All posts by hrodrigues

Parsis in India

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Parsis, a religious and ethnic minority in India, practice Zoroastrianism, a revealed, monotheistic religion based on the ancient teachings of Zarathustra (Nigosian 3).

Immigration and Settlement in India

Parsis immigrated to the Indian state, Gujarat from Persia (present day Iran) through a series of migrations in the eighth and ninth centuries (Roy 184 & Nigosian 42). The reasons for Parsis emigration is not fully understood, though scholars suggest that the rise of Muslim Iranian dynasties in Persia led to religious tensions resulting in the diaspora to India (Boyce 157). Archeological records indicate that the Parsi immigrants settled on the island Div for two decades before sailing to the mainland and permanently settling in the Indian state, Gujarat (157).

The early history of Parsis in India is uncertain because information of the exodus from Persia derives from a Persian epic, the Quissa-i Sanjan, which was composed in the sixteenth century from oral traditions (Nigosian 43 & Kreyenbroek 44). According to the Quissa-i Sanjan, the Indian prince, Jadi Rana, allowed the Parsis to create a settlement, Sanjan (named after their hometown in Khorasan) (Nigosian 43). The Quissa indicates that Jadi Rana required the immigrants to: explain Zoroastrianism, abandon the Persian language and speak Gujarati, perform marriage ceremonies after sunset, surrender weapons and wear the Indian sari (43-44). Jadi Rana’s conditions for settlement appear to be well integrated in Parsi culture because Gujarati continues to be spoken among Parsis in India today, although some Arabic and Persian vocabulary for ritual items and religious terms were retained (Boyce 157) and Parsi women continue to proudly wear the sari (Nigosian 44).

Zoroastrianism was the central organizing feature of the Parsis as evident by the division of the growing number of settlements into five distinct panthak (regions) which were governed by priests and a council (Boyce 167). Sanjan, the original settlement, was the central panthak because it housed the atash bahram (Fire of Victory) (167). Parsis often performed a pilgrimage to the atash bahram for worship after rites of passage or to acquire sacred ash to perform a sacred rite (167). The atash bahram also functioned as a sacred link to the mother country because it contained ash that had been brought from an atash bahram in Persia (166-167).

Parsis maintained a strong connection to Zoroastrian communities in Persia by sending messengers to Khorasan (a remote, mountainous region that the Parsis first fled to before sailing to India) and Persia (Nigosian 43). Messengers retrieved items used in rituals and sacrifices in addition to Zoroastrian prayer and worship texts (Boyce 166, 168). Furthermore, Rivayats, a series of instructive letters regarding practical and religious matters, were exchanged between the Persian and Indian Zoroastrian communities (Nigosian 42) until a dispute in the eighteenth century over differences in the Zoroastrian calendar ended Iran’s role as a religious authority over Parsi Zoroastrian (Boyce 189-190).

Practice of Zoroastrianism

The Rivayats reveal that the Zoroastrians in India remained fully orthodox by continuing to follow Iranian practices of rituals, purity laws and priesthood with a few minor exceptions (173). For example, due to the sacredness of the cow in Hinduism, bulls and cows were no longer sacrificed, although the sacrifice of goats and sheep continued (173). Boyce suggests that this sacredness also influenced the use of bull’s tail hairs to sieve the hom juice (174). Additionally, the traditional hom juice (similar to the Hindu soma), made from a plant found in the Persian mountains, was no longer available, therefore, an Indian alternative was found (173). The Parsi belief in the hereditary nature of Zoroastrianism and the subsequent rejection of converts or intermarriage was possibly influenced by the rigidity of the Hindu caste system (174).

Orthodox Zoroastrian Parsis worship the creator god Ahura Mazda primarily through prayer, purity, and fire sacrifices at fire temples. Zoroastrian’s worship and lifelong pursuit of ‘Good Thoughts’, ‘Good Words’ and ‘Good Deeds’ aids the dualistic, cosmic battle between Ahura Mazda and the evil force, Angra Mainyu (also known as Ahriman) (Kreyenbroek 4-5). Ahura Mazda’s seven helpers, amesha spenta (‘Beneficent Immortals’), also represent characteristics such as wholeness, righteousness, and good thought, which Zoroastrians are to develop throughout their lives (5). Parsis traditionally observe five prayer watches throughout the day (5) which involve praying toward an atash dadgah (household hearth fire) (9) or light (17), tying and untying the kusti (sacred cord around the waist) (8), reciting prayers from the Avesta (6-7), and perhaps lighting incense (17). Parsis believe when prayers from the sacred Zoroastrian text, Avesta, are properly recited, the words of the Avesta have divine powers to aid good beings in the cosmic battle (6-7).

Fire and fire temples are essential to Parsis religious practice because “fire represents the purity of the divine” (9). The most sacred fires, atash bahrams, are very costly and maintained by dasturs (high priests). To maintain purity, only Zoroastrians are permitted in fire temples (17). Before entering the individual should have a purification bath, cover his/her head, wash every exposed part of the body, as well as, tie and untie the kusti (17). Upon entering the fire temple, the individual is expected to acknowledge the picture of Zarathustra and priests or esteemed members of the community before approaching the fire to pray, worship, or provide an offering of sandalwood (18).

Traditional ceremonies and festive occasions in a Parsi’s life includes: navajote, weddings, pregnancy announcements, births [for more detail see Kreyenbroek 34-36], moving into a new house, going on a journey and death rites (18-21) [for a contemporary understanding of Parsis’ lives and practices see Luhrmann]. These events usually involve purification through bathing in milk and flowers (18-21) and the presence of a tray with an oil lamp, betel nuts and almonds, dates, rice, salt, flowers, a silver cone and rose-water sprinkler (18) [For information on religious holidays throughout the year see Kreyenbroek 22-27].

The most important rite of passage for a male Parsi, navjote, is an initiation ceremony similar to a Jewish Bar Mitzvah or a Hindu Upanayana ‘Sacred Thread ceremony’. Typically this ceremony occurs after the child has memorized important kusti prayers between the ages of seven and nine (Kreyenbroek 27). Navjote involves the child bathing in milk and flowers, receiving a kusti (sacred cord belt) and a sudreh (sacred shirt worn under regular clothes), and performing a ceremony with food, rituals, priests, prayers and additional bathing (28). Throughout a Parsi’s life he/she will ritually tie and untie the kusti after waking up, defecating or urinating, and before praying, eating and bathing (Nigosian 99).

Engagement and wedding ceremonies have traditionally been the most important rite of passage of a Parsi girl. Weddings can be quite elaborate, with the exchange of many gifts between families, and a four day celebration (Kreyenbroek 29). The first day of the marriage ceremony, madav-saro, is marked with the couple planting a mango tree in a pot and visiting both parents’ homes (30). On the second day, divo-adrani rit, the families exchange gifts and the new couple’s gifts to the groom’s house (31). The bride receives a new sari with rice knotted in the corner, a necklace with a silver coin pendant and green beads from her in-laws as a sign of welcome into the family (31-32).

The final ritual in a Parsi’s life occurs at death, when the deceased is bathed and laid in a stone amphitheater, a dakhma (‘Tower of Silence’). The deceased is consumed by birds or animals because Parsis’ beliefs in the purity of the natural elements, such as fire and earth forbid contaminating it through the burial or cremation of bodies (8).

Parsis under the Mughal Reign

The Mughal reign in northern India and present day Pakistan during the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries affected Parsis’ fire temples and worship. Religious persecution during a Muslim campaign resulted in moving the atash bahram from Sanjan to Navsari (Boyce 171-172). As a result of this transition the traditional pillar alters were permanently replaced by large metal containers serving as an altar for the atash bahram in the Navsari fire temple (172). The atash bahram remained in Navsari until 1741 when disputes between the two regional groups of priests, the Sajanas and the Bhagarias, resulted in the Sajanas moving the atash bahram to Udwada, a village south of Sanjan where it remains today (188-189). The Bhagarias responded by creating the second atash bahram in India at the fire temple in Navsari (188-189). There are currently nine atash bahrams in India (one in Udwada, one in Navsari, one in Yazd, four in Mumbai, two in Surat) [see the Heritage Institute link below for pictures of each atash bahram]. Due to continuing persecution during the Mughal reign, less sacred fires, atash adaran (Fire of Fire’s), were established in fire temples which were indistinguishable from homes to make worship safer (188). For a brief period of time, under the patronage of Emperor Akbar, a sacred fire burned in the royal Mughal court, and priests were commissioned to document religious laws, ordinances, correspondence and terminology resulting in a rich literary record which informs scholars of Parsi history and practice (183).

Trade and British Relations

The rapid growth of trade in India due to the East India Company and imperialist interests in the seventeenth century significantly influenced Parsi society. Agriculturalists and craftsmen in rural Gujarat migrated to the emerging commercial center, Bombay (present day Mumbai) to become tradesmen, shipbuilders, and merchants (Hinnells 2007:101). After Bombay was ceded from the Portuguese to the British in 1661 the city grew in popularity and became the cultural center of Zoroastrianism (Kreyenbroek 45). To encourage migration to Bombay, the British gifted the Parsi community a prominent piece of land in Bombay known as Malabar Hill (Roy 187). Parsis’ willingness to be Anglicized and travel in addition to acquire western education contributed to Parsis acquisition of prominent positions in society and trade (188). Parsis were prosperous and favoured by the British because they were not encumbered by a trade, caste or purity laws which restricted interactions among foreigners and various castes (185-187). Parsis were well liked by Europeans as evidenced by traveler’s accounts from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries which describe Parsis as a “gentle, quiet, industrious race” (Boyce 186) [see Karaka for nineteenth century perspectives on Parsis and their customs].

As the Parsis’ wealth accumulated through business enterprises (187), a religious organization of community leaders, the punchayet, was established to oversee religious and social matters such as, charity, trusts, weddings, funerals and gahambar (communal feasts) (Hinnells 2007:101). The punchayet also ensured that the community upheld Zoroastrian values regarding marriage, intermarriage, divorce and bigamy (Hinnells 2007:101). Non-conformists were punished and individuals who rejected the authority of the punchayet were excommunicated (Wadia 129). The anjuman, a communal assembly, was also an important political and social body in the Parsis community because it could act as a legislative body, and appoint, suspend or dismiss a dastur (high priest of the atash bahram) or priest (Hinnells 2007:102).

Parsis after Indian Independence in 1947

The punchayet, the anjuman and the dastur declined in religious and social authority by the mid-nineteenth century (Boyce 186). Kreyenbroek states that “the nineteenth century thus marked the transition from a stable self-image based on centuries of traditional life, to a state of affairs where many aspects of Parsi religious and social life were constantly called into question.… After more than a century and a half, however, these problems still show no sign of being resolved” (Kreyenbroek 46). Specifically, Zoroastrianism fell under attack during the nineteenth century from Christian Europeans such as Reverend John Wilson who raised theological questions based on early and inaccurate translations of the Avesta. The Parsi community reacted with embarrassment when Zoroastrian priests failed to satisfactorily respond to Wilson’s theological challenges (46). The priests were in an impossible situation because Parsi priests functioned as spiritual and moral guides for the panthaks, in addition to, performing rituals and sacrifices in the fire temples, rather than acting as religious scholars and developing rigorous theological systems. Regardless of the unfairness and inaccuracy of the accusations, the priestly authority and prestige significantly declined in the nineteenth century. These changes also resulted in a decline priests, especially gifted or qualified priests because educated, intelligent or wealthy boys from the priestly class were discouraged from entering priesthood (53).

Recently, wealthy Parsi patrons have contributed to creating and funding a three year priesthood program to train new priests in theology, rituals, psychology, sociology and history (54). However, the stigma regarding the priesthood still remains (54). In 1977, the program ‘Zoroastrian Studies’ was founded. It is based on the lectures of the internationally acclaimed speaker, Khojeste Mistree, which has increased interest and pride in orthodox Zoroastrian practices, scripture, and theology (Hinnells 2007:262).

Avenues of religious reform have also occurred through the development of Zoroastrian movements. For example, Neo-traditionalist Parsis are orthodox in practice but emphasize a personal search for truth in contrast to Modernist Parsis who pursue a western lifestyle and combine new, non-traditional views with nostalgic traditions (47-48). The Reformist school of thought emphasizes secularism by suggesting that ‘Parsi’ is strictly an ethnicity, not a religious identity (48). In opposition, Traditionalists are decidedly orthodox in theology and practice as evidenced by their emphasis on restricting intermarriage and converts (47). Additionally, an esoteric Zoroastrian sect, Ilm-I Khshnoom (Path of Knowledge), arose based on liberating the soul through asceticism and vegetarianism (263).

Recent questions that Parsis from all schools of thought are facing include: When an individual marries a non-Zoroastrian, can he/she still be a part of the religious community and receive the traditional death rites? How are the children resulting from the intermarriage to be integrated into the community? Will Zoroastrians accept converts? (Hinnells 2007: 265 & 269) Considering that the national and international populations of Zoroastrians are declining should intermarriage be permitted? [regarding causes of population decline see Paul Axel’s article] Will the diaspora of Parsis to North America and Britain continue? What does it mean to be a Parsi? Is it an ethnic identity to be preserved? Is it a cultural heritage? Is it a religious belief?

Though the discussions of Parsi identity in India and the future of Parsis globally have been and continue to be a painful process, it has been necessary to usher Parsi beliefs and practices into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. These issues have revitalized the study and celebration of Zoroastrianism and Parsi history as Parsis attempt to negotiate these questions in a modern context. Parsi life today is certainly not as orthodox and homogenous as it has been in previous centuries however, these changes represent the rich diversity of its cultural, historical and contemporary heritage.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Axel, Paul (1990) “Cultural and Historical Factors in the Population Decline of the Parsis of India.” Population Studies 44 #3 (Nov 1990): 401-419.

Boyce, Mary (1979) Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. London: Routledge.

Hinnells, John R. (2005) The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Diaspora. New York: Oxford University Press.

______ (2007) “Changing perceptions of authority among Parsis in British India.” In Parsis in India and the Diaspora. John R. Hinnells and Alan Williams (eds). New York: Routledge. 100-118.

______ (2007) “Parsis in India and the diaspora in the twentieth century and beyond.” In Parsis in India and the Diaspora. John R. Hinnells and Alan Williams (eds). New York: Routledge. 255-276.

Haug, Martin (1907) Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings and Religion of the Parsis. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.

Kapadia, S. A. (1913) The Teachings of Zoroaster and the Philosophy of the Parsi Religion. London: John Murray.

Karaka, Dosabhai Framji (1884) History of the Parsi: Including their Manners, Customs, Religion and Present Condition. Vol 2. London: Macmillan and Co.

Kreyenbroek, Phillip G. (2001) Living Zoroastrianism: Urban Parsis Speak about their Religion. London: Routledge.

Luhrmann, Tanya M. (1996) The Good Parsi: The Fate of a Colonial Elite in a Postcolonial Society. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Metha, Deepa (dir) (1998) Earth. Aamir Khan, Nandita Das, Maia Sethna, Shabana Azmi (per). Film.

Nigosian, Solomon A. (1993) Zoroastrian Faith: Tradition and Modern Research. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

Roy, Achinto Lahiri (2011) “World’s Smallest Business Community: The Parsis of India.” Reshmi International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences 6 #2 (Jun 01, 2011): 183-192.

Shahani, Roshan G. (2003) “Parsis: Exploring Identities.” Economic and Political Weekly 38 #33 (Aug. 16-22, 2003): 3463-3466.

Wadia, Rusheed R. (2007) “Bombay Parsi merchants in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” In Parsis in India and the Diaspora. John R. Hinnells and Alan Williams (eds). New York: Routledge. 119-135.

Wilson, John (1843) The Parsi Religion: As Contained in the Zand-Avasta, and Propounded and Defended by the Zoroastrians of India and Persia, Unfolded, Refuted and Contrasted with Christianity. Bombay: American Mission Press.

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic

http://www.avesta.org/

http://www.heritageinstitute.com/zoroastrianism/contents_introduction.htm

http://www.sacred-texts.com/zor/index.htm

http://www.w-z-o.org/

http://www.zoroastrianism.cc/index.html

http://www.zoroastrian.org/

Article written by: Meagan Kinisky (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

i. Sankara's Radical Non-Dualism (Advaita)

Jivanmukti

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Supported by writings as early as the Brhadaranyaka, the Hindu concept of Jivanmukti is gaining knowledge that one’s self is the non-dual, Brahman. It is knowing even further that the body is not the Ultimate Reality and the self was never actually embodied. It is in the destruction of this binding form of thought that brings about liberation; the destruction of the body does not. Freedom from the cycles of rebirth, the ultimate goal of liberation (moksa), places a distinct emphasis on the desirelessness which brings about immortality, bodilessness and the Ultimate Reality (brahman) (Fort 3-5). This release comes from the understanding and accession that humans are already liberated and the soul is free.

Advaita means “non-dual”. The school of Advaita Vedanta is named as such for it does not disassociate “us” or the universe as separate from the Ultimate Reality; they are one in the same or non-dual. The school of Advaita Vedanta relies heavily on three forms of knowledge transference being: (1) revelation, (2) reason and (3) teachings of beings who are in a state of living embodiment through the realization of Brahman (Sharma 13). This system is intrinsic to the Advaitic core teachings of living liberation, in contrast to all other schools of Hinduism which believe that for one to experience freedom from the cycle of birth and death (samsara) they must actually experience the death of the physical body in order for the enlightened soul to escape the physical bondage holding it to this place of existence. Only at the point where there is no physical bondage polluting the soul can it attain the Ultimate Reality which is Brahman (Mishra 293-297). Though this key aspect which varies in schools, there are more similarities than not regarding samsara and the attainment of Moksa or Jivanmukti. Attainment of Brahman liberation in mostly performed in the renouncer stage (sannyasa) of Hindu life. The renouncer is one who practises a solitary path conducive to self-realization. Through the ritual performance of multiple Yogic practises [For a more in depth look at various forms of Yogic rituals see Fort (1998)], especially that of Jnana Yoga, a renunciate is able to still one’s passions and attain a form of Nirvana liberation (Indich 108-112). The mind is cleared and kept clear by meditation. The Yogic actions are performed to purify both the body and the mind, freeing one from conscious and unconscious attachment. Through this continued practise one is able to completely withdraw into a meditative state required to attain and maintain a state of a Jivanmukti (Fort 79-83)

Jivanmukti is possible because after the onset of knowledge the body still persists. The persistence of the physical body after the release of the soul is for the purpose of being given the opportunity to teach those who have yet to experience Brahman. A Jivanmukti is said to be actionless in that there is no residual effect from actions, for actions are not performed due to desire-seeking, for a Jivanmukti cannot have a desire when everything that may have been wanted has already been fulfilled, thus leaving all acts performed for the purpose of example setting or maintenance of the body (Shah-Kazemi 110). Through liberation one is able to remove the cosmic principle which is the cause of world illusion (avidya), though a trace of this illusion persists through the continued existence of the physical body. Though as a body in time will be extinguished, all traces of avidya will fade as well (Chari 170). The body-soul relationship of a Jivanmukti was likened in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisads as that of a sloughed off skin and the remaining body of a snake, it is a housing which has been cast off and discarded, yet still exists in the physical universe (Fort 23). Sankara worded the continued existence a bit more eloquently in the overall loss of karmic experience in the transition to liberation. There are three forms of karma which a non-liberated individual is affected by: karma which has been accumulated throughout past existence, accumulating to one’s total cosmic debt (sancite), instant karma which is created in one’s current life time, which may be added to and worked on through daily action (kriyamana) and the portion of sancite karma being worked upon in one’s current life time (prarabdha). When looking into forms of karma, sancite and kriyamana karma respectively deal with actions performed in the past which have yet to affect the present; and actions performed in the present which have yet to affect the future (Indich 110-111). When one experiences Brahman these two karmas are burned away in the fires of knowledge (jnana). Because prarabdha is solely working away at a past life’s karma its path will not be affected by jnana and so it remains even throughout liberation (Indich 110-111) and will remain until “final peace”, being the death of the physical body in which the Jivanmuki remains alive and is then subject to the unfolding of their prarabdha karma (Shah-Kazemi 213). In the Advaitic teachings Moksa is what is considered to be the final release; Moksa allows for the state of omniscience to manifest completely when the spirit is no longer bound by karma (Chari 172-173).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Fort, Andrew O (1998) Jiivanmukti in Transformation: Embodied Liberation in Advaita and Neo-Vedanta. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Sharma, Arvind (2004) Advaita Vedanta. New Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Ltd.

Mishra, Kamalakar (1999) Kashmir Saivism: The Central Philosophy of Tantrism. New Dehli: Sri Satguru Publications.

Indich, William M (1980) Consciousness in Advaita Vedanta. Columbia: South Asia Books

Shah-Kazemi, Reza (2006) Action and Prarabdha Karma. Paths to Transcendence: According to Shankara, Ibn Arabi, and Meister Eckhart. Bloomington: World Wisdom, Inc.

Chari, Srinivasa S. M (1976) Advaita and Visistadvaita: A Study Based on Vedanta Desika’s Satadusani. New Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.swami-krishnananda.org/moksha/moksh_10.html

http://beyond-advaita.blogspot.ca/2010/02/jivanmukti-and-videhamukti.html

Advaita is Simple

http://www.stillnessspeaks.com/advaita_vedanta/

http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Swami_Vivekanana

http://www.bergen.edu/phr/121/ShankaraGC.pdf

http://www.stillnessspeaks.com/sitehtml/jamesswartz/advaita1.htm

Article written by: Laura York (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hindu Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

The Thaipusam Festival

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Every year in late January or early February, Hindu worshippers celebrate the festival of Thaipusam. Thaipusam is a popular event that draws out crowds of people, as they are spectators or participants in this Hindu festival. Thaipusam is celebrated throughout various regions of Malaysia; The Batu Caves of Kuala Lumpar is the most widely recognized site of Thaipusam. However, it is celebrated in various Malaysian states including Penang, Perak, and Melaka. It is said to be the biggest, and most intense religious event to take place in Malaysia (Kasim 449). Devotees of the Hindu deity Murugan gather together as they are pierced in various parts of their bodies (including tongue, cheeks, forehead, and back) and barefooted, they carry a statue of Murugan, an altar prepared for him, or a chariot, up to a sacred temple to worship and give offerings, such as milk, coconut, flowers, and incense to this supreme deity (Collins 80).

Although Thaipusam was traditionally festival of the Tamil people, it now draws in many different groups: Hindus from various backgrounds, Sikhs, members of the Sinhalese community in Malaysia, as well as Chinese devotees (Kasim 446). It continues to grow each year in popularity. More devotees are attending the festival, as well as more curious onlookers. They gather in late January or early February, depending on the time of the full moon; this is known as the Hindu month of Thai (Collins 79). Numbers attending the festival have grown over the years. Approximately one million people gather for this yearly event (Kasim 445).

One must ask, what is the importance of Murugan? Why has it become an annual tradition to celebrate this Hindu deity? The creation of Murugan is explained in a myth that contains Siva, Parvati, asuras [demon enemies of the gods], and the pleas from various other gods.

Separated from Parvati, Siva granted the asura brothers the power to rule the universe as they pleased. The asuras took power in a destructive way that oppressed other Hindu gods. The oppressed gods pleaded with Siva to create a son who would be able to destroy the asura brothers. Siva agreed, and Murugan was created. Parvati returned to Siva’s side and helped to raise the new god. As a child, Murugan was said to be playful, and exhibit great force. As he aged into manhood Siva and Parvati equipped Murugan with weapons including the vel, which is widely recognized today as a symbol of Murugan. Murugan is always pictured with his vel: a sharp spear-like weapon that is said to be strong enough to destroy an illusion, and help man to understand his truth. As the myth has it, Murugan, armed with weapons, and his vel, managed to annihilate the asuras and restore cosmic order. He was then worshipped as a supreme deity (Handelman 134-135). It has also been documented that Murugan is a deity who is associated with many various aspects, including hunt, war, love, and divine beauty. His name is said to stem from the word muruga meaning “tenderness, youth, beauty” (Collins 19).

When asked the significance and what Thaipusam means to them, devotees express that it is a joyous day, which allows them to be reborn, renewed from past sins, and purified (Kasim 447). Before the festival, the devotees participating in the pilgrimage endure a month-long cleansing period. This cleansing period is said to allow the devotees to prepare themselves for the endurance required for the festival. During this month they are denied sex, alcohol, and tobacco, and they meditate more frequently. This prepares them to mentally prepare for the journey that lies ahead (Kasim 447). In the days before the festival, devotees can be found sitting silently in temples, sharpening the hooks and skewers that will be used during the festival. Some devotees construct elaborate kavadi, which are square based altars that rest on a person’s shoulders and are secured around their waists with a belt. A picture of Murugan is placed in the altar, which is then decorated with various ornaments. Others construct small chariots, known as ratam, which are pulled through the pilgrimage attached to the devotees back by hooks that penetrate their skin (Collins 80). They begin their three-day procession, which starts by escorting a statue of Murugan to the temple, shrine, or cave.

One can easily spot a devotee who is partaking in the pilgrimage of Thaipusam. They are dressed in saffron colored cloth, and have white ash put upon their bodies. The devotee stands in a stance of prayer that is interrupted when a priest comes and passes incense in front of their face. This is said to invoke the presence of Murugan. The devotee then goes into a state of trance. During this trance some devotees begin to wildly dance, some faint, some grow rigid, and others remain calm. Once the devotee is in a calm, controlled trance, they are pierced with a vel, which resembles the vel of Murugan. Curiously, it is said that no blood is drawn while their skin is being penetrated with hooks and skewers. While being pierced, the devotee appears to feel no pain and shows no suffering that one may suspect would follow the extreme body piercing (Collins 80-81). Once pierced and prepared, the devotees, in their state of trance, will make a pilgrimage to show their devotion to Murugan. During this pilgrimage many of the devotees carry their offerings to Murugan attached to the hooks and vels that are penetrating their skin. For example, men will attach pots of milk to hooks that penetrate their chests. When a devotee of Murugan offers milk to the deity, it is a supposed symbol of a mother’s love. This is suggesting that just as an infant is in need of a mother, a human soul is in need of, and longs for a god (Collins 151-152). However, it is important to remember that symbols can be interpreted many different ways. How one individual interprets something can be completely opposite from how another would interpret it.

Why do the devotees pierce themselves with Murugan’s vel? The piercing of the body with Murugan’s lance demonstrates that the devotee is worthy in the eyes of God. It also displays Murugan’s power over his devotees (Collins 102). “Devotees who are pierced with the lance/vel of Murugan thus symbolically represent their victory over the demonic part of the self. However, this symbolic act may have different meanings for particular individuals” (Collins 131). It is in honor of Murugan’s famous weapon, his lance, that influences these devotees to allow their skin to be penetrated with hooks and skewers. Whether pierced through their cheeks, tongue, forehead, or back, the different piercings are said to have different meanings. For example, piercing of the tongue symbolizes control over sexual desires. The tongue is believed to be a phallic symbol, related to one’s sexuality and desires. “The fact that it is a red pointed organ, with dangerous potentialities, capable of self movement, usually discreetly concealed but capable of protrusion (as in the defiant and forbidden exhibitionism of children), which can emit a fluid (saliva) that is a common symbol for semen” (Collins 145). Elizabeth Fuller Collins writes that for some devotees, piercing of the tongue with a vel may symbolize that the devotee has been able to control, deny, or destroy unacceptable sexual desires (Collins 145). The main symbolism associated with the act of piercing the body in Thaipusam is the subduing of inner demons (Collins 176).

While piercing is one extreme form of vow fulfillment, there are vow fulfillments in the Thaipusam festival that are said to be less spectacular. For example, many parents bring their babies to the festival to have their heads shaved. These parents, and many other Hindus, believe that hair is a form of pollution and a symbol of sin. Thus they believe that shaving the head will help to purify the individual. When a child’s life is threatened by illness, or the birth of another child is desired, some parents make the pilgrimage to the shrine carrying their child in a sling that is suspended from sugarcane stalks, supported by their shoulders. If a woman or girl is making a milk offering, she will usually carry it in a brass pot upon her head. Some women make a vow to prepare cooked sweet rice or curry to feed the worshippers. Piercing of the women is not as extreme as the piercing of the men, but some women are pierced in areas such as the skin of their forehead or their tongues (Collins 82-83).

Once pierced, the devotees begin their trek to the temple, which is said to be the highlight of the event. It is a long trek that requires endurance; however, due to the trance that the devotees are under, the journey does not seem to tire them nor pain them. The journey’s length can be measured in different ways. Kasim provides us with the knowledge that the journey to the Batu Caves is two hundred and seventy-two steps long (Kasim 446). Once the pilgrimage has been completed, offerings are made to Murugan and his devotees worship him in the sacred temple.

Once the journey is finished, the devotees come out of their trance. Some do not remember their pilgrimage, while others remember only glimpses of the activities. How well they have performed their worship is important to the devotees. Whether they remember their adventure or not, the devotees are pleased with themselves that they have done what they believe to be the proper worship for a supreme deity.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Collins, Elizabeth Fuller (1997) Pierced By Murugan’s Lance: Ritual, Power, and Moral Redemption among Malaysian Hindus. DeKalb: Northern Illinois Press

Handelman, Don (1987) “Myths of Murugan: Asymmetry and Hierarchy in a South Indian Puranic Cosmology.” In History of Religions . Vol.27, No.2 pp 133-170. The University of Chicago Press.

Kasim, Azilah (2011) “Balancing Tourism and Religious Experience: Understanding Devotees’ Perspectives on Thaipusam in Batu Caves, Selangor, Malaysia.” In Journal of Hospitality Marketing and Management. Vol. 20, No. 3-4. Taylor & Francis Group

Kent, Alexandra (2004) “Transcendence and Tolerance: Cultural Diversity in the Tamil Celebration of Taipucam in Penang, Malaysia”. In International Journal of Hindu Studies Vol.8, No.1/3 pp 81-105. Springer

Singhan, E.V. (1976) Thaipusam. E.V.S. Enterprises

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.aryabhatt.com/fast_fair_festival/Festivals/Thaipusam%20Festival.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thaipusam

http://video.nationalgeographic.com/video/places/culture-places/festivals-celebrations/malaysia-thaipusam-pp/

http://www.yoursingapore.com/content/traveller/en/browse/whats-on/festivals-and-events/thaipusam.html

Article written by: Shannon Jarvie (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hindu Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

Holi: A Hindu Festival

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Hinduism contains a number of different festivals. The festivals are often used to celebrate pivotal occasions that have occurred in the lives of the gods. The festivals also celebrate locations and specific dates that are important to farmers. Hindu festivals are full of colour and are meant to be enjoyed by the celebrants (Mayled 14). The importance of Hindu festivals in everyday life can be seen reflected by the actions of the provincial governments, which recognize certain festivals as general worship and declare public holidays allowing for the closure of public offices. The observance of public holidays varies throughout India with some festivals observed as public holidays throughout most of India and some only being observed locally. Festivals are marked by different characteristics that include but are not limited to: fasting, feasts, purification rituals, singing and object worship. The number of celebrants can be limited to a small group of people or a single village or there can be hundreds of thousands of people celebrating together (O’Malley 121-122).

Holi, also known as the festival of colors, is one of the festivals celebrated in the Hindu tradition that takes place every year in the month of Phalguna (February—March). Holi, originally celebrated in the spring as a fertility festival (Ghosh, Bandyopadhyay & Verma 1385), is a celebration to mark the coming of spring (Basak 97). Holi is very popular and is characterised by the use of different colours in different types of mediums such as powders, pastes and water. Traditionally, different types of flowers considered to have valued medical properties are used as ingredients to produce the colours needed for the festival. Today technology has allowed for the development of inexpensive and synthetic colours that can meet the large demand in today’s world. There are many different colours with many different ingredients; Mica dust is used to add sparkle, black contains lead oxide, blue contains Prussian blue, cobalt nitrate, indigo and zinc salts and red contains mercury sulphate. The colours are smeared on the face as well as thrown at other people and can be diluted in water and used in water balloons and water guns as delivery devices (Ghosh, Bandyopadhya & Verma 1385).

Preparing for the festival can vary from area to area but the Hindu lunar calendar plays an important role in marking when the festival begins and on the full moon of Phalguna the festival starts with a fire (Crooke 56). The communal fire is prepared by taking wood from any sources available (trees, houses, fences) and if a piece of wood is removed unknowingly from personal property and is placed in the fire then the owner is unable to remove it (Crooke 294). The bonfire marks the start of the festival by celebrating the cremation of Holika (Marriott 24). Holika was the sister of Hiranyakasipu who is said to have lived in a palace in Deokali in the District of Jhansi. The story tells of Hiranyakasipu being a ruler who tried to kill his son Prahlada because of his worship to Visnu. Prahlada was a firm devotee of Visnu and performed many miracles, this made his father angry and with the help of his sister Holika he tried to kill his son many different times but Prahlada was saved by Visnu each time. Finally, a fire was prepared and Holika tried to tie herself and Prahlada together in an attempt to kill him. Visnu once again intervened and saved Prahlada from the fire while Holika burned to death instead. Another story accounting for the origin of Holi is of the witch Pootana who, under orders from Kamsa, tried to kill the infant Krsna by offering her poisoned nipple. A third story tells of Holika or Holi as the sister of Sanvat and when Sanvat died, Holika’s love for her brother was so great that she threw herself on his funeral pyre and he was restored to life (Crooke 293-294). All of the stories represent good over evil and the burning of the Holi fire is seen as a way to prevent harm being done to the crops and the ashes of the fire are used against diseases (Crooke 296). Whichever story is believed to have been the origin of the festival, to commemorate people dance around the fire and mothers carry their babies around the fire clockwise asking the god of fire Agni to bless them. Certain foods such as coconuts, popcorn, dates, and lentils are roasted and eaten (Mayled 15). Everyone is able to participate in Holi and around the fire all different castes can be seen together including Brahmin priests. The homes of the celebrants have extinguished fires and when they return to their homes they carry with them coals from the bonfire to restart the fires in their homes to represent the New Year. Throughout the night groups of younger people will shout “Holi”, running after each other and even throwing large mud bricks. In the morning old pots are broken, usually thrown against a house, and young men will push and shove each other to embody Krsna’s cowherd companions (Marriott 25).

The day after the bonfire is marked by the throwing of coloured powders (Crooke 295). The throwing of colours is associated with Krsna commemorating his play with milkmaids (gopis) and cowherds while they threw red power (kum-kum) at each other (Mayled 15). When celebrating Holi the idea of “play” is important as it is meant to invoke lila, “the divine presence on earth” (Sandford 41). In consequence, Holi is usually described as “being played” (Marriott 24) or “playing with Holi” (Ghosh, Bandyopadhya & Verma 1385) than as being celebrated. When celebrants play at Holi there is not a prescribed set of rules or instructions as there would be in a regulated game, rather people must participate in the festival and experience what is happening (Marriott 24). Holi is a time when social barriers are temporarily lifted and different types of people can be observed engaging in nonconventional behaviour (Sanford 40). During Holi women can be seen hitting men of high standing, such as the Brahmin, who are important figures in the community. Men and women of lower status in the community engage in hitting the wealthy or those with a higher status. A latrine sweeper can hit a Brahmin man and it is all part of the festival’s role reversal. The role reversal is not seen as a burden nor is revenge supposed to be sought out later; the targets of the beatings can be seen to encourage the behavior and appreciate the prominence that arises from the attention of being sought out (Marriott 27). Throughout the day there are songs, dances heavy with sexual innuendo, and special drinks made from almonds, sugar, curds of milk, anise, and juice from the hemp leaf (bhang) (Marriott 26).

Playing Holi is not without consequence and can result in injuries from the beatings, enthusiastic mobs and flying objects (Marriott 25). Even skin problems can arise because of the colourful powders used during the festival. The substitution of natural dyes for the less costly synthetic dyes, the drying properties the powders can have on skin and the amount of scrubbing it can take to remove the powders from the body are all possible culprits that can create skin problems such as: lesions, scaling, abrasions and cause pre-existing skin conditions to worsen (Ghosh, Bandyopadhya & Verma 1386). These consequences do not keep people from participating in Holi but are seen as part of the festival. Even the injuries and bruises can been seen as “expressions of love” (Marriott 26).

Holi is associated with Krsna (Mayled 15) but it is the breaking down of social constraints during Holi that gives the festival another name “The Festival of Love” (Marriott 28). The conventional expressions of love and respect between parents and children, siblings, neighbours, and different castes are all shattered and take on a new intensity. The festival of love is meant to represent limitless love and dramatize the concept by acting it out with as much joy and passion as possible. Even though Holi can differ from area to area there is a general theme of balance between destruction, renewal, pollution and purification (Marriott 28).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Crooke, William (1983) “The Holi – It’s Origin and Significance.” Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, Vol. 2: 293-297.

Ghosh, Sudip, Bandyopadhyay, Debabrata and Verma, Shyam (2012) “Culture Practive and dermatology: the “Holi” dematoses.” The International Society of Dermatology, Vol. 51: 1385-1387.

Marriott, McKim (1978) “Holi: The Riotous Rites of Love.” Asia, Vol. 1, No. 4: 24-32.

Mayled, Jon (1987) Religious Festivals. East Sussex: Wayland Limited.

Morgan, Kenneth (1953) The Religion of the Hindus. New York: The Ronald Press Company.

O’Malley, L (1935) Popular Hinduism. New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation.

Sanford, Whitney (2010) “Don’t Take It Badly, It’s Holi: Ritual Levity, Society, and Agriculture.” In Sacred Play. Selva Raj and Corinne Dempsey (ed.). Albany: New York Press. pp. 37-56.

Sarma, Deepak (2008) Hinduism. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.

Tribhuwan, Robin & Tribhuwan, Preeti (1999) Tribal Dances of India. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.krishna.com/lust-love-myth-reality

http://www.holifestival.org/holi-festival.html

http://www.holione.com/

Article written by: JenniferAnn Morrison (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hindu Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals

Holi

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

THE FESTIVAL OF HOLI

The festival of Holi is an annual Hindu celebration beginning on the day of the full moon in March. It is often referred to as the festival of colours and is celebrated throughout the Hindu world, but predominately in Northern India. Taking place at the same time in Southern India, is a festival in honour of Kama the god of love; both are a celebration of spring’s arrival and of love (Reiniche 4081). Though Holi is celebrated in many different ways, the main ritual centres on the lighting of a bonfire, with the rising of the full moon. This ritual symbolizes the burning and subsequent annihilation of the demoness Holika, and the survival of young Prahlada, an earnest worshiper of Lord Krsna [an incarnation of Visnu] (Reiniche 4081); thus, celebrating the triumph of good over evil. Furthermore, the cheerful spirit of Holi has spread throughout the globe and is celebrated in numerous cultures in a variety of ways.

The festival begins on the last full moon of the Hindu lunar month of Phalguna, usually occurring in late February or early March. The end of Phalguna marks the end of the winter season and announces the commencement of spring (Crooke 55-56). William Crooke describes the spring season as a joyous and hopeful period indicating a time of leisure from field work, as crops from the spring harvest begin to reach their maturity (56). Furthermore, Hindu poets commonly regard the season as jubilant and fertile, as it represents the season of marriages. Thus, the festival of Holi is a time for celebration and rejoicing. Generally, the celebration extends over three days, but various regions have differing observances: approximately twenty days in Mumbai, fifteen days in Pune and a week or more among the Bihl people of Western India (Crooke 56-57).

Celebrations of Holi vary and range widly in different villages and so forth however, the spirit of fellowship remains constant. Primarily, the festival takes place in the Northern states of India, but celebrations are observed all around the country (Reiniche 4081). The region of Braj located in the state of Uttar Pradesh, holds particular significance for the festival as it is associated with the birth place and childhood of Lord Krshna (Marriott 106-107). Though not as grand as the Northern celebrations, the states in Southern India do display a communal harmony, and participate in festivities. The Southernmost state of Tamil Nadu celebrate Holi around the myth of Kamadeva, the god of love (Reiniche 4081). Thus, Holi is a celebration of love in addition to the arrival of spring.

The literal meaning for the word ‘Holi’ is ‘burning’ (Reiniche 4081). There are numerous myths regarding the orgin of the word, the most notable however is the legend of the demon king Hiranyakasyapa and his son Prahlada. Much to Hiranyakashyap’s dismay, Prahlada became a devout worshiper of the Hindu god, Visnu, who his father hated severely (Wilkins 150). As a result of his unconditional devotion to Visnu, Prahlada refused to worship his father. Enraged by his son’s persistent apparent betrayal, Hiranyakashyap’s condemned Prahlada to death (Wilkins 151). Wilkins goes on to describe the demon king’s subsequent attempts of killing his son, who is continually unaffected. From bites by poisonous serpents, to being trampled by elephants, Prahlada emerges unharmed, professing his belief in Visnu each time (152). Finally, Hiranyakashyap summoned his demoness sister Holika, who had been granted a boon [a wish] that prevented her from being harmed by fire (Marriott 99). She was commanded to sit in a bonfire with Prahlada on her lap in the hope that this attempt would finally kill him. However, it was unknown that the boon only allowed Holika to withstand flames, if entered alone. Thus, as Prahlada chanted Visnu’s name, he was saved from the flames, while Holika burned to death for her evil desires (Marriott 99). For this reason, the festival of Holi is a celebration symbolizing good over evil and the power of devotion.

From this legend comes the symbolic Holi tradition of ‘Holika Dahan’, which refers to the lighting of a bonfire (Reiniche 4081). Typically, preparations for the fire begin days in advance of the full moon, such as the gathering of wood and cow dung piles. Subsequently, the fire is lit with the rising of the full moon, marking the beginning of the festival (Reiniche 4081). In addition to it symbolism of the Holika legend, the fire often represents the foretelling of the coming harvest by the direction of the flames. Additionally, coals and embers are taken from the Holi fire to rekindle household hearths, as the ashes are believed to be sacred and protect against evil forces and disease (Reiniche 4081).

Another legend prominent in the celebration of Holi is of Krsna and his beloved wife Radha (Williams 239). Young Krsna was envious of Radha’s fair complexion, as his was dark; mischievously, one day Krsna applied colour to Radha’s face to make her more like himself. As a result of this myth comes the ritual of the ‘playing of colours,’ symbolizing the immortal love of Krsna and Radha (Marriott 107). Colour playing, perhaps the most notable feature of the Festival of Holi, begins on the day following the bonfire and consists of drenching others in various coloured waters and powders, in addition to mud and cattle urine (Reiniche 4081). The colours are often composed of gulal, a natural powder, and abeer, fragrance, and are sold by street vendors.

Holi is a festival accompanied by pranks and tricks in the spirit of Krsna’s “roisterous personality” (Marriott 106), and is often observed as violent. For example, McKim Marriott recounts his Holi experience and portrays the initial night following the Holika Dahan, as one of chaos and pandemonium (101): mobs throwing cow dung, smashing pots and breaking through loose doors are just some recollections by Marriott (101). Additionally, the women’s harassment of the men is another common observance of Holi. Women will drag, beat with sticks and dress the men in female attire yet, all in the playful spirit of Holi (Reiniche 4081). Marriott’s recollection illustrates this practice: “I know that I witnessed several hysterical battles, women rushing out of their houses in squads to attack me and other men with stout canes…” (104). The festival is also occasionally regarded for its erotic nature; erotic dancing takes place in the streets, as a symbol of spring’s connection with fertility (Jackson 203).

Perhaps most unique of the festival of Holi is its encouragement of social role reversal. Marriot suggests the festival provokes leniency for typical Hindu inter-caste and inter-sex norms. For example, “the servile wife acts as the domineering husband, and vice versa; the ravisher acts the ravished; the menial acts the master; the enemy acts the friend; the strictured [sic] youths acts the rulers of the republic” (110-111). For the duration of the festival an overflowing of the usual traditional hierarchies of age, sex, caste, wealth and power are replaced with love and indifference (Marriott 110).

As a result of globalization, today the Festival of Holi is observed in various forms all across the world among the Hindu population, and also other various races and religions (Reiniche 4082). As the trees traditionally used to make natural coloured powders have become increasingly rare, synthetic, chemically produced dyes have been manufactured (Biswas, et al. 204). Consequently, controversy has recently emerged over the use of these chemicals used in modern powders and dyes, and their potentially severe health impacts (Biswas, et al. 204). Nevertheless, Holi has had a considerable impact on various cultures, as the playing of colours has appeared in numerous settings. Notably in North America, is Colour Me Rad: a five-kilometer race where participants begin in all white attire and are doused in a different vibrant colour every kilometer. Various expressions of the Festival of Holi have appeared all across the globe, differing significantly from place-to-place; however, remaining persistent throughout all practices is the joyous, celebratory spirit of Holi.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READINGS

Biswas, N.R., S. Ghose, T. Velpandian, K. Saha, A.K. Ravi, and S.S. Kumari. (2007).

“Ocular hazards of the colors used during the festival-of-colors (Holi) in India—Malachite green toxicity.” Journal of Hazardous Materials. Vol. 139, No. 2: 204-208.

Crooke, W. (1914) “A Vernal Festival of the Hindus.” Folklore. Vol. 25, No. 1: 55-83.

Jackson, Robert. (1976) “Holi in North India and in an English city: Some adaptations and anomalies.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Vol. 5, No. 3: 203-210.

Marriott, McKim (1966) “Holi: The Feast of Love.” In The Life of Hinduism, by John

Stratton Hawley and Vasudha Narayanan, 99-112. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006.

Reiniche, Marie-Louise (2005) “Holi.” Encyclopedia of Religion. Vol. 6, No. 2: 4081-4082.

Wilkins, W. J. (2009) Hindu Mythology. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.

Williams, George M. (2008) Handbook of Hindu Mythology. New York: Oxford

University Press.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.holifestival.org/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holi

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holika

http://www.colormerad.com

Article written by Alayna Small (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Sacred Dance

The Art of Odissi Dance

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

The ancient art of odissi dancing finds its origins in the eastern state of Orissa on the Indian subcontinent. Commonly called orissi, the intricate dances are performed at many religious Hindu ceremonies and milestones in life (see Anne-Marie Gatson 81-82). It is thought that this art form has dated back to antiquity based on the findings of carved reliefs in caves throughout the foothills of Udaygiri in the province of Orissa (see Kyriakidis 155). Although typically performed by a devadasi (a servant or “wife” of a deity) there emerged three separate sectors of the dance, one of which included young men: mahari (nachuni) the temple dancers, nartaki (bahar gauni) the dancers of the royal court, and gotipua the acrobatic dance where young men portray the role of women (see Vankataraman 69). Mahari dancers, also known as the devadasi, are the temple dancers.

Odissi is a dance founded around a Vaishnavite frame of mind, so typically one would worship Lord Visnu or one of his reincarnations or the Lord Jagannath [Lord of the Universe] (see Anne-Marie Gatson 80-81). If one is to be considered a devadasi they are initiated into the lifestyle with the tying of a strip of cloth from the Jagannath idol around their head. From this point on they are considered to be a wife of the Lord; they are not to indulge in home cooked food and are forbidden to look at an audience while performing because of the sakta and tantric approach portrayed within the dance. A devadasi represented ultimate sakti and procreation (see Venkataraman 68). The nartaki style of the dance is usually performed as a theatre dance or outside of the temple for various festivals and celebrations usually pertaining to the Lord Visnu or Krsna. Gotipua is the style in which young men dress as women to portray roles of a story, usually centered around Krsna. An important characteristic of this style is the acrobatics incorporated into the piece along with the traditional musical score and steps [soon altered by Guru Debaprasad Das, who changed the melody of the song into a poetic meter making it easier for men to follow (see Venkataraman 75)] (see Venkataraman 69).

Holding a strong sense of cultural pride this stylistic art held as a strong tradition throughout Orissa up until the 17^th century when invasions from various Mughal emperors as well as the British imperialistic movement into India, caused the art form to deteriorate into almost complete disuse (see Venkataraman 69) female dancers were now considered little more than courtly mistresses to the British generals and army men. It wasn’t until the 20^th century that the art of odissi finally began to flourish once again into a strong revival thanks Guru Deba Prasad Das, Guru Mayadhar Raut, Guru Pankaj Charan Das, Guru Mahadev Rout, Guru Raghu Dutta, and Guru Kelu Charan Mahapatra in the early 1940s (see Venkataraman 69). Its blossoming and acceptance into everyday Orissa culture was a slow process but by the 1960’s, after the finalization of the fundamental aspects of the dance, it was a strong part of everyday activity for many young men and women drawn to the use of traditional song and dance (see Venkataraman 69-70).

Usually beginning with a floral offering to Lord Jagannath, as well as either Bhumidevi [Krsna’s mother] or Visnu, the performance follows a very strict movement vocabulary and rhythmic syllable format (see Venkataraman 70). The purpose of this dance is to usually portray a story, many based around the life of Krsna and Radha, so the pallavi [thematic line of a song: “pa” coming from the sanskrit word padam meaning word or phrase, “lla” coming from layam meaning poetry or rhythm, and “vi” vinyasam meaning imagination (Subishka Subramani] is vital to the dance. Melodies of verses for the devadisi to perform to are usually sang by four men who read from the Gita Govind [written by the great poet Jayadeva, whom is said to be the husband of princess Rajasundari, who within her dowry was accompanied by dancers and musicians which were the foundation of the temple ritual we know as odissi today (see Venkataraman 64:50], a book which portrays the events of Lord Krsna and more notably his relationship with a particular gopi named Radha, his lover (see Rodrigues 80-81). Mentioned earlier as first being discovered in ancient reliefs throughout Orissa, the dancers have been described as portraying such stances throughout their dance as though they were preparing to be placed upon the walls; for many Indians these stances reflect pure femininity and womanhood (see Rodrigues 80; Venkataraman 67). One of the most characteristic stances of odissi is the tribhanga posture which separates the body into three sections: the head, torso, and lower half of the body [note that there are no sharp hip movements, but rather torso isolations that give the perception of hip work (see Venkataraman 69)]. Another integral aspect of the stances throughout the dance is the use of mudras, commonly seen as only hand gestures, which each stand for or symbolise a certain aspect of life or object that one might use, such as Krsna and his flute. Mudra literally means “stamp” or “seal” as to bring together and finish a certain step and complete the story which is being portrayed, even the tribhanga could be considered a mudra seeing as they can involve the whole body or just separate aspects such as the hands, feet, or eyes (see Venkataraman 60-80, margin notes).

Throughout its initial presence in history and its revitalization the tradition of odissi dancing has been influenced or altered due to other aspects of Hindustani music and classical dance, as well as some influences from Buddhist traditions such as chanting within the music and some postures which are taken throughout a scene (see Venkataraman 64). Although the odissi dance we have come to know today is but a revitalization attempt, and not the original art form it was centuries ago, many natives to the state of Orissa are quite picky and staunch as to how far they believe one can alter the way odissi is performed. The most accepted and practiced version of the dance is the style that was created by Guru Pankajcharan which is famous for the delicacy and liberated approach to women although it was Guru Kelucharan and Guru Bhubaneswar who set the framework for the styles to build upon (see Vankataraman 69-70). Although originating in India, this dance has not stayed within its borders, Guru Debaprasad Das is known for putting odissi dancing on the international map, as well as for altering some aspects such as the tempo and speed of the music, gaining some inspiration from tribal and non-classical Orissan art and groups, as well as adding a strong gotipua aspect (see Venkataraman 75) which has inevitably allowed a love and large student body for the dance to develop in the modern century.

Although odissi dancing is thought for many to be nothing but a national identity or temple practice, many of those who perform the ancient dance have noted that it is more than just a tradition used for temple worshiping; it is more than just a dance for an audience and a god, but it brings stories to life, is the expression of ultimate and fulfilling devotion, as well as an act which brings Indian philosophy to life and liberation of the spirit (see Anne-Marie Gatson 82).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECCOMENDED READING

Rodrigues, Hillary (2011) Studying Hinduism in Practice. New York: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group.

Kyriakidis, Evangelos (2007) The Archaeology of Ritual. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute Publications.

Venkartaraman, Leela (2002) Indian Classical Dance: Tradition in Transition. New Delhi: Lustre Press.

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://chandrakantha.com/articles/indian_music/nritya/odissi.html

http://shaktibhakti.com/history-essence.php

Article written by: Shelby Zuback (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Sacred Music

Hindustani Classical Music and Spirituality

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Music is an integral part of Hinduism as it reflects the sruti of the gods while acting as a conduit for worshipers to engage with for spiritual growth. Hymns performed in this style have strong roots in the Vedas and Hindu mythology. The core components of raga, tala and swar strive for a balance of the song in a similar manner to the concept of dharma. Northern India’s Hindustani genre has evolved over time since its origins in the Vedas, it has remained a fundamental part of Hindu society throughout Perisan, Arabic and British influences. This music has capitalized on the new technology of film and audio recording to spread not only more thoroughly in India, but globally.

Classical Hindustani music represents traditional Vedic texts where songs and verses have been passed down in written and oral form for centuries and are still used today for worship. The four Vedas consisting of the Rg Veda, Artharva Veda, Sama Veda and Yajur Veda are all used as sources for songs and hymns. The Rg Veda contains the hymns to the deities, the Artharva Veda has the incantations, the Sama Veda includes the words spoken in the hymns and the Yujur Veda includes a guide to sacrifices. The Sama Veda is among the most central texts for converting the divine words of the gods to human beings as it contains many songs of worship. The hymns are a vessel for revealing the origins of all creation as shown through sruti (Johnson 55-6). The concept of sruti reflects the idea that works of the Vedas originate from divine sources, this opposes smrti which is a term for religious texts that originate from mortals. There are two genres of music that are spread throughout India, Hindustani Classical in the North and Carnatic in the South. Hindustani Classical music is an oral portrayal of the Vedas which was most likely brought into India with the Aryan people. This hymn-based style evolved into a new form of music which has been influenced by Persian and Arabic cultures; it was embodied in the sub-genre called Qawwali which is a popular form of worship music for the Sufi tradition (Gafoor 2). Many other forms of music have branched off from this including Khyal which includes similar ragas to Hindustani Music. North Indian music has roots in the Vedas but has since been influenced by other cultures, however the essence of spirituality through the Vedas remains.

There are many elements to North Indian music including tala, raga, thaat, swar and gharana. A raga is a mode in music which Hindustani music incorporates not only a melodic scale but also as a colour and emotional state. While there are many ragas there are six main modes which can be split into 126 raginis or wives and putras or sons. Each raga is correlated to a certain time of day, season or to a specific deity and should be played when its requirements are met (Saxena 442). These six main ragas are the hindole, deepaka, bhairava, sri, malkounsa and megha. The hindole raga is meant to be played in spring or dawn and represents love of all things. The deepaka raga is meant to be played during the summer or the evening and represents compassion. The bhairava raga is for autumn or the morning and represents courage. The sri raga is for autumn or twilight and represents love between two people and deep emotions (Leante 189). The malkounsa raga is for winter or midnight and represents valour. The megha raga is meant for the afternoon or a rainy day and represents courage (Ramakrishna 114). The tala is a succession of beats which remains consistent throughout the song, it allows the musicians to improvise while still remaining within the bounds of the raga. The individual components of Hindustani music follow within the margins of dharma showing a balance of karma. One of the most notable parts of a hymn is the swar or voice that is a human’s natural instrument which can be used with great effect to convey tone, inflection and mood. Hindustani Classical music employs the vocals of a singer much like that of Western music in that there are seven notes in an octave and seven swars in an octave. Western notes are known as do, re, mi, fa, sol, la, ti and do while Hindustani swars are shadaj, rishabh, gandhar, madhyama, pancham, dhaivat and nishad or written as sa, re, ga, ma, pa, dha and ni (Sharma 7). It is important to be mindful of these swar when composing a raga because as Lalita Ramakrishna states “swara is that which is revealed after the penultimate sruti, that which is smoothly pleasant, that which has resonance, that which by itself delights the listeners” (Ramakrishna 32).

In Hindu belief, the first musicians were divine in nature consisting of the Hindu Trinity of Brahma, Visnu and Siva who were known as the creator, the preserver and the destroyer respectively (Jagdish 832). Brahma used cymbals, Vishnu played a drum and Siva was the dancer. Krsna is the human form of Visnu and is often depicted playing a flute and Saraswati who is the companion of Brahma is shown playing a vina instrument (Ramakrishna 211). As music is represented in not only the Hindu Trinity but also lesser gods and goddesses it is sensible that Hindustani music has flourished as a form of spirituality. To worship the gods using their instruments and singing hymns of their words can be seen as a pinnacle form of devotion. Johnson describes Vedic hymns as revered to the extent that the word Om (or Aum) is a gayatri or mantra itself. He argues that Om is the “holiest hymn in the Veda” (Johnson 57). This mantra can be seen as the essence of all words and therefore all songs and hymns which reflects the absolute reality and are depicted through it. The medium of song is a useful tool for worship; written words are static and non changing, oral works can be dynamic and reflective of new and changing ideas (Ramakrishna 17). This allows an individual to stay within their belief system and yet display their own uniqueness. Laura Leante gives evidence to this idea when she writes “different meanings are attributed by individual listeners while at the same time, at a deeper level, all of these meanings are grounded in the embodiment of the music” (Leante 188). A comparison can be drawn to the phrasing of music under a raga with the musician improvising yet remaining within the bounds of the tala. This ability to add a distinct inimitability to a song makes Hindustani music a spiritual action as the musician or listener are participating in a dynamic sense.

Hindustani music has gone through a few changes since its conception centering around the hymns of the Vedas to the merging of Persian and Arabic cultures. It was transmitted throughout the population within a gharana, which is a term applied to a family or lineage of musicians. A long-established gharana family would pass down their musical traditions from the elderly to the young and by doing so create a reputation of rich music that could garnish royal patronage (Sharma 24-25). A Gharana would focus on one form of raga or tala, perfecting them to the extent that the listener could identify the family just by the music played. This system was not to last as the British laid claim to India in the 18th century and many ways of life were altered including the gharana system (Beck 28). In its place evolved a one on one guru-shishya system. Modern Hindustani music has once again changed with the Western interest of the hippie movement in the 1960’s. This is best exemplified by the integration of the popular Rock group The Beatles and traditional Hindustani musician Ravi Shankar. Quandros and Dorstewitz summarize this merging of two cultures into a new genre for mass audience consumption in this quote: “Music can thus act as a symbol for the spontaneous creation of a community through participation in a shared practice” (Quandros 65). This modern form of music has capitalized on new technology allowing Indian music not only to reach Indian royalty but the common Indian as well; it has also expanded its influence globally reaching Europe and North America. While Bollywood is in Southern India it has still been influenced by Northern Hindustani music; this vast film production hub has far reaching influences in the East which has spread Indian music across many countries.

Hindustani music draws on the inspiration of the Vedas and the Hindu Trinity’s musical representation to engage and entertain the worshiper. It continues to develop from its inception to modern times altering with the advancement of new technologies and cultural influences but at its root it still remains a balance of raga, tala and swar for spiritual growth and personal immersion in Hinduism.

Bibliography

Beck, Guy L (2007) “Hindu music, now and into the future.” Hinduism Today, vol. 29, no. 4: 28-31. Hinduism Today: Himalayan Academy.

Gafoor, S (2012) “Sufi Sama/ Music/ Qawwali.” Indian Streams Research, vol. 2, no. 9: 1-5.

Jagdish, Chavda (2010) An Iconology of Shiva and Vishnu Images at Kailasanatha Mandir, Ellora, Maharastra, India. Scarborough: National Association of African American Studies & Affiliates.

Johnson, Kurt A (2011) “‘Lisping Tongues’ and ‘Sanscrit Songs’: William Jones’ Hymns to Hindu Deities.” Translation and Literature, vol. 20, no. 1: 48-60.

Leante, Laura (2009) The Lotus and the King: Imagery, gesture and Meaning in Hindustani Rag, p. 285-206. Ethnomusicology Forum: Taylor & Francis.

Quadros, A., & Dorstewitz, P (2011) “Community, communication, social change: Music in dispossessed Indian communities.” International Journal of Community Music vol. 4, no. 1: 59-70.

Ramakrishna, Lalita (2003) Musical heritage of India. New Delhi: Shubhi Publication.

Saxena, Sushil Kumar (2003) Spirituality and the Music of India. New Delhi: The CrossRoad Publishing Company.

Sharma, Manorma (2006) Tradition of Hindustani Music. New Delhi: APH Publishing Corporation.

Related Websites

Welcome to Mahavidya.ca

http://www.sanskrit.org/www/Vedic%20Chants/vedicchants.htm

http://www.slacker.com/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindustani_classical_music

Article written by Scott Pewar who is solely responsible for its content.

Deities and Entities

Lord Dattatreya

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

The origins of Lord Dattatreya’s myths and stories are first found in two great epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata. However, it is in the Puranas that we find the detailed legendary character which evolves. In the Puranas we learn that Dattatreya was born to Anasuya and her husband rsi Atri as an incarnation of the Trimurti: Brahma, Vishnu and Siva (Rigopoulos 1). Lord Dattatreya is a male deity with three heads which represents the Trimurti: Brahma, Vishnu and Siva. He is portrayed with four dogs in front which symbolise the Vedas and a cow behind, which stands for Mother Earth. In the Mahanubhava panth, Lord Dattatreya is worshipped as a single- headed deity (Joshi 130-161). Lord Dattatreya is mostly worshipped in the states of Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Gujarat. Lord Dattatreya is viewed by his devotees as the Guru of Gurus and initiator of Navnath sampradaya.

The Avdhuta Gita is one of the famous writings which are associated with him. This book consists of 289 slokas which are divided into eight chapters. It is based on Vedanta philosophy (Joshi 58). This book was very influential in the western part of India and was widely used by the Navnath sampradaya to spread the Dattatreya cult. The first chapter deals with the condition of the human soul. The other chapters describe the nature of the reality that everything is Brahman and the innermost self (atman) is one. There is no duality; Brahman is a universal soul. The eighth chapter recommends the avoidance of the women: It describes the harm done by women to man on the path to liberation. Avdhuta Gita forbids the pursuit of worldly pleasures to those who want to enjoy the complete happiness or bliss. Even today the book is popular among the devotees of Dattatreya in Maharashtra (Rigopoulos 192-220).

The Guru Caritra is credited for the rise in the Dattatreya cult in modern era. Until the sixteenth century Lord Dattatreya used to represent Brahma, Vishnu and Siva. From that period onwards, he developed two incarnations Shripad Shri Vallabaha and Narshima Saraswati. The popularity of the Dattatreya cult grew among the masses as indicated by his frequent appearances in Marathi Literature (Raeside 498). The Guru Caritra is the most influential text in the Dattatreya sampradya or his cult. The book claims its mystical origins and it describes the life stories of two avatars: Shripad Shri Vallabaha and Shri Narshima Saraswati who were born in Pithpur, Andhra Pradesh and Karanja, Maharashtra (Rigopoulos 110). The Guru Caritra was written in Marathi by Saraswati Gangadhar in 1550. It is divided into fifty-one chapters, including the avataranika which is the set of instructions for reading it. The text is a conversation between two people: Siddha muni and Namdharaka. Chapters 5 to 10 describe the Sripad Vallabha`s life story and the miraculous powers he used to help people. Chapters 20 to 51 describe the life story of Shri Narshima Saraswati and the miracles he performed. The Guru Caritra is a book which promotes orthodoxy, the importance of performing rituals and dharma (Rigopoulos 109).

The story of the birth of Shripad Shri Vallabha takes place in a village called Pithapur near Rajmahendri in Andhra pradesh there lived a Brahmin couple, Alparaja and his pativrata wife Sumiti. The Brahmin was well versed in the Vedas and both of them had a strong belief in god. Once there was a sraddha ceremony in their house which was performed to please their ancestors. On that day a renouncer came to their door and asked for alms. Sumiti immediately gave the alms to the renouncer, despite the fact that she was not supposed to offer alms on that day. Due to this, the renouncer who disguised himself appeared in his real form as Lord Dattatreya. He was very pleased with the act of Sumiti and he offered a boon to her. The Brahmin and his wife had two sons who were blind and lepers. She asked Lord Dattatreya to be born as her child. Lord Dattatreya granted the boon and after a few months she had a son who had a shining face likes the sun and he was very beautiful. The Brahmin couple gave him a name of Shripad which is one of the names of Lord Dattatreya. Shripad grew up very well there and at the age of sixteen said he would like to renounce worldly pleasures and go to the Himalayas to initiate and guide a few saints. Sumiti was very sad after hearing these words and she tried her best to convince him to stay with them. Shripad renounced worldly pleasures and made his way towards the holy places like Banaras, Badrinath and Gokrana. Before he left he cured his two brothers and blessed them with every-lasting wealth and prosperous lives. On his way he helped people such as Ambika and her son who was mentally handicapped. Shripad also promised Ambika that he would be her son in her next birth. In Kuravapur, Sripad gave a boon to a washer man that he would be born in a Muslim family in his next birth and would be a ruler. Shripad also mentioned to him that he would meet him again when he would be Narshima Saraswati in his next birth (Bhagvant 59-126). [see Sri Guru Caritra in Marathi Ch. from 5 to 10. It also describes the stories in detail including the story of Gokrana Shiva linga, the Brahmin killed by thieves and who was brought back to life].

It is believed by the devotees in the Dattatreya sampradaya that Lord Dattatreya is reborn from time to time to guide his devotees to salvation. The stories related to Sri Narshima Saraswati who is considered as the second avatar of Lord Dattatreya in the Guru Caritra are as follows: Shri Narshima Saraswati was born in town Karanja, Maharashtra in a Brahmin family. His parent’s names were Madhav and Amba. His given name was Narhari. Prior to his upanayana he just uttered the “OM” sound and nothing else. After performing the upanayana he is reputed to have spoken and recited all the hymns of the Vedas. At this time he was only seven years old and people were amazed by his knowledge. Narhari decided to renounce the materialist world and its pleasures and he also renounced his family at a very young age. He promised his parents that he would return after twenty years of penance. On his way to Kasi Narhari met many sannyasins and he guided them. Narhari got a diksa from an old sannyasin Krsna Saraswati and he was given a new name, Narshimha Saraswati, to keep the linage of his guru. On his way towards Gangapur, he guided many people on the spiritual path, healed and gave boons to many. Narshimha Saraswati lived for few years at Narsobawadi and Audhumbar before he decided to spend his rest of his life at Gangapur. He accomplished his mission by showing people the right way and re-establishing the correct dharma (Joshi 70-72).

There is a story in the Guru Caritra which shows his character when he helps a Dalit man to defeat two learned arrogant Brahmins in a Vedic recitation competition. As per the Guru Caritra, he helped all the people without any discrimination regarding their caste or religions. Narshima Saraswati used his miraculous powers to represent himself as one who had come for humanity to save them from ignorance. His teachings are based on doing the good karma, observing the vratas which are believed to purify the body and soul and give the observer what he wishes. Narshimha Saraswati`s main mission was to awake the people towards the reality. The Guru Caritra tries to list that the miracles which Narshimha Saraswati performed, such as waking up a dead Brahmin, healing lepers and giving a boon to a sixty year old lady to give birth to her first child. Blessing his disciples to provide food to thousands of people, curing the smallpox of a Muslim king were among other miracles attributed to him. Every miracle he performed had a message to the people that there was something deeper beyond the worldly pleasures and one should find the reality of existence (Rigopoulos 117). [During this period his fame and glory was spread all over Maharashtra and he was recognized as a great sage by Hindu sections as well as Muslim rulers in India. After spending twenty years in Gangapur in 1459 he left for ShriShaila Mountain and was never seen again (see Sri Guru Caritra Marathi)].

Today Gangapur, which lies in Karnataka state, is considered the center place by Dattatreya worshipers. The Gangapur ksetra lies near the sangama of two great rivers, Bhima and Amarja. In the Dattatreya temple there is a small room in which the Nirguna-Padukas are kept, these padukas are believed to be certain signs of the never ending presence of Lord Dattatreya in them. The Nirguna-Padukas were the holiest thing to be worshiped in Dattatreya sampradya from many centuries. In this temple there is a little window from where the devotees take darshan of Dattatreya (Rigopoulos 119). This place is also famous for healing people who are possessed by evil spirits. The sufferer is generally taken to the temple when the prayers or artis are performed at certain times of day. It is believed that evil spirit cannot stand in front of the presence of god and leaves the sufferer. This is another reason why Dattatreya temples at Audhumbar, Narsobavadi and Gangapur are famous as powerful healing centers. There are millions of locals who visit these sites to be free from the evil supernatural powers such as the possession by sprits, black magic. These places are known as jagrit sthanas that is an awakened deity (Rigopoulos 122). [See Rigopoulos 121 where he references M.S. Mathe and describes in detail the worship of the Nirguna-Padukas. Also see Rigopoulos 123 where he says it is not clear why these places got importance of healing centers].

Datta–Jayanti is one of the Hindu festivals which is associated with Lord Dattatreya. “This festival is celebrated on the fourteenth day of the full moon of month of marga-sirsa according to the Hindu calendar” (Rigopoulos 122). The Datta–Jayanti is certainly one of the popular festivals in Maharashtra. But there is no evidence in the Guru Caritra where it instructs or emphasises to celebrate the festival. This festival has been celebrated since ancient times and no one knows exactly when it was celebrated for the first time. Devotees believe that Dattatreya was born on this day and it is celebrated as his birthday. The festival lasts for a day and involves his devotees coming together, make prayers and offerings to him.[ see Rigopoulos 132 where he says it is unclear to scholars which is the right day , but he references the dasopant caritra which says Dattatreya`s birthday is on Monday . However tradition believes it’s on Wednesday].

Today Lord Dattatreya has his own unique place among the Hindu gods and in hearts of his devotees, despite being a very ancient avatara of the Trimurti. Lord Dattatreya is regarded as the immortal guru who answers the prayers of his devotees and helps them to prosper in their material life as well as spiritual path. The various sampradayas and saints associated with Lord Dattatreya are equally helpful in spreading his glory and uplifting the lives of the believers and removing their sorrows. It is believed by his devotees he grants vision in dreams and comes to fulfil their wishes and desires (Rigopoulos 253-255). The Guru Caritra stands as a central text in Dattatreya sampradaya which describe the life stories of two avataras. The Nirguna–Padukas at Gangapur stand as main pilgrimage site.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bahadur, Sri Jaya Chamarajendra (1982) DATTATREYA: The Way and the Goal. London: Coombe Springs Press.

Bhagvant, Yogiraj (2002) Sri Guru Caritra in Marathi. Pune: Rajesh Prakashan.

Chetanandnda, Swami (1984) Trans Avadhuta Gita of Dattatreya. Calcutta: Advaita Ashram.

Dhere, R.C (1964) Datta Sampradayaca Itihas 2^nd edition. Pune: Nilakanth Prakashan.

Joshi, Hariprasad Shivprasad (1965) Origin and development of Dattatreya worship in India. Baroda: Maharaj Sayajirao University of Baroda Press.

Mate, M.S (1988) Gangapur Dattatreya: In Temples and Legends of Maharashtra. Bombay: Bhartyiya Vidhya Bhavan.

Raeside, I.M.P (1982) “Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London”, Dattatreya: Vol. 45, No. 3: 489-500.

Rigopoulos, Antonio (2000) Dattatreya: The Immortal Guru, Yogin, and Avtara. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.

Related Websites

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dattatreya

http://www.worldteachertrust.org/bk/dattatreya/

http://www.shivashakti.com/datta.htm

http://srikshetraganagapur.com/

http://www.saibaba.us/texts/gurucharitra/index.htm

Written by Abhijeet Shende (Spring 2013), who is solely responsible for its content.

Deities and Entities

Yama

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

Yama is the much dreaded god of death. Depicted as a man with a gruesome face with dark green skin, coppery eyes, and blood-red robes, he resides in his palace in Naraka situated in the nether regions. Yama rides his buffalo when entering the human realm carrying his mace and noose, dandahasta and pasahasta, everywhere in case he needs to cut off an individual in the midst of his or her life. Recorded in the Book of Destiny, every living soul’s life span has been predetermined. Assistants to the god are responsible for fulfilling the duties of the book and bringing down the souls to Naraka. With Yama sitting on his throne, Chitragupta, one of Yama’s better known servants, will read out the sum of the deceased man or woman’s assets and sins as they pass judgement before the god. Accordingly the hardened sinner will be sent to one of Yama’s many Hells, or virtuous individuals will be reconciled with his or her forefathers in Pitris (Pitris is an equivalent to heaven). In some cases, it is told that an individual may also be reincarnated (rebirthed) back to the world either as a superior or inferior organism; depending on their Karma. As stated by Dieter B. Kapp in his article The Concept of Yama in the Religion of a South Indian Tribe, “Life on earth is characterized by deeds performed according to one’s own will and wishes, though they are predestined. Life after death, i.e., life which starts with death and ends with the reaching of paradise, means purification from worldly sins. The span of life which has to be spent lying on the ‘refuse heap’ of the region of ancestors serves for purification from pollution sins. Life in paradise is marked by external bliss, it., eternal youth, love, abundance of vegetarian food, music and dance” (Kapp, 518).

Despite Yama’s later evil role in Hindu mythology, the Vedas described Yama as the first man who died and the king of the departed. Vedic tradition also references Yama as the lord of justice, giving him the title Dharma. Yama can be interpreted to mean “twin” in Vedic tradition some myths have him paired up with his twin sister Yami. Surya, the sun god is also the father to Yama, his brother Shani and sister Yami. Yami has a minor role in the rg Veda, but fascinatingly Shani is portrayed as the deity that gives the sentence of one’s deeds throughout life by appropriate punishment and rewards; Yama grants the outcomes of the actions after death.

Relating back to death, Yama is given another name: Kala, Sanskrit for “time”, appropriately assigned because time is naturally selected and nobody can stop or change time. To better explain, human health always nears death after birth through decay, disease, or accident. The only cause of delay of being taken to Naraka is due to treatment options of sick persons, but the inevitability of death can never be stopped due to the outline of nature.

The Hindu God of Death, Yama, with his skull topped staff and buffalo mount, Pratihara period, 10th century, Rajasthan, Delhi National Museum

In terms of classification systems of Hindu mythology, Bodewitz best describes it in his article The Dark and Deep Underworld in the Vedas. “In the classificatory system (see Bodewitz 2001) the east belongs to the gods, the southeast to (some of) the Pitrs, the south to (some of) the Pitrs, and the southwest to the demons (at least it represents hell). Here the south (the region of some of the Pitrs) is in opposition to the north (the region of people living on earth). Again this opposition has to do with light (north) and darkness (south). It also deals with above and be- low, since the north (uttard) and the south (adhard) are qualified by adjectives in this sphere.” (Bodewitz 221). To better explain, Hindus view the southern region as inauspicious because of Lord Yama’s ruling. East and North having to be associated with light are considered auspicious.

In addition to Hindu mythology, Yama is included in Buddhist teachings. Though in Buddhism, Yama loses his role as a judge and punisher of the underworld because Buddhist teachings state that Karma alone will determine an individual’s fate come time for death. Logically, because of karma there is no need for a supernatural justice, restating the lack of Yama’s role. Come death the souls of the dead are reminded by Yama the concept of Karma and that the souls are responsible for the punishment they will undergo. Buddhist teachings also surround Yama by a concept of Mara which speculates Yama is hidden in the embodiment of moral evil. Contrasting from the Hindu’s depiction of Yama: dark green skin, gruesome face with copper eyes, and blood red robes, tantric Buddhism shows Yama as a terrifying figure ornamented with human skulls, consumed by flames, and holding in his right hand prajna (sword of insight), and in his left hand the mirror of karma, so the individual looking into the mirror shows the true reflection of their deeds. Japanese Buddhism worships Emma (same role as Yama), the demon lord of the Underworld who judges the dead. Emma (Yama) can only be overruled by prayers.

In addition to his rule as king and judge of the underworld, Yama is also a great teacher. “This is one of the ten principal Upanishads, which are expansions to the four Vedas that are usually delivered” as explained in Laura Strong’s written works, Immortal India: Mythic Hindu Death Rituals and Beliefs about the Afterlife. Despite the obvious meaning of the Upanishad (death, and the meaning surrounding it), it also elucidates the meaning of life and secret to immortality. To summarize the Katha Upanishad surrounding Yama and his teachings, the myth starts with a character Nachiketa. Nachiketa had a pure soul, despite being the son of a notoriously greedy man. Feeling disturbed by viewing his father inappropriately sacrificing cows, the boy asks his father to whom was he given. Despite being ignored Nachiketa asked again, and on the third time the irritated man banished Nachiketa to Yama’s abode. Upon discovery of Yama’s absence, loyal Nachiketa waited three days and nights. Upon Yama’s return, the might god offered him three wishes. Firstly, Nachiketa wished to be returned alive to his father and have his father be pleased with him. Secondly, Nachiketa wished to be instructed on how to perform a proper Vedic fire-sacrifice. “The third and most important boon requested by the young student is to know the secret of immortality. Yama is not as eager to hand over this knowledge, but eventually Nachiketa persuades him and he begins by teaching Nachiketa “the mystic sound which all scriptures praise–Om.”” (Strong 2000:6). He then goes on to explain that, “When the body dies, the Self (Atman) does not die!” (Strong 2000:6). Accordingly, one must fully understand Atman.

Upon writing about Yama, it is logical to provide information about Hindu death rituals. Following the passing of a family member, relatives of deceased individual start preparing for either cremation or having the body placed in a burial ground. Typically, unless the family is dealing with an infant, the body is cremated in which the cremation pyre is lit by the eldest son. Subsequently the ashes are then submerged into a holy river, following the family undergoes a purifying bath to enter a state of extreme pollution. Pinda (rice balls) are then offered to the spirit of the deceased during the memorial service. Particularly, this is viewed as a contribution to cleanse the soul so it can pass through the realm of Yama.

In conclusion, Yama is guardian of the South presiding over the resting place of the dead and the lord of death Yama is relatively a substantial part of mythology in India. Earlier represented by the Vedas as a cheerful king of the departed ancestors who became the first human to die, this god’s role quickly changed in later mythology to become a judge of good and evil deeds of deceased souls and determine their retribution. Beyond Hindu mythology Yama has passed over into Buddhist mythology with a lesser but similar role as guardian of the dead in the following countries: Tibet, China, and Japan. Reflecting on the recently deceased individual’s karmic balance, Yama makes judgement and governs a proper reprisal. Upon deciding, Yama safeguards proper rhythm in considering rebirths back to the Hindu world so the Hindus make daily offerings of water back to this god.

Works Cited (APA)

L.D. Barnett (1928) “Yama, Gandharva, and Glaucus”. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies: University of London, Vol. 4, No. 4, p. 703-716

W. Bodewitz (2002) “The Dark and Deep Underworld in the Veda”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 122, No. 2, p. 213-223

Doniger, Wendy (1976) “The Origins of Evil in Hindu Mythology”. Berkeley: University of California Press Ltd. pp. 1-157

Keown, D. (2008). “Into the jaws of Yama, lord of death: Buddhism, bioethics, and death”. Buddhist-Christian Studies, p. 156-171

B. Kapp (1982) “The Concept of Yama in the Religion of a South Indian Tribe”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 102, No. 3, p. 517-521

MacDonnell, A. A. (1898). “Vedic Mythology (Reprint Delhi 1974 ed.)”. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Ltd. ISBN 81-208-1113-

Rodrigues (2006) “Hinduism The eBook an Online Introduction” Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Roy, Christian (2005) “Traditional Festivals a multicultural encyclopedia” Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data.

Strong, L (2000) “Immortal India: Mythic Hindu Death Rituals and Beliefs About the Afterlife” Mythical Arts

Yama (2013) In Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved from http:// Britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/651461/Yama

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://secretsofthenight-mxtodis123.blogspot.ca/2012/01/hindu-god-of-death-yama.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yama

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yama_(Buddhism_and_Chinese_mythology)

http://www.pantheon.org/articles/y/yama_2.html

http://www.crystalwind.ca/mystica/pantheons-and-myths/hindu/4339-yama-the-god-of-death.html

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/651461/Yama

http://history-of-hinduism.blogspot.ca/2008/09/yama-god-of-death.html

http://vinayaghimire.hubpages.com/hub/yama-the-lord-of-death

http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Yama.html

http://www.cfhi.org/web/fckeditor/uploaded/File/orientation%20materials/Firth_End%20of%20Life_Hindu%20Perspective.pdf

http://books.google.ca/books?id=_19v5dv2C78C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false

Article written by: Blake Irvine (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content

Other Goddesses

Yamuna

March 10, 2015 hrodrigues

In Hindu tradition, there are many gods and goddesses for various purposes. For example, Hindus believe in Agni as the sun god, Indra as the storm god, Vayu as the wind god and so on. Yamuna is a Hindu goddess (devi) of the river, who is also known as Yami. In Hindu mythology, Yamuna devi is the daughter of the sun god Surya and his wife Saranyu, and also the sister of the death god Yama. In Vedic tradition, the twins Yama and Yami were the first mortal human pair. Yamuna first appears in the Ṛg veda as Yami, where she urges cohabitation with Yama her brother to perpetuate the human race. However, Yama is very religious thus he refuses Yami’s incestuous overture. Therefore, Yamuna portrayed as a goddesses of boundless love and passion, who does not follow the dictates of reason in expressing her emotion (Kumar, James). This incident did not break their sibling relationship or diminish the affection of Yamuna for her brother. Although Yami’s brother Yama is the god of death, he is considered to be one of the most dharmic entities, becoming also known as the “King of Righteousness” (Haberman 137). After a long time when Yama visits her sister, she treats him with honour and delightful food which pleased Yami. Then he confers upon her a boon that if any brother and sister come together to worship Yamuna and bathe in her sacred water then they will never see the gates of hell (Kumar, James). In the Hindu tradition, the fifth day of Divali or the second lunar day after the new moon in the month of karttika (Oct–Nov), popularly called yamadvitiya or bhaiyaduj, is dedicated to Yama and Yami. On this day brothers and sisters come together and express their love and gratitude for each other. Hindus believe that she is a very powerful goddess, who manifests life-giving forces and blessings. According to ancient beliefs, Yamuna is considered pure and whoever takes a dip in her holy waters may not have fear of death. Moreover, anyone can diminish the reactions of his sinful activities. She is claimed as the consort of Siva and Visnu. Her waters are said to be the liquid embodiment of sakti.

The Goddess Yamuna, 8th century CE, Delhi National Museum

Yamuna is the largest tributary river of the Ganges in Northern India. The Yamuna River, also known as the Jamuna River in Bengali, and is the largest tributary river of the Ganges (Ganga) in northern India. This river unites with Ganga after receiving water from all the major tributaries. Without the Ganga, Siva would remain the scorching, brilliant linga of fire; without Siva, the Ganga would flood the earth (Hawley, Wulff, and Marie148).Yamuna might be the Goddess of Love par excellence in the Hindu pantheon, and is often referred to as a river of love (Haberman 116). Moreover, she is a goddess of exquisite love and compassion. In the pantheon of Hindu goddesses, it would be difficult to find one more representative of divine love than Yamuna (Haberman 104). The rivers Ganga and Yamuna, along with the now dried Saraswati, are the most sacred rivers in India. The source of the Yamuna lies in Yamunotri Glacier, on the south western slopes of Banderpooch peaks, which lies on the Mussoorie range of Lower Himalayas, in Uttarkand, north of Haridwar. Yamunotri temple is a shrine dedicated to the goddess Yamuna and is one of the holiest shrines in Hinduism. According to Hindu scripture, Yamunotri is famous as one of the four most sacred pilgrim places. During the peak season of late May and early June, people from all social backgrounds and all walks of life: rich and poor, young and old visit this pilgrim place. Moreover, some pilgrims prefer to ride horses although walking is considered to be the most auspicious mode of transportation (Haberman 49). Others are known as Gangotri, Badrinath, and Kedarnath. These are all in the Himalayas. In winter, when snow covers the place, the Yamunotri temple closes down, and the image of Yamuna devi is carried down to the tiny mountain village of Kharsali where she continues to be worshipped for six months. This temple is reopened every year on the third day of the bright fortnight of the lunar month vaishakha (April–May). Some argue that the river is only free and pure in the mountains (Kumar, James).

In Hindu religious texts, especially in Puranas, there are many myths interconnecting with Yamuna and Krsna, another Hindu god and also known as a divine playboy (Haberman110). Krsna was taken across the Yamuna River on the night of his birth, as his maternal uncle planned to kill him. However, Vasudeva, Krsna’s father carried him in a basket on that rainy night and after reaching in front of the Yamuna River, it is said to have parted to make path for Vasudeva. The river Yamuna is closely connected to the Mahabharata and Lord Krsna (kumar, James). Yamuna River was blessed by Krsna when he fell down into the river from his father Vasudeva’s hand while crossing the river. He used to play along with his cowherd friends on the banks of river Yamuna during his childhood. This river is a recurring image in all stories of Krsna: she watched his father carry him across the river to Gokul, and she watched him herd (Haberman 114). In an article titled “Yamuna and the Environment,” Devendra Sharma writes, “Yamuna exists in Krsna, and Krsna exists in Yamuna.” She is the primary lover of Krsna. The bhagvatapuraṇa, however, narrates a story of the marriage of Yamuna and Kṛṣṇa. Once when Kṛṣṇa and Arjuna are walking along the banks of the Yamuna, they spot a young and beautiful woman absorbed in deep penance and austerity. When Arjuna approaches her, she discloses her identity as Kalindi, daughter of the sun, and expresses her desire to marry none but Viṣṇu-Kṛṣṇa. Impressed with her devotion and love, Kṛṣṇa takes Kalindi- Yamuna to Dvarka (now Dwarka, a city on the banks of the Gomati River near the Arabian Sea), where she becomes his wife (Kumar, James). Yamuna bountifully makes her love for Kṛṣṇa accessible to all her devotees and with her divine powers increases their bhaktibhava (feeling for devotional love). She removes all obstructions and impurities that keep devotees from direct access to the divine love of Kṛṣṇa. At Braj, the bluish-green waters of Yamuna assume a darker hue, indicating her divine union with the dark-skinned Kṛṣṇa (Haberman 117).

In the Puranas, “Kaliya Daman” is one of the famous stories of Krsna and Yamuna. Kaliya was a poisonous snake who used to live in the depth of the river Yamuna and terrorized the people of Braja. Lord Krsna killed this poisonous snake. From the history of Yamuna, she appears as a triple goddess because of flowing in three directions. As a triple river, Yamuna is said to flow on the earth, where she is known as Bhagirathi, in heaven, known as Mandakini, and in the underworld, known as Patala Ganga or as Bhogavati (Darian 69). Moreover, she is one of the blessing goddesses among all Hindu goddesses and Hindus believe that she grants blessings especially for marriage, children, health, and other domestic concern.

The Yamuna River is also well known for ritual baths and purification. People come to do their worship in this river. There are three primary centers of Yamuna worship in Braj- Vishram Ghat in Mathura, Keshi Ghat in Vrindaban, and Thakurani Ghat in Gokul (Haberman 100). The ancient stone steps lead down into the river and are always lineal with crowds of colourfully dressed people to worship Yamuna. Women especially wear beautiful green saris and greet Yamuna with a copper pot full of milk, sticks of incense, baskets of red roses, food and so on. They scoop water from the river, take 3 sips, and then pour it on their head. In this way they do their puja. At the end of the worship, they lights three sticks of incense, wave them before the river, and insert them into the sands by their side. This act of worship can be seen on the sixth lunar day of the fortnight. In almost all the arati hymns sung during her services, she is addressed as “Mother Yamuna,” and those who come to worship her daily greet her with the same epithet (Haberman 108). In addition, Yamuna Chath is celebrated on the sixth day of the bright half of the lunar month chaitra, which usually falls on April in solar calendar. This festival known as Yamuna Jayanti, is considered to be the celebration of Yamuna’s birthday. Hindu people celebrate this occasion with much happiness and redundant. The women step forward to the river to offer sweets, red sindur powder, and uncooked rice. Finally they offer a red sari along with necklaces, bangles, a comb, bindis, and a mirror to the goddess Yamuna, laying them on the sand at the edge of the water. This occasion and puja is occurred at Vishram Ghat by the priests and they seem to be very busy with more formal pujas for families and groups of pilgrims who come to worship the Yamuna. Then, later, the priests bring those items back to those women (Haberman 97). Whenever the offerings have been made, the priests led the group in singing a famous hymn to Yamuna, the ‘Yamunashtakam,’ written by the Vallabhacharya in the sixteenth century. After completing the hymn, Hindu people start to celebrate the climax of the birthday party by dressing the river goddess with a sari that stretched from shore to shore, with the aid of eight wooden boats.

The river Yamuna, the major tributary of the Ganges River has one of the most populated areas of Asia in its basin. This river is now polluted, especially downstream from Delhi. However, there are some cultural views of this pollution. Some Hindu people, who are devoted to Yamuna devi, think that the water of this river can never be impure even though it gets polluted. They believe the goddess Yamuna has the power which can save the quality of this river’s water and also can handle all the pollutants sent her way. Therefore, the water of Yamuna can never harm any living things on this earth. On the other hand, others feel this pollution is causing harm to humans, animals and also the goddess Yamuna. They think that this river’s water needs to be clean so that people can be free from various diseases caused by this polluted water. Nowadays, some Hindus have stopped bathing and using water from this river, which has caused various diseases. In the Yamuna Nagar district, rapid industrialization is taking place due to urbanization. The Yamuna River’s water was polluted by humans and heavy metals. In addition, organic compounds and large number of industrial effluent is thrown into this river which does not have apparent deleterious symptoms but led to accumulation of heavy metals in various parts of plants (Narwal 159). The existing heavy metals can be harmful for the ecosystem. To get rid of these heavy metals some possible approaches should be taken by all human beings in order to keep the environment clean and safe such as: avoid making industries near the Yamuna River, throwing organic compounds to the river, and also keeping the surface area of the river clean as much as possible. Moreover, water, air, trees, lands all are environmental resources which are beneficial to the society. Among them, water is one of the main resources of the environment without which people cannot pass a single day (Narwal 163). Yamuna River is an important river that flows through India’s capital New Delhi and supports various socio-economic activities in this basin. Even though this river is polluted, any improvement of the water quality can improve the utility of the river along with the citizens’ welfare (Nallathiga, Paravasthu 263).

To sum up, it can be said that the goddess Yamuna is a loving goddess and is believed to have the power to purify a person and make him or her fearless towards death. The worshippers of Yamuna devi, used to bath in the Yamuna River to wash away all their sins and to be purified. However, nowadays, it is not possible for them to take bath in this river’s water due to the serious pollution. This river’s water is not only important for the ritual bath, but also plays an important role in socio-economic condition. Therefore, it is the government’s and the citizens’ duty to keep this river’s water clean and should control the heavy metals in the environment which is causing damage to it.

Related Websites:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yamuna

http://0-referenceworks.brillonline.com.darius.uleth.ca/entries/brill-s-encyclopedia-of-hinduism/yamuna-COM_1030220?s.num=0&s.q=yamuna

http://www.radhakunda.com/personalities/yamuna.html

http://www.ecoindia.com/rivers/yamuna.html

http://news.iskcon.com/node/3965

References

Darian, Steven G. (2001) “Ganga and Artemis: Two Versions of a Single Theme.” The Ganges in Myth and History. Delhi, India: MotilalBanarsidass Publishers, 1^st Indian ed.

Gupta, Linar (1993) “Ganga: Purity, Pollution, and Hinduism.” Ecofeminism and the sacred, ed. Carol Adams, 99-116. New York: Continuum.

Haberman, David L. (1952) “Goddess of Love.” River of love in an age of pollution: the Yamuna river of northern India. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Hawley, J., & Wulff, D. (1996) “Ganga: The Goddess Ganges in Hindu Sacred Geography.” Devi: Goddesses of India. University of California Press.

Kumar, Bidisha and James, George (2013) “Yamuna.” Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Edited by: Knut A. Jacobsen, Helene Basu, Angelika Malinar, Vasudha Narayanan.Reference.University of Lethbridge. 09 April 2013 http://0-referenceworks.brillonline.com.darius.uleth.ca/entries/brill-s-encyclopedia-of-hinduism/yamuna-COM_1030220?s.num=0&s.f.s2_parent=s.f.book.brill-s-encyclopedia-of-hinduism&s.q=yamuna

Nallathiga, R., & Paravasthu, R. (2010) “Economic value of conserving fiver water quality: results from a contingent valuation survey in Yamuna river basin, India.” Water Policy, 12(2), 260-271.

Narwal, G. (2009) “Studies in Environmental Pollution: Absorption of Heavy Metal by Some Vegetable Plant Parts from Polluted Irrigation Canal Water and River Water at Yamuna Nagar.”Proceedings of World Academy of Science: Engineering & Technology, 51159-164.

Article written by Sonia Jerin (April, 2013), who is solely responsible for its content.

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