tilak became a member of the Indian National Congress in 1890. In 1907 diverging opinions within the Indian National Congress had reached an apex, which resulted in the “Surat Split,” dividing members of Congress into two camps; the “moderates” and the “extremists” (Guha 115). Tilak came to represent the extremists, and his lifelong acquaintance, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, represented the moderates. [Guha (2010) provides an account of Gopal Krishna Gokhale’s life and political career]. As leader of the extremists, Tilak’s mandate included “self government, national education, and the use of boycott” and passive resistance (Brown 1961:78). Tilak never did become president of the Indian National Congress.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak was imprisoned twice in his lifetime. The first imprisonment in 1897 was for sedition and lasted eighteen months (Guha 117). Sedition in this instance was defined as “spreading disaffection against the British Indian government” (Karve 208). In 1908 Tilak was charged with sedition for the second time (Guha 117). His actions were seen as “intensifying racial animosity between Indians and the British” (Guha 117). He served his six year sentence in Burma. The news of Tilak’s imprisonment caused outrage in Bombay where textile workers in seventy mills went on strike and ultimately shut down production (Guha 117). This provides evidence of the widespread support and popularity that Tilak had gained among the Indian working class. He was tried for sedition a third time in 1916, however he was successfully acquitted of the charges (Guha 118).
The Hindu religion was very important to Bal Gangadhar Tilak, both as his practiced religion as well as for political purposes. He believed that Hinduism, and its various sects, ought to be united in order to form one ‘mighty Hindu nation’ (Harvery 321). Tilak believed that this unity could be achieved by simply adhering to the principles outlined in traditional Hindu texts such as the Bhagavad Gita and the Ramayana (Harvey 321). [Chaitanya (1987) provides modern insight into the contents of the Bhagavad Gita. For insight into the Ramayana see Hindery (1976)]. He outlined his philosophy in his book titled Gita Rahasya, meaning “The Secret of the Gita,” which he wrote during his six year imprisonment in Burma (Sharma 196). The principle that Tilak emphasized the most in his book was found in the Bhagavad Gita. It was the need for activism, or action, which he felt should be applied to religion and politics. This call for action is often referred to as Karma Yoga, a principle in Brahmanic theory insisting upon the warrior’s responsibility to fight (Brown 1958:197). He also advocated the superiority of the Hindu religion over the religions of the West in Gita Rahasya (Sharma 197). Ultimately Bal Gangadhar Tilak sought the use of principles found within the Bhagavad Gita to revitalize Hinduism, replace Western philosophy, and legitimize political action (Harvey 322).
In addition to the Gita Rahasya Tilak wrote two books on Vedic Studies. This included The Orion in 1893, and The Arctic Home Of The Vedas in 1903. In both books he attempted to use science to reveal the history of Hinduism in an attempt to reconstruct Hindu history (Sharma 197). His aim was to separate Hindu tradition from the work of Western academics. The “Aryan theory of race” characterized by Tilak in these books would become of crucial importance to Hindu revitalization (Muralidharan 16).
Tilak sought to strengthen the Hindu tradition and Indian consciousness through the revival of two Hindu festivals, one dedicated to the deity Ganapati, and the other to Sivaji (Brown 1961:78). Tilak managed to transform the Ganapati celebration from a private in-the-home affair into a mass celebration. He began the Sivaji festival to celebrate the achievements and memory of the medieval warrior chief by the same name (Guha 116). He ultimately used these festivals as a mode of political mobilization for the Indian Independence Movement.
Tilak joined together the Hindu religion and Indian politics in order to emphasize his policy of Hindu nationalism. He believed that religion played a very important role in nationality. Tilak’s historical interpretations led him to believe that Indian unity existed only during times when Hinduism’s predominance was secure, and chaos and disorder were prevalent when the Hindu religion reached a low point (Muralidharan 12). Tilak has often been credited with exercising a policy of exclusionary nationalism, emphasizing the distinctness of the Hindu religion rather than cultural tolerance. A great example of this religious intolerance was Tilak’s revival of the Hindu Ganapati festival, which often occurred during the same time as the Islamic Muharram observance. As such, the festival became an occasion for fighting between Muslims and Hindus (Muralidharan 13). Hinduism, being a class-based religion, excluded the lower classes of the religion in many instances. Therefore, in addition to alienating much of the Muslim Indian population, Hindu nationalism also alienated much of the lower caste Hindu population. Ultimately, Tilak’s policy of Hindu nationalism was unitary and intolerant of diversity, making him a controversial historical figure.
After his release from prison in 1914 Tilak was run down both physically and spiritually. He was willing to accept Dominion status within the British Empire as opposed to complete independence (Guha 117). He also called upon India to support England in World War One and began to praise some of the beneficial aspects of the British government (Pati 53). He remained active in politics and went back to being a Congressman in 1915 (Pati 52). However, the polarization that had resulted in the Moderates and Extremists was no longer relevant upon his return. In 1916 he went on to form the All India Home Rule League, which further voiced Indian demand for self government.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak died on August 1, 1920 at the age of 64. Tilak left an enduring legacy. After his death he became recognized as the first “father of the movement for the liberation of India,” a cause that would later be adopted by Mahatma Gandhi (Karve 208). [See Spear (1969) for a historical account of the independence activism of Mahatma Gandhi]. The Swadeshi Movement that Tilak helped initiate ultimately achieved its goal when Indian independence was achieved in 1947. Through his political activism, Hindu nationalism, and various modes of religious and political mobility Tilak was able to lay the groundwork for the future of the Indian Independence Movement.
References and Further Recommended Reading
Biswas, A. K. (1995) “Paradox of Anti-Partition Agitation and Swadeshi Movement in Bengal (1905).” Social Scientist, Vol. 23, No. 4/6:38-57.
Brown, Mackenzie (1961) Indian Political Thought: From Ranade to Bhave. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
_______ (1958) “The Philosophy of Bal Gangadhar Tilak: Karma vs. Jnana in the Gita Rahasya.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2:197- 206.
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Brahmagupta was a significant Indian mathematician and astronomer who lived during the medieval era and made several indispensable contributions to various fields of mathematics and astronomy throughout his lifetime. Although many of the specific details of Brahmagupta’s birthplace are unknown, most scholars agree that he was born in 598 CE somewhere in northern India (Joseph 41-42; Waghmare et al. 1). One hypothesis is that he was born in Bhinmal (a city in the Rajasthan Sate of Northern India which was quite powerful during that time period) but no one knows for sure. One thing is certain however; the time Brahmagupta was born would play a larger role in defining his later works than the place he was born. [The 6th century BCE was characterised by a rise in philosophical movements that challenged Hindu Orthodoxy. These groups, which were labeled heterodox by orthodox Hindus, generally challenged the Vedas and the Varna (class) system. As time progressed the number of heterodox philosophies increased and by the 6th century CE they had 1200 years to spread and flourish throughout India. ] As an orthodox Hindu, Brahmagupta was influenced heavily by his religious beliefs and was opposed to those held by the various heterodox darsanas (viewpoints). In particular, he was intrigued by the Hindus’ Yuga system (which measures the ages of humanity) and opposed to the Jains’ cosmological views, allowing the former to greatly influence his own ideas and harshly condemning the latter (Waghmare et al. 1). The influence of orthodox Hinduism on his work did not end here.
Brahmagupta went even further in his critique of heterodox ideas when he attacked Aryabhata. Brahmagupta refuted Aryabhata’s heterodox idea that the earth is a spinning sphere (Waghmare et al. 1). The influence of religion on Brahmagupta and his works went even farther than this however. Brahmagupta’s main work Brahmasphutasiddhanta (TheCorrectly Established Doctrine of Brahma) which is a mathematical treatise of invaluable quality is a paradigmatic example of the extent of which religious views influenced Brahmagupta [This demonstrates Brahmagupta’s religious affiliations with Hindu orthodoxy because Brahma is believed to be the creator deity in the Hindu tradition] (Waghmare et al. 1-2). Although religious beliefs played a profound role in influencing Brahmagupta, they were by no means the only stimulus instigating his mathematical and astronomical works. As a young man, Brahmagupta was a disciple of Varahmihir, a great astronomer of the time, who had written extensively. It is said that Brahmagupta read all Varahmihir’s works, made commentaries on them, and later proved many unproved results (Waghmare et al. 1). This launched Brahmagupta’s career in mathematics and astronomy.
As mentioned earlier, Brahmagupta’s main work Brahmasphutasiddhanta was a very influential mathematical treatise influenced by orthodox Hinduism. Interestingly, this biased approach did not compromise the quality of the work entirely. In fact, R.V. Waghmare et al. describes his work as possessing mathematical ideas of “exceptional quality” and claims that it should be considered one of the greatest works of the early period “not only of India, but also of the World” (Waghmare et al. 2). The text’s incredible breadth and depth has made invaluable contributions to geometry, arithmetic, algebra, number theory, as well as astronomy. Since the text was later translated into Arabic around 771 CE it also played a profound role in the scientific awaking of the Arab Empire and had a considerable influence on Islamic mathematics and astronomy (Waghmare et al. 2). This work also had a profound impact within India. In chapters twelve and eighteen, Brahmagupta established two major fields of Indian mathematics: “mathematics of procedures” (algorithms) and “mathematics of seeds” (equations/algebra), which are still studied to this day (Waghmare et al. 2-3).
Interestingly, this is not the only text that Brahmagupta wrote. In fact, the Brahmasphutasiddhanta published in 628 CE was his second, albeit most important, work. His first work Cademekela was written in 624 CE. His third and fourth books Khandakhadyaka and Durkeamynarda were published in 665 CE and 672 CE respectively. Collectively, these texts are all extremely influential in many fields of mathematics. For instance, Brahmagupta’s work on arithmetic revolutionized the field. In fact, Brahmagupta is described as having a better understanding of number systems and place value than any of his contemporaries. In particular, Brahmagupta had a profound understanding of the number zero. While the number had been used to distinguish between numbers since ancient times (i.e. people used it to distinguish between numbers like 1, 10, and 100) it had never been considered an arithmetic entity in its own right. In other words, no one ever tried to do addition, multiplication, subtraction, or division with zero prior to Brahmagupta (Waghmare et al. 3-4). For this reason, Brahmagupta is credited with the discovery of the number zero (see Boyer 241-245). He did not stop here however. In fact, he went even further and extended arithmetic to the negative numbers and ended up formulating many of the rules that mathematicians still hold to be true today, with the exception that he allowed division by zero. Although phrased quite differently, Brahmagupta established these familiar rules of arithmetic: the product/quotient of similar signs is positive while the product/quotient of different signs is negative. He said that zero times anything is zero and that a number divided by zero is that number over zero, with the exception that zero divided by zero is zero (Waghmare et al. 3).
Next, the Brahmasphutasiddhanta moved onto algebra. Many algebraists believe that Brahmagupta’s most important contribution to the fields of algebra and number theory is his work done on Pell’s Equation (Waghmare et al. 6). Pell’s equation is the relation Nx2 – 1 = y2 where N is a constant and solutions take the form (x, y). Using what is today referred to as the Euclidean algorithm but known to contemporaries as the “pulveriser,” Brahmagupta broke Pell’s equation into several smaller equations (Waghmare et al. 6). His solution of the equation hinged on a generalization of the work of Diophantus, which is a long and complicated formula that is very important in the study number theory [Diophantine equations is a branch of number theory that concerns equations that only accept integer solutions] (Waghmare et al. 6-7). Unfortunately, this was not sufficient. With all the effort Brahmagupta put into studying Pell’s equation he could not generalize his results to an arbitrary constant N. Rather, he only proved a few specific cases and the general solution would not come until much later when Bhaskarall would prove it in 1150 CE. (Waghmare et al. 6-8).
In addition to these contributions, Brahmagupta also made contributions to the study of linear and quadratic equations. Giving an algorithm for what is equivalent to the quadratic formula which is used to solve equations of the form ax2 + bx + c = 0 and it is believed that Brahmagupta may have been the first to realize the quadratic has two solutions. However, he went much farther than this. He also gave solutions to multiple variable quadratics of the form ax2 + c = y2 (Waghmare et al. 7). Another interesting result is known as the Brahmagupta-Fibonacci Identity. This identity basically asserts that sum of two squares is closed under multiplication, that is when you multiply a sum of two squares with another sum of two squares you will always get a sum of two squares. This is an incredibly powerful result that has had a profound impact on number theory especially when coupled with other results (Boyer 241-243; Waghmare et al. 9).
Despite all Brahmagupta’s magnificent achievements in these areas of mathematics, they seem almost insignificant when compared to his work in geometry. Unfortunately, many of his achievements in this field are ignored as credit was often given to Europeans due to the dominant Eurocentric attitude of the time (Waghmare et al. 8-9). One example of this is what is widely known as Ptolemy’s Theorem. This theorem can be used to find the diagonals of cyclic quadrilaterals (four sided figures whose vertices lie on a circle). Interestingly, Brahmagupta discovered and proved this theorem independently unaware of Ptolemy’s work (Waghmare et al. 8). Another example is Brahmagupta’s work on right angle triangles. Many of the results he proved were later credited to the European mathematicians Fibonacci in the 13th century BC and Vieta in the 16th century BC (Waghmare et al. 8-9). This does not mean that he is completely unrecognized though. In fact, “Brahmagupta’s Formula” is the name given to the formula used in Euclidean geometry to find the area of any quadrilateral when the side lengths are given and some of the interior angles. There is also a major theorem which bears Brahmagupta’s name. Brahmagupta’s Theorem states that if a cyclic quadrilateral is also orthodiagonal (has perpendicular diagonals) then if a line is drawn perpendicular to point of intersection of the diagonals it will bisect the opposite side (Waghmare et al. 9-10). Finally, Brahmagupta’s contributions in geometry include a study of triangles. His work dealt primarily with the relationships between the base of a triangle, the triangle’s altitude, and the side lengths of the triangle. In this study he also estimated the value of pi to be approximately three. Even though his estimation was incorrect he was close (Waghmare et al. 9-10). His final work with triangles concerned Pythagorean triples. These are sets of three numbers that satisfy the Pythagorean Theorem.
While Brahmagupta is also known for being an astronomer, he did not write as extensively on astronomy as he did on mathematics. Whatever he discovered in astronomy was often a consequence of his mathematics (Boyer 243-245; Waghmare et al. 11-12). In other words, he used logical mathematical reasoning to prove astronomical ideas. For instance, Brahmagupta reasoned that the sun was farther away from earth than the moon. Scriptural teachings supported the idea that the sun was closer to the earth than the moon was so this was revolutionary. He reasoned, however, that the moon is closer because of the way the sun illuminates it in cycles of waning and waxing (Boyer 221-223; Joseph 24-27). Although it may seem minor, Brahmagupta’s work in astronomy played a major role in the scientific awakening of Baghdad and the Arabic empire. When Brahmagupta’s Brahmasphutasiddhanta was translated into Arabic it forever changed the empire and gifted them with wonderful new mathematical and astronomical ideas that led to a full scale scientific revolution (see Joseph 22-27; Boyer 221-223, 241-245).
Reference and Further Recommended Reading
Boyer, Carl B (1968) A History of Mathematics. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Joseph, George Gheverghese (2009) A Passage to Infinity: Medieval Indian Mathematics from Kerala and its Impact. New Delhi, India: SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd.
Waghmare, R.V., Avhale P.S., and Kolhe S.B. (2012) “The Great Mathematician Brahmagupta” Golden Research Thoughts. Volume 2, Issue 1. (July 2012)
Related Topics for Further Investigation
Abbasid
Abu al-Rayhan al-Biruni Al-Mansur
Aryabhata Aryabhatiya Bakhshali manuscript Bijaganita
Brahma Brahmasphutasiddhanta
Diophantus
History of Indian and Islamic Mathematics Karanapaddhati Lilavati Lokavibhaga
Orthodox Hinduism Paitamaha Siddhanta Paulisa Siddhanta Romaka Siddhanta Sadratnamala
Scientific Awakening in Arab Empire Siddhanta Shiromani Sulba Sutras Surya Siddhanta Tantrasamgraha Ujjain Vasishtha Siddhanta Venvaroha Yavanajataka
Yuga System Yuktibhasa
