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a. The Vedic Samhitas, B. Vedic Religion and the Sanskrit Language

The Sama Veda

The Sama Veda is one of the four Vedas of Hindu scriptures. The Vedas are believed to be of divine origin, belonging to a class of literature known as sruti, meaning “that which is heard” (Bharati 82). According to Hindu tradition, the Vedas were divinely “heard” by seers known as Rsis, and therefore are not the product of human work or skill (Rai 2). As one of the Vedas, alongside the Rg, Yajur, and Atharva Vedas, the Sama Veda shares this divine status, and therefore a place of honor in the Hindu tradition. Although the Sama Veda is often considered the third Veda after the Rg and Yajur Vedas, in the Bhagavad Gita, one of the great epics of the Hindu tradition, Krsna describes the Sama Veda as the most important of the Vedas (Mitra 9).

While the high status that the Sama Veda has enjoyed in Hinduism is clear, unfortunately its origin is not. Many schools of thought in the history of the Hindu tradition have believed that the Sama Veda is eternal, not as a divine creation, but as co-eternal with the divine (Bharati 82). The Satapatha Brahmana claims that the Sama Veda originates from the sun, which is embodied by the deity Surya (Rai 4). In the Purusa-Sukta, the Sama Veda is said to come from the hairs of the great deity Purusa, the sacrifice of whom is said to have created the entire cosmos in the Hindu tradition (Rai 4), while still other traditions account for the origin of the Sama Veda in different ways, [for more traditions on the origin of the Vedas see Rai 1977]. Some scholars, including Raja Rai, have argued that the hymns of the Vedas were originally passed on as one before being later organized and subdivided into the four Vedas as they exist today (Rai 8). This idea accords well with the tradition of the Visnu Purana, which states that the Vedas were divided from a single source (Rai 6).

Like the Hindu thinkers of the past, modern scholars have developed varying ideas about the origin of the Sama Veda. Some scholars, working backward from the rise of Buddhism in 500 BCE, date the origin of the Vedas to roughly 1000 B.C.E. (Rai 17). Other scholars date the Vedic hymn collections as being composed over a longer period of time between 1400 and 500 B.C.E. (Rai 19). The dating of the origin of the Sama Veda is complicated by the fact that the text is comprised of a number of sections, some of which are earlier than others. Although it is impossible to say exactly when the Sama Veda was first composed, or who first composed it, it is fairly safe to date its oldest portions to the Aryan period, beginning around 1500 B.C.E. (Griffith vii). Interestingly, this inability to pin down the authorship and origin of the Vedas has been used as an argument by Hindus to support the claim that the Vedas are of divine origin (Rai 11).

The Sama Veda is not a monolithic text, but rather is comprised of a number of texts written over a large period of time, dealing with a variety of subjects. The Sama Veda is comprised of a Samhita, or collection of hymns, a Brahmana, which provides exegesis on the hymn collection, and an Upanisad, which is a text of a more philosophical nature (Rai v).

The Samhita of the Sama Veda, the oldest text of the Sama Veda, is a collection of hymns, the vast majority of which are taken from the Rg Veda (Griffith vii). The Sama Veda Samhita is not, however, simply a restatement of the Rg Veda. The hymns of the Sama Veda are altered from the form in which they are found in the Rg Veda in several meaningful ways to facilitate their ritual use (Griffith vii). The Sama Veda hymns are designed to be sung in the context of ritual and are therefore altered from the way that they appear in the Rg Veda in ways that alter the singing of the hymns (Griffith vii). Every nuance involved in the recitation of Sama Veda hymns, in a ritual context, is extremely important to the Hindu tradition, as it is believed that the truths of the Vedas become manifest in the performance of rituals (Howard 11). Also, the extent to which the hymns of the Sama Veda are considered effective, within the context of a ritual, in securing benefits for the one for whom the ritual is performed is believed to depend on the correct chanting of the hymn (Rai 38). The hymns of the Sama Veda also differ from their arrangement in the Rg Veda, as the Rg Veda organizes its hymns according to their attributed author, while the Sama Veda organizes its hymns topically, according to the object of worship (Stevenson 12). While some of these variations on the hymns of the Rg Veda are alterations of the existing Rg Veda, Griffith argues that some variant versions may even preserve an older reading than what is found in the Rg Veda (Griffith vii).

In addition to the Samhita, the Sama Veda also contains a Brahmana, which, according to an analysis of the writing style, was composed some time after the hymn collection (Stevenson 10). This Brahmana is largely concerned with describing the necessary procedures to be done before and during the chanting of the Sama Veda Samhita (Stevenson 10). The Brahmanas of the Sama Veda set the standard for the proper recitation of the Samhita, and claim that only when such standards are followed correctly will the hymns have power (Stevenson 11). Although the correct performance of ritual is central to the Sama Veda Brahmanas, these Brahmanas do cover a diversity of topics, ranging from social customs to ways of countering bad omens (Mitra 17, 18).

The Sama Veda also contains an Upanisad known as the Chandogya Upanisad (Rai 39). This Upanisad also bears a great difference in style compared to the hymn collection, which reveals that it is the product of a later time than the hymn collection (Stevenson 12). The Chandogya Upanisad is part of a larger work known as the Chandogya Brahmana. The Chandogya Brahmana is ten chapters in length, the first two chapters belonging to the genre of Brahmana and the last eight comprising the Chandogya Upanisad (Mitra 37). The Chandogya Upanisad contains an important discussion of the syllable Om, a sacred utterance in the Hindu tradition (Mitra 27). The Upanisad describes Om as the source of being, and as superior to ritual (Mitra 27).

The Chandogya Upanisad also contains several elements that subvert the social hierarchy of its time. In a number of places throughout the text, the importance of the priestly hegemony, the Brahmin class, is downplayed, while the warrior class, the Ksatriyas, are raised to a higher status (Mirta 27). This reversal suggests that true knowledge is not only available to the priestly elite. This subversion of the standard social hierarchy is continued within the seventh chapter of the Chandogya Upanisad. In this section it is argued that knowledge, even Vedic knowledge, is worthless without knowledge of Brahma, the divine essence behind all things (Mitra 35).

This subversive element is further expounded upon in the sixth chapter of the Chandogya Upanisad, which contains the famous story of Uddalaka and Svetaketu. In this story Svetaketu is a young Brahmin, who is excessively proud of his learning (Johnston 199). However the young Brahmin’s learning is proved obsolete, for throughout the story, Uddalaka, Svetaketu’s father, shows a greater depth of knowledge. Uddalaka, through a series of images, proves his greater philosophical depth by instructing his son as to the nature of Brahma, the discrete essence behind all things (Mitra 34). In this story, as in other passages of the Chandogya Upanisad, philosophy triumphs again over book learning, [for more on the story of Uddalaka and Svetaketu, see Johnston 1910]. These texts suggest a movement within Hinduism away from an emphasis on ritual and the socioreligious hierarchy, towards philosophical speculation, making the Chandogya Upanisad of the Sama Veda a key text as far as the development of Hindu thought is concerned, [For more on the Chandogya Upanisad see Mitra 1862].

The way in which the Sama Veda has been used throughout Hindu history is best exemplified through an analysis of the way it is used in the Somayaga ritual, the ritual at which the Sama Veda is primarily designed to be sung (Griffith vii). The term Somayaga refers to a sacrifice in which Soma, a plant with narcotic properties used in Hindu worship, is offered to a deity or deities (Howard 11), [for the use and possible identification of Soma see McDonald 2004]. This ritual is described in detail in the Praudha Brahmana, one of the most prominent sections of the Sama Veda (Mitra 16). The beneficiary of this sacrifice, known as the Yajamana, is responsible for funding the ritual (Stevenson iv). The ritual, which involves the burnt sacrifice of animals as well as Soma libations (Stephenson iv-vi), must be performed exactly as prescribed or, as the Praudha Brahmana argues; it will bring no benefit to the Yajamana. Throughout the Somayaga, six different groups of priests are employed by the Yajamana to assist in the performance of the ritual (Stevenson 9). These groups of priests perform different roles throughout the ritual including the preparation of various elements of the sacrifice and the singing of Vedic hymns (Stevenson 9). The group of priests, known as the Udgatar, is the group responsible for singing verses of the Sama Veda during the Somayaga (Stevenson 9). It is through this group of priests that the Sama Veda plays a crucial role in the Somayaga. The various hymns of the Sama Veda sung throughout this ritual perform the function of consecrating the sacrificial fire as well as the Soma juice that is offered as a libation (Stevenson 6), [For more on the Somayaga see Stevenson n.yr.].

The strong connection that the Sama Veda has to the Somayaga ritual is due to the very nature of the text itself. A brief look at an index of Sama Veda hymns reveals that the vast majority of the Samhita is dedicated to the praise Agni, the Hindu deity that personifies fire (Gonda 140), Soma, and Indra, the Hindu deity personifying storms (McDonald S148), [for more on Agni and his relationship to the Samhitas see Gonda 1979]. The prominence of hymns worshiping Agni and Soma corresponds to the importance of the burnt offering and Soma libation in the Somayaga. In addition to this fact, the various prescriptions governing the practice of the Somayaga are found within the Sama Veda itself, in the Praudha Brahmana (Stevenson 6).

Despite its status as sruti, the role Sama Veda has diminished significantly in contemporary Hinduism. This is partially due to the fact that such extensive sacrifices as the Somayaga, which may take anywhere from a day to over a week to perform (Mitra 16), have become less common, with the Somayaga being only performed a few times since the British colonization of India (Stevenson 11). This diminishing use of the Vedas in contemporary Hinduism is further revealed by a study published in the mid-1970s. In a survey of educated Hindu youth from across all castes, only ten percent had received any formal Vedic instruction (Ashby 52-53). Despite this shift away from Vedic study in contemporary Hinduism, the Sama Veda still holds an important place in history as a pivitol text which has significantly shaped Hindu belief and practice throughout the centuries.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READINGS

Ashby, Philip (1974) Modern Trends in Hinduism. New York: Columbia University Press.

Dayanand, Bharati (2005) Understanding Hinduism. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.

Gonda, J. (1979) “Agni in “Rgveda-Samhita” 9, 66 and 67.” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland Vol. 2: 137-152

Griffith, Ralph (1986) Hymns of the Samaveda: Translated with a Popular Commentary. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Private Ltd. in

Howard, Wayne (1986) Veda Recitation in Vsranasi. Delhi: Shri Jainendra Press.

Johnston, Charles (1910) “The Dramatic Element in the Upanishads.” The Monist 20 #2 (April): 185-216.

McDonald, Andrew (2004) “A Botanical Perspective on the Identity of Soma (Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn.) Based on Scriptural and Iconographic Records.” Economic Botany 58 (Winter): S147-S150, S51, S152-S173

Mitra, Rajendralala (1862) The Chandogya Upanishad of the Sama Veda: With Extracts from the Commentary of Sankara Acharya. Calcutta: C.B. Lewis, Baptist Mission Press.

Parpola, A (1973). The Literature and Study of the Jaiminīya Sāmaveda. In Retrospect and Prospect. Studia Orientalia XLIII:6. Helsinki.

Rai, Raja (1977) The Vedas: The Scripture of the Hindus. Delhi: Nag Publishers.

Stevenson, John (n.yr.). Translation of the Sanhita of the Sama Veda. London: Oriental Translation Fund.

Wilkins, William Joseph (1975) Modern Hinduism: An Account of the Religion and Life of the Hindus in Northern India. Delhi : B.R. Pub. Corp.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Agni

Bhagavat Gita

Brahmanas

Chandogya Upanisad

Indra

Om

Praudha Brahmana

Rg Veda

Samhitas

Satapatha Brahmana

Soma

Somayaga

Svetaketu

Tat Tvam Asi

Uddalaka

Udgatar

Upanisads

Visnu Purana

Yajur Veda

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samaveda

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/sv.htm

https://vedavichara.com/vedic-chants/sama-veda.html

http://sanskrit.safire.com/SamaVeda.html

http://www.religionfacts.com/hinduism/texts/vedas.htm

http://hinduism.iskcon.org/tradition/1106.htm

http://www.swamij.com/upanishad-chandogya.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ch%C4%81ndogya_Upani%E1%B9%A3ad

http://uwacadweb.uwyo.edu/religionet/er/hinduism/htexts.htm

 

Article written by Matthew Pawlak (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. The Vedic Samhitas

Yajur Veda

The Yajur Veda is one of the oldest books in the Vedas and arguably one of the oldest texts recorded in the world. The Yajur Veda is a Samhita, which is one of four sections of the Hindu holy scriptures which has the highest influence upon the lives of the Hindus (Rai 10). A Samhita is a collection of mantras, or hymns, most of which sing the praises of one or another personal god (Prabhavananda 31). Its origins are speculated to go as far back as 2000 B.C. when the Vedas were orally kept (Santucci xi). It was not until a millennium later around 1000 B.C. when the Yajur Veda was compiled (Staal 749). In the Rgveda itself the Yajurveda and the Samaveda are mentioned in a number of passages (Saraswati 192), leading to the assumption that these three Samhitas were around at the same time.

The ‘Yajur Veda’ is translated as “the knowledge of sacrificial formulae (yajus)” (Santucci 11). The Vedas – Rg veda, Yajur veda, Sama veda and Atharva veda — are the first four of the pramanas (authoritative texts) of the religion and also the most important (Saraswati 136). The Yajur Veda along with the other Vedas (Rg, Sama, Atharva) is considered to be apauresya (divine in origin) (Prabhavananda 25). In particular the Yajur Veda is referenced to and used by the Adhvarya priest (Santucci 11).

The Vedas are considered to be “revealed”, divinely inspired (Jamison 10). The Vedas are regarded as sruti: uncreated, eternal and revealed to sages (Sharma 6).   The Vedas were received by visionaries (rsi) who saw with a special psychic perception the sacred mantras upon which they meditated and finally communicated in the form of the Vedas (Cush, Robinson, York 694). The Vedas are ‘revealed’ at the beginning of each cosmic age to seers who ‘see’ the Vedas and teach it orally to their disciples (Sutherland, Houlden, et al. 575).

The Yajur Vedas’ origins are legendary. Dvaipayana (known as Veda Vyasa) the primordial sage in the second yuga compiled the Vedas after they were revealed to him (Sharma 6, Rai 1). Dvaipayana taught a Samhita to each of his many pupils over time (Rai 1). The knowledge of the Yajur Veda was taught to one of his students named Vaisampayana (Rai 1).  A rsi by the name of Yajnavalkya was a disciple of the great rsi Vaisampayana (Prabhavananda 28). After Vaisampayana had missed a very important council he was said to have sinned (Prabhavananda 28). In order to rid himself of his sin he ordered his disciples to do austerities (Prabhavananda 28). Yajnavalkya questioned his great master by saying “Master, how can you expiate your sin by the austerities of these thy worthless disciples?” (Prabhavananda 28). At this Vaisampayana grew angry, and said: “How dare you speak thus? I want no such hot-headed, egotistical disciple as you! Give back what you have learned from me, and be off!” (Prabhavananda 29). So Yajnavalkya recited all he had learnt and departed from Vaisampayana (Prabhavananda 29). That which he recited back to Vaisampayana is known as the Black Yajur Veda (Prabhavananda 29). Now Yajnavalkya, having cast away his knowledge of the Vedas, felt empty and realized what kind of man he had become (Prabhavananda 29). He asked himself “But where might I find a teacher” (Prabhavananda 29). Then it occurred to him that the sun-god never separated himself from the Vedas (Prabhavananda 29). Yajnavalkya accepted the sun-god as his master, and prayed to him for knowledge (Prabhavananda 29). The sun-god, pleased with the fervour of his new votary, answered his prayers (Prabhavananda 29). The sun-god taught Yajnavalkya and the teachings henceforth became known as the White Yajur Veda (Prabhavananda 29). Then in turn Yajnavalkya taught this White Yajur Veda to his disciples (Prabhavananda 29).

Deriving from the story above, the Yajur Veda itself has two divisions; the White (Sukla) Yajur Veda and the Black (Krsna) Yajur Veda (Santucci 11). The White Yajur Veda contains only the sacrificial formulae without any explanation to their uses in the rituals (Santucci 11). While the Black Yajur Veda on the other hand contains an explanation and discussion of the sacrificial rites to which the formulae belong (Santucci 11).   These explanations are called brahmanas, which are written in prose style (Jamison 13). The White Yajur Veda also has a brahmana, but it is separate from the Yajur Veda text itself (Jamison 13). Because of the these differences and overall presentation of each recension, the White Yajur Veda is commonly known as clear and precise in presentation (Jamison 13). These attributes give rise to the White Yajur Veda having a ‘clear’ Samhita and a ‘clear’ brahmana (Kapoor 1851). The Black Yajur Veda is known to be ‘mixed up’ because the brahmana is mixed in with the Samhita writings (Jamison 13). Also with the chronology of the legend of the Yajur Veda, the White Yajur Veda is more recent and an improvement on the Black Yajur Veda (Kapoor 1852). Despite this major difference in the structure, the sacrifices that both the White and Black Yajur Vedas outline are almost identical (Rai 35).

The divisions as stated before are the White Yajur Veda and the Black Yajur Veda. The White Yajur Veda has one Samhita with two recensions and the Black Yajur Veda has four different Samhitas (Santucci 11). The White Yajur Veda is also known as the Vajasaneyi-Samhita (Suntucci 12). The Vajasenyi-Samhita exists in two very similar recensions, the Madhyamdina and the Kanva (Jamison 13). These two recensions are almost identical; the chief difference is in the variance of the sacrificial formulae themselves (Santucci 12). The Black Yajur Veda Samhitas are very closely interrelated to each other (Santucci 11). All four discuss the same subject matter, sometimes in identical or nearly identical language (Santucci 11). Their individual titles are Kathaka-Samhita, Kapisthala-Samhita, Maitrayani-Samhita, and the Taittriya-Samhita (Santucci 12). They are considered Samhitas and not recensions because of the differences in their brahmana portions, which take independent and in some cases opposing positions (Jamison 13). The Kathaka-Samhita and the Maitrayani-Samhita are often in agreement and are in opposition to the Taittriya-Samhita (Jamison 14). The brahmana proses of these texts are the oldest expository prose written in Sanskrit (the ancient text in which the Vedas were written), even older than the texts specifically called Brahmanas (Jamison 13).

The Black and White Yajur Vedas have different ways of organizing their contents (Rai 30). The White Yajur Veda has forty lectures (adhyaya) which are unequally subdivided into shorter sections (kandika), each of which has a prayer or mantra (Rai 30). Each of the forty lectures contains between thirteen and one hundred and seventeen sections (Rai 30). The Black Yajur Veda is divided into seven books (astaka) each containing anywhere from five to eight lectures (adhyaya) (Rai 35). Likewise each lecture is subdivided into sections with a total of six hundred and fifty sections (Rai 35). The books of the Black Yajur Veda are more commonly known as Kandas (Rai 35).

The most important feature of the Yajur Veda is that it supplies the formulae for the entire sacrificial ceremony (Santucci 12). The prose formulae and prayers are called yajus (plural yajums); the verses are called rc (plural rces) (Winternitz 152). There are two ways of performing the yajus; one is by muttering the prayer which is called yajus and the second is by speaking aloud the prayer which is called nigada (Alper 6). Within the formulae there are mantras associated with each ritual (Sharma 185). A mantra is understood by the tradition as a polyvalent instrument of power (Alper 6). As for the sacrifice itself, the name that has been used for millennia is yajna (Rodrigues 28). The sacrifice, once performed, goes to the god which it is being performed for as a gift (Oldenberg 184). Through the rituals which humans perform, the gods can be manipulated to a certain extent (Sutherland, Houlden, et al. 576). The sacrificing part of a yajna ceremony falls under the duty of the Adhvaryu priest (Jamison 22). The Adhvaryu by consulting the Black Yajur Veda receives a step-by-step procedure which goes down to the minutest of procedures (Oldenberg 8). Not only does the Adhvarya perform the yajus but he also prepares the sacrificial grounds, the implements, and the oblations (Jamison 22). The priest performing the yajna hopes that it will have an effect on the mind of the god through awakening of his good will in favor of humans (Oldenberg 184). An example of this in Vedic lore is when the Vedic god Indra asks a man named Susravas to do a yajna and after he does as he is commanded, the god Indra loves Susravas for it (Oldenberg 184). The importance of precision cannot be overstated when performing a ritual (Winternitcz 150). If an act is not performed exactly as prescribed, a prayer, mantra or a melody sung wrong brings ruin to the performer (Winternitz 150). The center of the religious practice of the entire Aryan (early Hindu) people was the sacrificial rituals (Sutherland, Houlden, et al. 576).

The Yajur Veda holds some of the grandest and most important mantras and rituals in the Hindu religion (Winternitz 163). For instance, the Taittiriya-Samhita contains the Gayatri mantra four times (Sharma 21). It also contains the Sarvamadha or “all-sacrifice”, which is the highest sacrifice that exists (Winternitz 163). Along with one of the grandest of all the yajna which is the asvamedha or horse-sacrifice (Rodrigues 30). An example of a section in the Taittiriya-Samhita is:

“yo’sman dvesti

Yo’sman dvesti yam ca vayam dvisma

Idam asya griva api krntami”

(Taittriya-Samhita 1.3.1.1 c)

The translation of this mantra with accompanying brahmana is:

“The enemy has to be excluded from the alter, for making the alter is a cruel act. “Let him think of anyone he hates; he does truly inflict trouble upon him!”

(Taittiriya-Samhita 2.6.4.4)

(Apler 49-50)

The version of the Yajur Veda you will read may depend on where you are in the world (Sharma 21). For instance if you go to India’s second largest temple, Ranganathaswamy at Srirangan, their rituals are performed under the Kanva shakha (Sharma 21). Even though different recessions of the Yajur Veda are used in different areas, various mantras within the Yajur Veda should be known by all Brahmins (Saraswati 263). The Gayatri mantra (Taittiriya Samhita 4.1.11.1-8), once learnt from a Guru, should be recited by the Brahmin every day (Saraswati 263). Some of the mantras from the Yajur Veda that every Brahmin should be able to chant are the Purusha Sukta (Vajasenayi Samhita 31.1-6) and the Sri Rudram (Taittiriya Samhita 4.5, 4.7) (Saraswati 264).

The Yajur Veda is seen as the most important of the four Vedas (Kapoor 1965). Without the Yajur Veda one cannot understand the Brahmanas and without these, the Upanisads (Winternitz 174). Sayana, the great commentator of the Vedas, said “the poetry of the Rg Veda, and even the collection of the Sama Veda, are of far less importance than the Yajur Veda” (Kapoor 1852). In his introduction to the Taittiriya-Samhita he says “The Rg Veda and Sama Veda are like fresco-painting, whereas the Yajur Veda is the wall on which they stand” (Kapoor 1852). The Yajur Veda is a complex and ancient text. It is a text that has many intricacies and many versions to study from. It has been used since the time of the Aryans up until this day. It is prominent now just as it was three thousand years ago. The essence of pleasing the gods and balancing the cosmos is brought out in the Yajur Veda through its rituals. The Yajur Veda holds a special place in not only the Vedic canon but also to anyone who believes in the Vedas.

 

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Alper, Harvey P. (1989) Mantra. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Cush, Denis, Catherine Robinson, and Michael York (2008) Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Abingdon: Routledge Publishers.

Kapoor, Subodhi (2000) The Hindus Encyclopedia of Hinduism. New Delhi: Cosmo Publishers.

Jamison, Stephanie W. (1991) The Ranenous Hyenas and the Wounded Sun, Myth and Ritual in Ancient India. New York: Cornell University Press.

Oldenberg, Hermann (1988) The Religion of the Veda. New Delhi: Shri Jainendra Press.

Prabhavananda, Swami (1979) The Spiritual Heritage of India. Hollywood, California: Vedanta Press.

Rai, Raja Rammohan (1977) The Vedas-Scripture of the Hindus. Delhi: Nag Publications.

Rodrigues, Hilary (2006) Introducing Hinduism. New York: Routledge Publishers.

Santucci, James A. (1976) An outline to Vedic literature. Missoula: Scholars Press.

Saraswati, Chandrasekharendra (1995) Hindu Dharma. Delhi: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan Publishers.

Sharma, P.R.P. (2007) Encyclopedia of Vedas. New Delhi: Anmol Publications.

Staal, Frits (2001) How a Psychoactive Substance Becomes a Ritual: The Case of Soma, Social Research, Vol. 68, No. 3, Altered States of Consciousness.

Sutherland, Stewart, Leslie Houlden, Peter Clarke and Friendhelm (1988) The World’s Religions. Boston, Massachusetts: G.K.Hall and Co. Publishers.

Winternitz, Maurice (1981) History of Indian Literature. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.

 

Related Websites

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/yv/index.htm

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/wyv/in

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yajurvedadex.htm

 

Related Topics

 

Rg Veda

Sama Veda

Atharva Veda

Vedic Priesthood

Samhita

Yajna

Rsi

Vedas

Sruti

 

Article written by Brayden Wirzba (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

j. Other Historic Topics

The Mehrangrah Fortress and its Hindu Connections

Mehrangrah Fortress is one of the largest forts in India covering an area of five square kilometers. Rudyard Kipling described it as being “the creation of angels, fairies and giants”(Bindu 76). This fort recently gained international recognition appearing in Hollywood’s Dark Knight Rises. Located in Jodhpur, Rajasthan, it was built to replace the former fortress of the Rathore dynasty in Mandore, located six miles to the north of Jodhpur. The fortress at Mandore was the capital of Rao Chundra (r. 1384-1428), the grandfather of Rao Jodha, who received the land as part of a dowry. Rao Chundra was the 12th Rathore ruler to oversee the land of Marwar. By the Fifteenth century the fort at Mandore was no longer considered a viable defensive fortress and so the leader of the Rathore clan at the time, Rao Jodha, started construction on the fortress. It was from within the Mehrangrah fortress that Rao’s descendants ruled over the largest of the Rajput kingdoms.

Rao Jodha, one of the 24 sons of Ranmal, set the foundations on May 12, 1459 on a hill Bhakurcheeria, the Mountain of Birds, or Cheeriatunk, the Bird’s Beak. Living in the area at the time was a hermit named Cheeria Nathji, the Lord of the Birds (Bindu 76). The Hermit cursed the citadel to be forever scarce of water. To try to bring good fortune to the fort, Rao Jodha had a man named Rajiya Bambi buried alive in the foundations in exchange for his family’s protection by the Rathores. The Bambi family still lives in Raj Bagh, the land that was given to them by Jodha. It is also said that as many as three other men were buried in the foundations, one in each corner of the fortress, but this is not yet confirmed by historical texts. The Mehrangrah fortress continued to be the home of the Maharaja of Jodhpur until 1943 when he moved to the newly constructed Umaid Bhawan Palace (Sharma 145).

The Rathores are the ruling clan of Jodhpur. The Rathore clan can be further broken down into sub clans such as the Champawat, the Rajput aristocrat’s lineage of Jaipur, Rajasthan (Rudolph 719). Much of the Rajput lineage is known to this day thanks to a diary written, in English, by Thakur Amar Singh. The diary was written from 1898 to 1942 and contains eighty-seven volumes. Each of these volumes in turn has, on average, 900 manuscript pages. The Rathores are part of the Suryavanshi or solar dynasty lineage that are said to descend from Surya (Rani 113). The Suryavanshi also claim to descend from Rama, supposedly another member of Suryavanshi (Ward 164). It is said that the Rathores settled in this area of Marwar to protect the Brahmin priests from cattle-rustling local tribes. There is some doubt to the legitimacy of this information but it is known that protection of the Brahmins was one of the duties of the Rajputs (Welch 333). Perhaps the most famous Rathore is Durgadas (1638-1718) who at one point recaptured Jodhpur from the Mughals. He is also said to have protected Ajith Singh as an infant. He is known for his loyalty, chivalry and courage in his rebellion against the Mughals (Dodwell 303).

Between the years of 1581 and 1672, there were a total of four successive leaders of Marwar who became a type of feudal chiefs for the Mughal Empire of the time. The Mughals or Mogals were Muslims whose leaders were descendants of Genghis Kahn. The Mughals made alliances with much of the warrior nobles, instead of fighting them, which allowed them to gain an empire that stretched over most of modern day Pakistan and India (Robinson 26). There was a brief period that the fort fell under the direct control of Mughal ruler Aurangzeb. After the death of Jaswant Singh there was no direct successor as he had no children but two pregnant wives (Sharma 144). After the death of Aurangzeb, the throne of Marwar once again fell to an Indian Ruler, Jaswant Singh’s son Ajith Singh (Sharma 144).

The new Fort was named Mirihgarh from Sanskrit “Mirih” meaning sun and “Garh” meaning fort. This name has become Mehrangrah because of changes in pronunciation over the centuries. The “Sun Fort” is based on a belief in the Rathores clan’s mystic origins from the sun god Surya. A legend exists that among the people buried in the foundation of the fortress was a Brahmin named Mehran and that the name originated from this priest (Bindu 77). This legend is considerably less likely to explain the origin of the name compared to the idea that the name originated from the Sun fortress (Bindu 77).

Although construction on the fort began in 1459 only a small portion of the known fortress was actually constructed during Rao Jodha’s rule. The fortress was slowly added to for the next 500 years. One of the main results of such a long-term building project, in this case, is the visible change in architecture techniques used over the second half of the 2nd millennium, up to the 19th century, in Rajasthan. Although later rulers often modernized older buildings to match changing needs of the times, there is a noticeable transition of age from one building to another. The major portion of the modern citadel was added during the periods of Maharaja Jaswant Singh (1638-1678) and Ajit Singh (Bindu 76).

There exists a circular path that leads to the palace. It is along this path that the seven gates of Mehrangrah can be found. The first of these gates is Fateh Pol or Victory gate and the final gate being Loha Pol or the Lion Gate. It is outside the Loha Pol that the handprints of women who committed Sati in the wall (Bindu 78). These women were the royal wives and concubines of Maharaja Man Singh who threw themselves on his funeral pyre in 1843 (Sharma 145). The Fetah Pol is heavy spiked gate, built to commemorate the reclaiming of the fort by Ajith in 1707. The next gates include the smaller Gopal Gate and the Bhairon gate that contains large guardrooms. Man Singh built the Jaya Pol after his victory in the war with Jaipur and Bikaner. Rao Maldeo built the Lakhna Pol or Dedh Kangra Pol in the 16th Century. This gate was the one that suffered most of the attack launched by the Jaipur Army in 1807, and in consequence to that it still contains cannon ball hit marks. Another gate is the Amrit Pol which is close to the original entrance of the fort built in 1459. The original entrance was a boulder with a hole small enough that a couple logs could provide a makeshift barrier.

Inside the fortress itself are two temples. The first temple is the Nagnechiji temple, which is located at the edge of the fort complex. This temple contains the Nagnechiji idol, which was brought to the region of Marwar by Rao Dhuhad in the 14th Century, and is the family temple of the Rathores (Ward 165). The other temple inside the fortress is the Chamunda Devi Temple devoted to the goddess Durga. The temple contains an idol of Durga brought to Marwar by Roa Jodha in 1459. Unfortunately an accidental gunpowder explosion in the fort caused the temple and idol to be destroyed in the year 1857. After the temple was again reconstructed by Takhat Singh (1843-73). The Goddess Durga is a warrior goddess known for the killing of demons to maintain the cosmic order. Unlike the other warrior goddess, Kali, Durga conforms to the Brahmanical ideas of womanhood (Foulston 31). In the city of Jodhpur is the Jaswant Thada Cenotaph built in 1899. This building is treated like a temple of Jaswant Singh, and his wives that committed Sati, as Jaswant Singh (r. 1873-95) is treated like a god. He is thought to have possessed unique healing powers throughout his life (Ward 172).

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Dodwell, H. H. (1929) The Cambridge History of India: British India 1497-1858. Cambridge: CUP Archive.

Foulston, Lynn, Abbott, Stuart (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Sussex: Sussex Academic Press.

Manchanda, Bindu (2006) Forts and Palaces of India: Sentinels of History. p. 77-82. New Delhi: Roli Books.

Rani, Kayita (2007) Royal Rajasthan. p. 112-118. New Holland: New Holland Publishers.

Robinson, F. (2007) The Mughal Dynasties. 57(6), p. 22-29. London: History Today.

Sharma, Anu (2011) Famous Monuments of India. Pinnicle Technology. Delhi: Prashant Publications.

Tillotson, Giles (2011) Mehrangarh: Jodhpur Fort & Palace Museum. Jodhpur: Mehrangarh Museum Trust.

Ward, Philip (1989) Northern India, Rajasthan, Agra, Delhi: A Travel Guide. New Orleans: Pelican Publishing.

Welch, Stuart (1985) India: art and culture, 1300-1900. p. 333-335. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art

 

Related Topics for further Investigation

Durga

Jaswant Singh

Durgadas

Sati

Feudal system in India

Thakur Amar Singh’s Journal

Rathores

Suryavanshi

Surya

Rajasthan

Jaisalmer Fort

Jodhpur

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic

http://www.tourismtravelindia.com/rajasthanportal/touristattractions/MEHRANGARH.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mehrangarh_Fort

http://indiaouting.com/rajasthan/mehrangarh-fort/

http://www.maharajajodhpur.com/fort/fort_main.htm

http://www.mehrangarh.org/

http://www.imagesofrajasthan.com/jodhpurmehrangarhfort.htm

http://www.remarkableindia.com/fort_mehrangarh.php

http://www.socialmantra.in/travel/Mehrangarh-Fort.html

http://www.bootsnall.com/articles/05-07/little-known-tales-of-mehrangarh-fort-jodhpur-india.html

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/the-dark-knight-rises-puts-jodhpurs-mehrangarh-fort-on-the-international-map/271993-8-67.html

http://www.yatra.com/holiday-packages/destinations/in/jodhpur/attractions/mehrangarh+fort

 

Article Written by Ryan Kung (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content

h. Other Empires

Maratha Kingdom Founder: Shivaji Bhosale

Shivaji Bhosale was the founder of the Maratha Kingdom in the 17th century (Vartak 1126). He began as a local chieftain in western India and eventually engaged in hostile relations and battles with the reigning Muslim rulers of India at that time; eventually he established an independent Hindu kingdom in the Deccan (Satar 167). Shivaji was born in April of 1627; his father was named Shahaji and was of the jagidar caste, a middle level gentry (Jasper 2). His mother, Jijabai, was abandoned by her husband during her pregnancy with Shivaji. Shivaji’s family has claims to royal lineages. One of these, King Porus, has been contested as there is a lack of evidence to confirm it (Kincaid 25). The descent through the Ranas of Udaipur, however, is much sounder. The name of Bhosale was said to have been connected to a fief of Bhosavat in Udaipur (Kincaid 25). Once out of this territory, the Bhosales came to the Maharashtra region, where they hired out as mercenaries to Mussulman princes (Kincaid 26). At the time of his birth, all of India was under Muslim rule and to gain support from the local population personal favors and mercenary gains were offered (Ahluwalia 141). Hindus were persecuted for their religion and many temples and sacred sites were destroyed or badly vandalized; the building of temples was completely forbidden (Ahluwalia 141). Throughout Shivaji’s childhood, he developed a close relationship with his mother. She was a motivating factor for him in his fight against the Muslims (Rai 59).

Debate arises regarding Shivaji’s education, with some claiming he was illiterate and others that he was quite educated and had knowledge of Persian, Urdu and Sanskrit languages (Rai 62). However, Shivaji’s earliest experiences of education and learning came from his mother, Jijabai. She was said to be a woman of great courage and earnestness and these qualities were passed onto Shivaji (Takakhav 70). Shivaji, historical records indicate, possessed both charisma and immense courage (Satar 167). In 1637 Dadaji Kondadev came to be in charge of Shivaji’s official education: an education that centered on military training, intellectual discipline, and even finance (Takakhav 76). It was said that Dadaji had such a strict sense of self that he nearly had his own arm cut off when he realized that he had unconsciously taken a mango belonging to his master (Rai 65). It is believed that the great Hindu epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, had a profound effect upon Shivaji’s mind and motivations (Rai 64). A document dating to 1645 was found bearing the seal of Shivaji, and within in it was the clear desire for founding an independent Hindu state (Kulkarni 20). This is what scholars attribute to evidence that Shivaji was attempting to develop swaraj, meaning self-government (Kulkarni 24). All the actions carried out by him were to further this goal.

Depiction of Shivaji Bhonsle in Brhadesvara Temple in Thanjavur
Depiction of Shivaji Bhonsle in Brhadesvara Temple in Thanjavur

When Shivaji finally embarked upon his journey to overthrow the Muslim rulers they were at the height of their power and the country was in an ideal state for the introduction of a new era (Rai 72). The political career of Shivaji began with the acquirement of Poona Jagir from his father (Kulkarni 20). Shivaji began preparations for the realization of his goal by inspecting his new holdings of Jagir and creating a group of loyal supporters and friends (Takakhav 91). The recipients of Shivaji’s initial aggression would be the Adilshahi Sultanate of the Bijapur government. The fort of Torna was taken by Shivaji in 1646 after he convinced the governor to allow him through the gates (Rai 75). This victory was enhanced by the treasure that was found hidden in the fort. With this treasure he persuaded the ministers of Bijapur to join his cause and he also acquired a great deal of weapons (Rai 76). The fort of Purandar was also taken and would prove to be essential in the establishment of Shivaji’s empire (Rai 78). Through the acquisition of these strategically important forts, Shivaji brought under his rule the entire territory of Chakan to the Nira (Takakhav 105). At this point in time Shivaji was also the ruler of the southern Konkan. A woman was sent to Shivaji by one of his followers and she was the daughter of Mulana Ahmed, ruler of the northern Konkan. Rather than keep her, Shivaji reportedly cited the story of Ravana from the Ramayana and the perils of being brought low through other people’s women and she was sent back to her family (Rai 80).

Eventually, Shivaji became too much of a threat and the Empire decided to put a stop to his rebellious actions. The queen mother, Bari Sahiba, gave the order to have Shivaji destroyed by force (Rai 96). There were none within her court that were willing to offer their service to this task, as Shivaji’s exploits up until this time led the men to hesitate engaging in an encounter with him (Takakhav 151). However there was one among them who volunteered for the chance to be a hero. The man to take up this task was named Afzal Khan. Khan worked in the royal kitchen and was said to have had been of great stature and power (Rai 96). The plan was to befriend Shivaji by giving him false hope for the possibility of a Sultan’s pardon (Takakhav 152). However, Shivaji had scouts in the area who alerted him to the true intentions of Afzal Khan and that he had an entire army with him (Takakhav 153). The actual encounter between the two men has been variously described. Some have said that they traded insults regarding one another’s ancestry, others that there were no such words but that each man was prepared for deceit by the other (Rai 101). The end result being that Afzal was killed and had his head removed. Shivaji then retaliated with a quick assault on the fort of Pratapgad and thousands of Bijapuri soldiers were killed (Rai 102). When this news reached the Sultan and queen mother, they were shocked and mourned the loss of Afzal Khan and the many troops; after which the capital city was on alert for any possibility that Shivaji may try to enter the city (Takakhav 177).

Following the death of Afzal Khan, Shivaji took action against a number of forts under control by the Bijapur government; this would lead to a final confrontation between the two. The Sultan led his own army out on a campaign to wrest control back from Shivaji as well as to destroy him (Takakhav197). Shivaji knew that he could not face the Sultan with the full force of the latter’s army so he intended to let the Sultan wear his army down through the recapturing of smaller forts. When the royal army was lesser in strength, then Shivaji intended to push them back once and for all (Takakhav 194). Eventually the chief vizier of the Bijapur court entered into negotiations with Shivaji, the result of this being a treaty that allowed him to keep all of the conquests he had previously made under his control (Takakhav 202). The exhaustion of the Sultan’s military left him no choice but to accept these conditions as well as recognizing an independent Maratha state, paying tribute to Shivaji, and entering into a defensive alliance with him (Takakhav 202).

The Mughal Empire had been pushed into the Deccan territory after the collapse of the Nizam Shahi dynasty and as a result, they had hostile encounters with Shivaji as well (Laine 25). A Mughal nobleman by the name of Shaista Khan was sent by the Mughal ruler, Aurangzib, to put a stop to Shivaji, just like Afzal Khan four years prior. Shaista Khan, however, did not lose his life. He was instead sent away in disgrace to Bengal after Shivaji found him cowering amongst the women of his harem (Laine 25). After this encounter, in 1664, Shivaji led an attack on the port city of Surat. Based on the value of goods that were traveling in and out of Surat, the city was of considerable economic importance to the Mughal Empire (Pearson 227). Surat also had significant religious importance for Muslims, as it was the port by which ships left for the Red Sea, carrying pilgrims to Mecca to perform the hajj (Pearson 228). The city was sacked and neither the Viceroy nor the officials did anything to prevent its occurrence, despite the fact that they outnumbered Shivaji’s troops 2 to 1 (Pearson 228). It was estimated that ten million rupees were plundered by Shivaji and his men. The significance of this attack laid in the fact that Shivaji was not immediately punished for his actions by the empire; he was the first rebel in Mughal controlled India to accomplish this (Pearson 228). This, combined with the ineffectiveness of the city’s officials at defending the city, had a negative impact upon Mughal prestige (Pearson 228). Aurangzib was forced to respond to these threats and General Jai Singh was sent to curb Shivaji in 1665. The result was a partial defeat of Shivaji and the creation of the treaty of Purandar, in which a significant amount of Shivaji’s forts and revenue were ceded to the Mughals (Pearson 229). Due to political restraints, Aurangzib was unable to offer a solution that would allow Shivaji to maintain freedom of action in the Deccan (Pearson 229). On May 12 1966 Shivaji was arrested by the Mughal government while in Agra at the request of Aurangzib; apparently, he had been offended when placed behind mansabdars at the court (Pearson 230). His escape a few months later in July was seen as nullifying the empire’s partial victory over Shivaji after the Surat attack and once again accelerated the decline of the Mughal Empire (Pearson 230). By the year 1667, Shivaji had developed a good diplomatic relationship with the Viceroy of the Deccan and a peace existed between the two until 1670 when hostilities once again began. The battle at the fort of Kondana is one of the most well-known. The fort was not taken personally by Shivaji, but by an old comrade of his: Tanaji. Twelve thousand men accompanied Tanaji to the fort, but only fifty were able to enter after the ropes used for climbing the walls broke. Tanaji was killed inside by Ude Bhan. Nevertheless, this small group of men was able to overpower the fort and let the remaining twelve thousand men inside the gates. Shivaji’s banner was hung and canons fired to make him aware of their victory (Rai 158). It was the battle of Salheri in 1672 that was the most decisive and indicative of victory over the Mughals that the Marathas had had (Takakhav 329). Many of the Muslim prisoners taken during this battle even decided to stay with Shivaji once they were healed, swearing allegiance to him (Takakhav 330).

In 1674 at Rajgarh, Shivaji became king after crowning himself (Chandra 325). He effectively became the most powerful of the Maratha chiefs and, to strengthen his place within the social structure, he married into many prominent families (Chandra 124). By some he was still viewed as an upstart and so a special ceremony took place and there a priest officially declared Shivaji to be a high class kshatriya (Chandra 125). Shivaji’s administration showed a high level of organization. The country was effectively divided into different levels of administration with officers in charge of land revenues within his said boundary (Rai 216). This land revenue involved surveying of the territory, maintaining proper land records and assessing the fertility of the soil (Rai 216). Local panchaytas were in charge of administering justice and, for the most part, maintained local autonomy, although anyone dissatisfied with a judgment could make an appeal to the king (Rai 218). The Vedas received a revival under Shivaji and an institution of Hindu learning and patronage was emphasized. There was also attention paid to the needs of other religions: Islam’s holy shrines received subsistence and grants from the Maratha government (Rai 219). Much of his work in the Maratha state continued to be opposed by fellow Maratha nobles (Chittins 79). By the time of Shivaji’s death in 1680 he controlled an area of 50,000 square miles of the Indian subcontinent (Pearson 227). There were complications in regards to Shivaji’s legitimate successor, with his sons and brothers vying for the position, but once they were settled, his principality became the key foundation for a confederacy that eventually came to challenge even the British Empire (Satar 167).

In the years following the death of Shivaji, especially in the 18th century, he came to be regarded as the ideal Hindu leader, perhaps a divine figure influenced by Bhawani, the goddess of good deeds (Burman 1228). Comparisons were even made with Arjuna, the hero of the Mahabharata, whose exploits and encounters were legend (Satar 168). Especially throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, Shivaji became a motivating symbol for the formation of Hindu identities and nationalism (Vartak 1126). He was the mold in which resistance and resurgence could be represented (Vartak 1132). The influence of Shivaji was especially evident in the resistance against Muslim domination and the emancipation of India from the British (Burman 1228). Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the leader of the Extremist party and he is responsible for reviving Shivaji’s memory as an object of inspiration and motivation for all Hindus (Aluwalia 15). This led to the establishment of a Shivaji festival, which was used to promote a sense of nationalism and patriotism against the greatest nation in the world at that time, the British (Aluwalia 15). The legacy left by Shivaji can be felt even today in India, 400 years since he ruled. He is especially relevant in Maharashtra where he is considered the most important of heroes and the founder of an exclusive Marathi identity (Satar 167). His image is used in political realms by the Shiv Sena party, where it has become their cultural territory for representing Maharashtrian propaganda (Vartak 1133). A quote by Jawaharlal Nehru can best sum up Shivaji’s influence and relevance in India, “Shivaji did not belong only to Maharashtra; he belonged to the whole Indian nation….Shri Shivaji is a symbol of many virtues, especially love of country,” (Laine 7).

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Ahluwalia, B.K., Ahluwalia, Shashi (1984) Shivaji and Indian Nationalism. New Delhi: Cultural Publishing House.

Burman, Roy J.J (2001) “Shivaji’s Myth and Maharashtra’s Syncretic Traditions.” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 36, No. 14/15 (April): 1226-1234.

Chandra, Satish (1999) Medieval Indian: From Sultanate to the Mughals. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications PVT LTD.

Chitins, K.N. (2003) Medieval Indian History. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors.

Jasper, Daniel (2003) “Commemorating the Golden Age of Shivaji in Maharashtra.” Journal of Political and Military Sociology, Vol. 31, No. 2 (December): 215-230.

Kincaid, David (1986) Shivaji: Founder of the Maratha Empire. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House.

Kulkarni, A.R. (1969) Maharashtra in the Age of Shivaji. Budhawar Poona: R.J. Deshmukh Deshmukh & Co.

Laine, James (2003) Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India. New York: Oxford University Press.

Pearson, M.N (1976) “Shivaji and the Decline of the Mughal Empire.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2 (February): 221-235.

Rai, Lala Lajpat (1980) Shivaji: The Great Patriot. New Delhi: Metropolitan Book Co. Pvt. Ltd.

Satar, Arshia (2006) Rev. of Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, by James Laine. History of Religions, Vol. 46, No. 2 (November): 167-169.

Takakhav, N.S. (1985) Life of Shivaji. New Delhi: Sunita Publications.

Vartak, Malavika (1999) “Shivaji Maharaj: Growth of a Symbol.” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 34, No. 19 (May): 1126-1134.

Related Websites

http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/History/Mughals/Shivaji.html

http://www.revivaloftrueindia.com/2013/02/shivaji-maharaj.html

http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/southasia/History/Mughals/mughals.html

http://www.ucalgary.ca/applied_history/tutor/islam/empires/mughals/

 

Related Topics

Maratha

Swaraj

Mughal Empire

Indian Nationalism

Shahaji

Jagidar Caste

Marathi Identity

Arjuna

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Shiv Sena Political Party

[Article written entirely by: Jessica Nish (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.]

2. Artha

The Artha Sastra

 

 

The Artha Sastra means sastra (science) of Artha (earth/wealth/polity) (Prakash 5).The Artha Sastra is one of few written documents that represent ancient India’s political views. The authorship of the Artha Sastra is credited to Kautilya (also known as Chanakya) and it is believed to have been written around 300 B.C. (Boesche 10). According to R. Shamasastry (3), “This Arthasastra is made as a compendium of almost all the Arthasastras, which, in view of acquisition and maintenance of the earth, have been composed by ancient teachers”. Kautilya’s Artha Sastra is comprised of 15 books (Samasastry 2).

Chandragupta Maurya (c. 317-293 B.C.E), who is known for being the first emperor of India, united India by defeating the Nanda kings and by stopping the invasion of Alexander’s successors (Boesche 10). Kautliya was the chief minister of Chandragupta’s court (Prakash 4). In order to govern efficiently and expand the vast Mauryan Empire that was even larger than the Mughal Empire or the British Empire in India, a constitution was needed (Boesche 12). In this situation, Arthasastra was written and came into play.

 Arthasastra deals with all aspects of an empire. Kautliya gave utmost importance to the four sciences. These are:

  1. Anvikshaki (philosophy)
  2. Trayi (the triple Vedas- Sama, Rig, and Yajur, deals with four classes (Varnas) and four orders (ashrams))
  3. Varta (agriculture, cattle breeding and trade)
  4. Danda-Niti (science of government). (Samasastry 9; Ghoshal 128)

Reason for this, according to Samasastry’s word,

“Righteous and unrighteous acts (Dharmadharmau) are learnt from the triple Vedas; wealth and non-wealth from Varta; the expedient and the inexpedient (Nayanayau), as well as potency and impotency (Balabale) from the science of government.” (10).

Kautliya believed that these four sciences should be taught only by specialist teachers (Samasastry 15).

Then he explained the efficiency of learning (vidhyasamarthyam) and enforced that the disciples including the prince(s) should strictly follow it (Samasastry 16).

Unlike today’s government, ancient empires were ruled by kings; but like today’s government, ministers played an important role in ancient times too. So Kautilya wrote about duties and responsibilities of a king as well as the importance of skilled and knowledgeable ministers. According to Samasastry, words that Kautilya used to warn a king are:

“If a king is energetic, his subjects will be equally energetic. If he is reckless, they will not only be reckless likewise, but also eat into his works. Besides, a reckless king will easily fall into the hands of his enemies. Hence the king shall ever be wakeful.” (51)

In his point of view, a king’s day and night should be divided into eight nalikas (1.5 hours) or according to the length of the shadow and each division should be passed fulfilling certain duties (Samasastry 51). Besides this, a king should attend the court on a regular basis and should listen to the petitioners and take appropriate action to avoid public disaffection (Samasastry 51). He also alerted the king about six enemies: kama (lust), krodha (anger), lobha (greed), mana (vanity), mada (haughtiness), and harsha (over joy) (Samasastry 16).

Obviously, Kautliya wanted to represent the king as an ideal figure to the nation to win the support and loyalty. Since in ancient India, high priest and other priests were important figures, he advised they should be chosen with caution and only the most qualified one should be appointed as high priest (Samasastry 21). While talking about ministries, Kautilya wrote about a conversation between few people and advised that a king should take all of these opinions into consideration while forming the council of ministers (Samasastry 19-20) and encouraged the king to discuss each and every matter with a mantri parisad (council of ministers) that were divided in two levels. The inner cabinet were made of a chief minister, chief priest, military commander and crowned prince, while the outer cabinet were represented by prominent members of the society (Prakash 10). Even after someone is selected as a councillor or a priest, he should be kept under close observation and examined from time to time to check his loyalty to the king (Samasastry 23). According to Prakash (9), Artha Sastra also introduced the concept of saptaganga (state having seven elements) (Kautilya: Book 6, Ch. 1; Sarkar, 1922:167-9; Verma, [1954] 74:80; Rao 1958:82). These are:

  1. Swami (Monarch)
  2. Amatya (Officials)
  3. Janapada (Population and Territory)
  4. Durga (Fort)
  5. Kosa (Treasury)
  6. Bala (Military)
  7. Surhit (Ally)

Only a combination of these seven elements would help a king establish a prosperous state. Kautliya also discussed the importance of choosing a rightful heir to the throne, since the future of the empire is dependent on it. So he set up a guideline to train a prince or steps that a king might take in absence of a rightful heir (Samasastry 45-50). He also legalized the use of spies as a necessary precaution to test government figures’ loyalty to king and to avoid enemy invasion. But he enforced that only those free of any family bonds and members of sudra caste should be used as spies (Samastry 28-31).

 

Since the Mauryan Empire was a rapidly expanding empire, as a chief minister Kautliya tried his best to perfectionize the science of warfare. Expansion of the kingdom was his foremost priority. His plan was to build a skilled and superior army. In order to achieve this goal, his suggestion was that the commander and even the king should be trained in all kinds of warfare and weapons (Boesche 22). He advised that the king should not trust other people when it comes to war and military matters, and he should supervise everything himself (Boesche 22). In Kautilya`s point of view, there are three kinds of war: open war, concealed war and silent war (Boesche 22). Open war is predetermined and happens face to face, while concealed war is mostly about guerrilla warfare (Boesche 22). On the contrary, silent war is all about secrecy. According to Boesche (23), Kautilya originated the concept of secret war (Mojumdar 63). Kuatilya documented different approaches to infiltrate enemies and weaken their power in the Artha Sastra (Boesche 23-24). He favoured all necessary means including use of spies, prostitutes, and even the elders of the army when it comes to war (Boesche 22). He believed in the expansion of a kingdom (Boesche 28). That is why he suggested that any state showing sign(s) of weakness should be attacked and invaded in a favourable condition considering loss of men, wealth and profit (Boesche 28). He also gave utmost importance to defense. That`s why he described a blue print of a well protected fort in the Artha Sastra (Samasastry 66-70). With the intention of giving his army the best chance of victory, he described briefly about marching against an enemy, marching in hostile territory, unifying forces with allies, calculating the favourable time of an invasion, and other warfare techniques in several books of the Artha Sastra.

 

In order to govern the vast Mauryan Empire, Kautilya developed a complicated and organized network of bureaucracy. He divided responsibilities into thirty categories and employed thirty adhyaksas (chiefs) to look after each category (Prakash 13). Adhyaksas were provided with a house and a handsome salary. To encourage the bureaucrats, he also developed a reward system by which each bureaucrat would get a part of the taxes as an incentive (Prakash 13). Besides, Kautilya realized that the continuity of a successful state depends on an interactive system between tax payers and state government as well as on trade and commerce. So, bureaucrats in the Mauryan Empire were responsible for providing three kinds of goods – the quality control machinery, the system of currency and system of weights and measures (Prakash 13). He also promoted imports as a way of enriching the state with goods that either they did not have or the production was really expensive (Prakash 13). His taxation system was equally sophisticated. According to Prakash (11), “Kautilya visualized a ‘dharmic social contract’ between the King and the citizens”. The superintendant of tolls was responsible for taking taxes from merchants, while adyaksas were responsible for taking taxes from other tax payers (Prakash 13, Samasastry 155). He also documented specific instructions to the superintendant of tolls on how, where and when merchants should pay their taxes (Samasastry 155). Counterfeiting was a punishable crime in the Mauryan Empire. On the other hand, citizens of the Mauryan Empire also enjoyed specific tax free trade and the janapads (districts) had the right to ask for tax remission under special circumstances (Samasastry 156, Prakash 11).

 

According to Prakash (12), “Kautilya did not view law to be an expression of the free will of the people”. In Kautilya`s point of view, law should be based on dharma (scared law), vyavhara (evidence), charita (history and custom), and rajasasana (edicts of the king) (Prakash 12). He visualized a royal court having 6 members – 3 with the knowledge of dharmasastras (sacred law) and 3 ministers of the king. He also described brief penalty system in accordance with the offence committed in the Artha Sastra.

 

Female figures did not possess a high status in ancient India`s male-dominated society. The same was true for Kautilya. He was in favour of using women as spies. He also legalized prostitution and brought it under taxation system. Although, aniskasini (women from upper caste who did not leave their work) were allowed to earn their livelihood by spinning, they had to do all their transactions in dim light to avoid being seen by men (Jaiswal 51). Women who were involved in service of the king were considered a treasure of the state and enjoyed a handsome salary and protection (Jaiswal 54). Besides, intercourse with a girl against her will or intercourse with a minor girl was a punishable crime (Jaiswal 53).

The Artha Sastra deals with all aspects of a well-constructed government as well as a monarchical empire. Kautilya succeeded in constructing a constitution that shaped a vast successful empire. Some of these rules are still in play.

 

References:

Boesche, Roger (2003) “Kautilya’s “Arthaśāstra” on War and Diplomacy in Ancient India” Journal of military history, Vol. 67, No. 1.

Ghoshal, Upendra (1923) A History of Hindu Political Theories. London: Oxford University Press.

Jaiswal, Suvira (2001) “Female images in Artha Sastra of Kautilya” Social Scientists, Vol 29 No.3 /4.

Mojumdar, Bimal (1995) The military system in ancient India. Calcutta: World Press Ltd.

Prakash, Aseem (1993) “State and Statecraft in Kautilya’s Arthasastra” Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis, Indiana University, Bloomington

Shamasastry, Rudrapatnam ([1915] 1967) Kautilya’s Arthashastra ([1915] 1967), eighth ed. Mysore, Mysore Printing and Publishing House.

Related topics for further investigation:

  • Chandragupta Maurya
  • Bindusara Amitraghata
  • Chayanakya
  • Mauryan Empire
  • Nanda Empire
  • Jain tradition
  • Dharma

 

Noteworthy websites related to the topic:

 

Article written by Fazla Chowdhury (April, 2013), who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Hinduism in Nepal, Mahadevi Durga

Taleju Bhavani and Kumari Worship

In Hindu mythology the goddess Taleju, or Taleju Bhavani, is considered to be the tutelary and wrathful form of the Goddess Durga. Durga is known to be the embodiment of all powers and to be the source of and contain all other goddesses within her (Monaghan 88). The creation of the goddess Durga was actually by the gods themselves. While the gods were resting after fighting with demons, a particular demon, named Mahishasura, took advantage of the god’s absence and declared himself Lord of Heaven and Ruler of the Universe (Harding 53). Upon hearing this declaration Visnu was outraged and “shot forth a terrible light from his forehead” (Harding 53). All the other mighty gods were similarly angry and also shot forth beams of light in the same direction of Visnu’s. The beam of lights eventually converged and from the blazing eruption of light the Goddess Durga emerged. In some scripts Taleju has also been referred to as Kali, another form of the goddess Durga known for her destructive nature. Taleju is also known by many different names such as Tulja, Turja, Tava, Tamva, Talamonde, Talesvari, as well as Manesvari (Slusser 316).

In the Kathmandu Valley the goddess Durga in the form of Taleju has a special place of worship among the Newar society. Three major cities lie within the valley Kathmandu, Patan, Bhaktapu. It has been estimated that about 5 percent of Nepal’s people live in the Kathmandu Valley which is around 600,000 people and it is thought that half of the population is comprised of Newars (Levy 35). The Newars are a people whose nation ruled long before Nepal was established. Their borders are generally accepted as having included the slopes of the hills that surrounded the Kathmandu Valley.

In this society the goddess Taleju is extremely important; she represents the political aspect of the society in Kathmandu Valley, she is the most important deity, and is the goddess to which all other goddesses pay homage. She is the tutelary goddess to the Nepalese or Malla kings and the success, greatness, and prosperity of the kingdom is controlled by her. The Malla Kings often used the Goddess Taleju in order to legitimize their rule and succession in the Kathmandu Valley. The mantra of Taleju is a mark of the ruler’s succession and is very important to receive. It is thought that if a ruler failed to receive the mantra, he was liable to lose his kingdom (Allen 15). Even when the Malla kingdom was conquered during the Shah dynasty, the new king adopted Taleju as his new royal deity, in order to prove and cement his legitimacy to the throne.

The Kumari are another form of the Goddess Taleju and are young girls considered to be the human manifestation of the Goddess Taleju. The origin of using the Kumari to worship the goddess is explained in Nepalese mythology. There are several different versions of the myth, but they all point to a Malla king upsetting the Goddess so greatly that she refuses to appear to him in her true form. One myth claims that the Goddess Taleju agreed to appear before the king Trailokyamalla of Bhaktapur and in return he had to secretly establish a symbol of the goddess and allow no one to see it. However, one day while he was worshipping, the King’s daughter walked in and saw the symbol. Taleju revoked her agreement with the King and refused to appear to him unless she was in the body of a young high-caste girl (Slusser 316). Another account implicates the King Ratnamalla and his sister Gangi as the intruder (Slusser 316). Other versions say that the King Trailokymall used to play games of dice with Durga at night and she would give him advice on the affairs of the state. Unfortunately the King became so overwhelmed by her beauty and her sexuality that he started to have impure thoughts, making it too difficult to concentrate on his actions. The Goddess perceived the thoughts of the King and was offended; consequently the goddess informed the King that he would no longer hold the privilege of seeing her in her goddess form, and instead she would appear in the body of a young virgin girl (Amazzone 72). Yet another description explains that it was the jealousy of the Queen that angered the Goddess. Not knowing that the beautiful women playing dice was indeed the Goddess Durga the Queen burst into the King’s chambers and accused him of infidelity. Outraged, the Goddess furiously stood up waving her ten arms and several of her other enraged faces came forth showing her multi-headed manifestation of the Goddess Taleju declaring that she will no longer give him her help (Amazzone 72). The King was devastated and for days he performed pujas to win back the affection of Taleju, but again she will only return to him in the body of young girl so as not to cause anymore outbreaks of jealousy (Amazzone 72).

The worshipping of the Goddess Taleju in the form of a young virgin girl, or Kumari, became a tradition in the Newar society and has continued to this day. Usually young girls between the ages of two and four are selected to take on the role of a living Kumari, but they can be even younger. Many different girls can be worshipped as living Kumaris at the same time and there are three principal Kumaris in the three cities of Bhadgaon, Kathmandu, and Patan. These girls are chosen on a measure of purity, to which there is specific criteria. In the case of the Royal Kumari of Kathmandu, physical and psychological testing is done in a rigorous examination that is carried out by a committee appointed by the King’s priest (Allen 20). A group of eligible girls is brought before the committee on an auspicious day to be examined using a list of 32 perfections thought to be found in goddesses. The young girls must be in perfect health, suffering no serious illness especially an illness that may have caused a physical imperfection, no bad body smells, black hair and eyes and most importantly the girls must not have lost any blood from things like losing teeth or the start of menarche (Allen 20). The committee is also expected to take into account the reputation of the young girl’s family and her personality. If the committee is unable to find a young girl without an imperfection, they will choose the girl who most closely portrays the ideal (Allen 20). Once there has been a selection the young girl is brought to the palace of the king where he offers her a coin. She then returns to her home until the installation rites can be formed making her the new living Kumari (Allen 20). During the wait for the installation rites the spirit of the Kumari is thought to already be entering the body of the young girl, so if she shows any negative bodily symptoms she is considered to be unworthy of the role (Allen 20).

Once the girl is officially inducted into the role of the Kumari she is taken from her parents and family, and lives separately for the remainder of her term. The young girl is given attendants and caretakers to see to her needs (Allen 24, 25). Because the Kumari is a goddess, she is allowed to behave however she wishes, and she cannot be given instruction. However, if the Kumari was to consistently behave in a manner that was unbecoming, she would not be considered fit to continue her duty (Allen 27). The Kumari is an important part of religion and events in the Kathmandu Valley and is worshipped by the inhabitants of the Nepal; she is expected to appear in various rituals and participate in the many important festivals (Allen 28).

The young girl will continue her role as a Kumari until she shows signs of being human. The two biggest signs are the loss of teeth resulting in blood, or the beginning of the girl’s menstrual cycle. Once these signs appear the young girl is disqualified and a new Kumari is chosen (Allen 22). The now ex-Kumari must give back all of the valuable garments and jewellery she possessed during her reign and proceed through the life-cycle rituals and the rituals that will lead to her marriage (Allen 22).

 

 

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Allen, Michael R. (1975) The Cult of Kumari: Virgin Worship in Nepal. New Delhi: Siddhartha Press.

Amazzone, L. (2010) Goddess Durga and Sacred Female Power. Plymouth: Hamilton Books.

Anderson, Mary M. (1971). The Festivals of Nepal. London: Allen and Unwin.

Glowski, Janice M. (1995). Living Goddess as Incarnate Image: The Kumari Cult of Nepal. Retrieved from http://etd.ohiolink.edu/view.cgi?acc_num=osu1105391104

Harding, E. (1993). Kali: The Black Goddess of Dakshineswar. Delhi: Shri Jainendra Press.

Hoek, Bert van den, Shrestha, Balgopal. (1992) Guardians of the Royal Goddess: Daitya and Kumar as the Protectors of Taleju Bhavani of Kathmandu. Retrieved from http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/contributions/pdf/CNAS_19_02_03.pdf

Levy, Robert I., Rajopadhya, Kedar Raj. Mesocosm: Hinduism and the Organization of a Traditional Newar City. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Slusser, Mary S. (1998) Nepal Mandala: A cultural Study of the Kathmandu Valley. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Vergati, Anne. (2002) Gods, Men, and Territory: Society and Culture in Kathmandu Valley. Delhi: Rajkamal Electric Press.

White, David G. (2001) Tantra in Practice. Delhi: Shri Jainendea Press.

 

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Durga

Kali

Virgin Worship

Tantra

Nepal

Kathmandu Valley

Newar Politics

Taleju Bhavani

Nepal Festivals

Hindu Goddesses

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://hindusutra.com/archive/2007/01/02/nepals-child-goddesses-taleju/

http://www.nepaltravels.com/nepal/attraction/goddes_kumari.htm

http://saaurya.wordpress.com/2012/02/26/growing-up-as-a-goddess-extraordinary-life-of-child-kumari/

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2164075/Living-goddess-Nepal-Pictures-preparations-festival.html

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2084901/Extraordinary-life-child-Kumari-virgin-goddess-adored-thousands-religious-festival.html

[Article written by Ashley Bust (March 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.]

The Chola Dynasty

Rajendra Cola I

Rajendra Cola I was a great king who ruled from 1012 to 1044 CE. He presided over the expansive Cola dynasty in Southern India inheriting the kingdom from his father, Rajaraja I. The Cholas had ruled kingdoms of varying sizes in South India from approximately 850 CE (Srivastava 1). However, by 980 CE the Cola dynasty had been in a steady decline for a few decades until Rajaraja I, Rajendra’s father, became king from 985 to 1014 CE (Srivastava 11). Thus, Rajendra was perfectly placed in history to become a great king, as he watched his father return the dynasty to its former glory and learned what was needed from a king to continue expanding his territory.

When discussing Rajendra the logical starting point is then Rajaraja, as much of Rajendra’s success as a king and leader should be attributed to Rajaraja. This is true for many reasons, the most prominent being Rajendra had inherited a kingdom that had already been rescued from oblivion by Rajaraja. Thus, Rajendra’s success was not solely his own. Once Rajaraja was firmly in place as a prominent king he began mentoring Rajendra in warfare and governance. This tutelage continued into the first two years of Rajendra’s rule, as Rajendra and Rajaraja co-ruled until Rajaraja’s death in 1014 CE (Srivastava 24).

There is no known date of birth for Rajendra; his early life is also a bit of a mystery, however his mother is said to be Vanavan Mahadevi, one of Rajaraja’s wives (Srivastava 15). It seems one only starts to see Rajendra’s name appearing once he had been named the crowned prince. It is also known that Rajendra had four wives: Vunavan-Mahadeviyar, Mukkokkilan, Pancavon-Mahadeviyar and Vira-Mahadevi, however the dates of the marriages are also unknown (Srivastava 15).

Before Rajendra became king, his father Rajaraja introduced him to the many responsibilities of ruling. One such example was how Rajaraja insisted that Rajendra participate as an acting member of the government, as Srivastava stated, “Under his [Rajaraja’s] direct supervision and by holding different positions in the government, both civil as well as military, Rajendra got excellent opportunities to shape his personality as the crown-prince” (Srivastava 23). Rajaraja also ensured that Rajendra understood the art of war, by having Rajendra fight in his army (Srivastava 16). Rajaraja’s foresight to include his son, early on, in the day to day managing of the kingdom was an excellent decision. It appears that Rajendra agreed as he utilized the same tutelage with his eldest son, Rajadhiraja, who was the next crown-prince (Srivastava 51). As a matter of fact, Rajendra made use of this technique when it came to the numerous princes, as Professor K.A.N. Sastri is quoted in Srivastava’s book, “By finding suitable occupation for the energies of restless princes of the royal family, he doubtless allayed their discontent, diminished the chances of palace intrigues and revolutions, and at the same time brought new strength to the administration of an over-grown empire which was called upon to face many difficult problems, domestic and foreign” (Srivastava 65). Thus, Rajendra successfully employed the same deterrent his father, Rajaraja, had taught him.

 

Rajendra presided over a government system that was quite unique for the time period, in some aspects it seemed almost democratic. Rajendra held those he presided over with great respect. In many instances he wished to know public opinion regarding a proposed law that may affect his people and on occasions he was also known to get the approval of the majority of his people before passing laws (Srivastava 74). Rajendra was also dedicated to his people, using government money to build roads and improve irrigation (Srivastava 73). Although, there was one aspect of the government that was quite traditional: members of the government were chosen from high society. However, if a government official wanted to move up in rank the ultimate factor in the decision was the ability of the individual to do the job correctly (Srivastava 66). Given that Rajendra was interested in the opinions of the public and that members of the government were judged on merit, the government appeared to be quite steady. It was probably due to this stability and prosperity that allowed Rajendra to wage wars without worrying about monetary issues.

 

Rajendra was known as a fierce warrior and king and a brilliant war strategist (Spencer 1976:416). Along with his father, Rajaraja, Rajendra radically altered how raids were accomplished. What was once done in a haphazard manner was transformed by Rajendra and Rajaraja into much more productive, long term invasions (Spencer 1976:409). Once their army had invaded an enemy territory they were to start building camps that acted as a home base, from where they could continue raiding the surrounding area (Spencer 1976:409). A large aspect of Rajendra’s army was an extremely powerful navy which was passed down to him by Rajaraja (Srivastava 42, 68). As Rajendra’s army collected more and more enemy territories, stories started to circulate about how fierce the army was; this caused a few kings in neighbouring areas to send gifts to Rajendra in the hope that a friendship could be formed to ensure their own kingdom’s survival (Srivastava 48). As the distance between the capital city and the outlying communities grew Rajendra had to ensure that he remained in control; this was partially accomplished through the building of temples.

 

By building temples in outlying areas where Rajendra’s influence may not have been overly prominent he was placing himself in the forefront of the minds of his people. As Kaimal states, “Temple building declared publicly the king’s ability to protect and donate to the deity, it created a lasting visual symbol of the king’s sacred authority,” (Kaimal 1996:55). Another reason for placing temples in the outlying areas was to incorporate any non Cola traditions into Cola traditions, which changed the locals associations with the king (Kaimal 1996:62). Most of these temples also had a specific location where the names of donors would be placed. To ensure that the general public recognized that the the king was a main contributor their names were always placed in a prominent location (Spencer 1969:51).

 

The Colas were well known as Saivas, worshippers of Siva, because of this most of their temples are dedicated to Siva (Lippe 44). The preferred depiction of Siva installed in most of these temples was the image of Siva as Lord of the Dance, or Siva Nataraja (Lippe 62). This particular depiction of Siva represents the dance that Siva does to destroy the universe. Siva is depicted dancing on the dwarf of ignorance, while a ring of fire encircles him. He usually has four arms in this depiction, one of which is usually holding a drum while another is holding a flame. The goddess Ganga is also shown trapped in Siva’s hair (Kaimal 1999:393). There are many temples with this type of iconography, one such example is the temple that Rajendra built in 1030 CE at Gangaikondacholapuram (Lippe 35). However, Rajendra’s temple is largely abandoned. As it could not compete with the temple his father built in Tanjore.

 

When it came to temple construction it appears that Rajendra did not take his father’s lead. The temple that Rajaraja built in Tanjore is still in use today due to Rajaraja’s clever use of his subjects. Rajaraja ensured that people all over his dynasty were a part of the temple itself. He conscripted a selection of his subjects who were already working other temples around his territories to work at his temple in Tanjore. This gave many people who lived far from the temple a way to associate themselves with the temple itself, through their neighbours or relatives who were now working in the great temple at Tanjore (Geeta 23). When Rajendra’s temple was finally built instead of using the same technique that his father had used to ensure that the public felt connected to the temple he simply had some of the current workers from his father’s temple moved to his own temple. Which did not have the same effect.

 

Given all that Rajendra Cola I managed to accomplish during his reign as one of the most prolific kings of Southern India it is easy to understand why Srivastava said, “During his regime the goddess of the Earth, the goddess of Victory in battle and the matchless goddess of Fame became his great queens” (Srivastava 100). Yet, with all that Rajendra is said to have accomplished, almost single handedly the way some of his history is described, it is also understandable why Srivastava said, “Notwithstanding the exaggerations, he is to be reckoned as one of the greatest rulers of India” (Srivastava 101).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

 

Kaimal, Padma (1996) “Early Cola Kings and ‘Early Cola Temples’: Art and the Evolution of        Kingship.” Artibus Asiae, Vol. 56 (no. 1/2), 33-66

 

Kaimal, Padma (1999) “Shiva Nataraja: Shifting Meanings of an Icon.” The Art Bulletin, Vol.81      (no.3 September), 390-419

 

Lippe, Aschwin (1971) “Divine Images in Stone and Bronze: South India, Chola Dynasty (c.        850-1280).” Metropolitan Museum Journal, Vol. 4, 29-79

 

Majumdar, R. C. (1961) “The Overseas Expeditions of King Rajendra Cola.” Artibus Asiae, Vol.   24 (no. 3/4), 338-342

 

Spencer, George W. (1969) “Religious Networks and Royal Influence in Eleventh Century South India.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 12 (January), 42- 56

 

Spencer, George W. (1976) “The Politics of Plunder: The Cholas in Eleventh-Century Ceylon.”    The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 35 (May), 405-419

 

Srivastava, Balram (1973) Rajendra Chola. India: Thomson Press Limited.

 

Stein, Burton (1977) “Circulation and the Historical Geography of Tamil Country.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 37 (November), 7-26

 

Vasudevan, Geeta (2003) The royal temple of Rajaraja : an instrument of imperial Cola power.     New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.

 

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Cola Dynasty

Rajaraja I

Rajadhiraja

Siva

Siva Nataraja

Gangaikondacholapuram

 

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajendra_Chola_I

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South-East_Asia_campaign_of_Rajendra_Chola_I

http://www.indianetzone.com/21/rajendra_chola_i_chola_emperor_india.htm

http://edu.holisticthought.com/rajendra-chola-the-chola-empire/

http://www.tripadvisor.ca/ShowUserReviews-g424926-d2648907-r147169372-Gangaikonda_Cholapuram-Thanjavur_Tamil_Nadu.html

http://newindianexpress.com/education/student/article1386406.ece

 

 

Article written by: Krysti Bouttell-Bonnar (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Ancient Hindu Kingdoms, Other Regions, P. Hinduism Beyond India

The Majapahit Dynasty

            The Majapahit Dynasty of the Nusantara archipelago was a predominately Hindu empire which arose in approximately 1293 CE and lasted until around 1500 CE (Hunter 28). This empire was a continuation of a previous empire called the Singhasari (Keat Gin 1208). Much of the information surrounding the establishment of this empire is found in the Pararaton, which describes the origins of the first Singhasari ruler Ken Angrok (Johns 92). Ken’s ascension to the throne is depicted as somewhat divine. Ken, in a prior life, is said to have “offered himself as a human sacrifice to Yamadipati, the Javanese door god, in order to save another being from death. . . [and promised] to return to Visnu’s heaven and thereafter be born as a superior being” (Johns 92). The fact that a dynasty is built upon this myth clearly indicates the centrality of Hinduism in Majapahit culture. Furthermore, Visnu’s role in the story prefigures the importance of Visnu worship in Majapahit Hinduism.

The role of Siva in Majapahit religious practice should also be noted. In his next life, Ken was a semi-divine figure— Visnu incarnate. Additionally, he was declared the son of Siva “in order to bring stability and power to Java” (Johns 93). This stability is fundamental to Hinduism and is known as rta. Rta is upheld by dharma (Hindu law) (Koller 133) and yajna (the rituals and rites which maintain and uphold the universe) (Koller 134) [for a detailed explanation on this, see Koller’s article]. Through Siva, Ken Angrok is able to bring balance to his empire. As Visnu incarnate, Ken’s very existence was seen as upholding rta and dharma, even though his behaviour was often undharmic [for an explanation on this behaviour see Hunter 27]. Ultimately Ken Angrok’s monarchy results in the prosperity of the Singhasari and Majapahit Dynasties. In return, the people of these empires worshipped the gods Visnu and Siva so that the dynasty’s prosperity would continue.

Initially, the dynasty was named the Singhasari and was in power until approximately 1292 CE. The Singhasari dynasty ended with the death of Krtanagara after internal political conflict (Hunter 27). Krtangara, the last king of the Singhasari, was a very important figure in regards to Singhasari-Majapahit religion. Krtangara was said to have been both Siva and Buddha incarnate (Hunter 28). This demonstrates the conflation of both orthodox and Buddhist streams of the Hindu religion in the Majapahit kingdom. This reconciliation of Buddhism and Hinduism is clearly seen in the funerary rites of Krtanagara who was deified “in the form of a ‘Siva-Buddha’” (Dowling 120). Furthermore, in practice, the Majapahit recognized the oneness of Siva and Buddha. Dowling’s article includes a poem which aptly demonstrates this by saying “there is no difference between god Buddha and god Si[v]a, the king of gods” (Dowling 120). This veneration of Siva-Buddha would heavily influence later Majapahit religion in the same way that Vaisnavism would.

The fact that Buddha and Siva were conflated in Majapahit Hinduism, reflects the notion that in Hindu thought, though there are many gods, these many gods together form one god—Prajapati creator of the universe. This combining of gods was also done with Visnu and Siva. For instance, in some cases, statues that were half Siva and half Visnu (known as Hari-Hara) would be worshipped as the supreme god (Dowling 121). This is supported by the idea that the first emperor of the Singhasari was Visnu incarnate and the last emperor of the Singhasari was Siva incarnate. Likewise, this amalgamation of gods could also be symbolic of the unity of the Singhasari-Majapahit Empire.

Two years had passed until the dynasty formally became the Majapahit Dynasty. In 1294 CE, Majapahit became the capital city of the former Singhasari Dynasty. The empire itself was restored by Raden Wijaya who assumed the role of king. Wijaya became king of the Majapahit Empire by tricking the Kublai Khan into attacking the city of Jayakatwang. Once the city was conquered and the Kublai Khan was celebrating its victory, Wijaya caught them off guard and “destroyed them” (Hunter 28).

One of the more important literary genres from the time of Raden Wijaya was the Kakawin. The Kakawin genre can be described as containing epic tales with religious themes written in a particular metre (Creese 45). These tales often “draw on the great Indian epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata, as well as the rules to prosody and ideals of literary form” (Creese 46). This period, also known as the Kadiri or pre-Islamic period, is noted for its three major sects as referred to in Kakawin literature. These sects were composed of Saivite, Buddhist, and Resi sects, also known as the “Tripaksa” (Hunter 33). Furthermore, each of these religions was supported by each other as if they were one. In his article, Hunter quotes the Kunjarakarma-Dharmakathana which says “the Buddhist monk will surely fail, if he does not know . . . the path to Si[v]a-ness” and that the “master sage who follows the yoga of Si[v]a-ness, will fail if he does not know the highest reality of Jina-ness” (Hunter 33). It almost appears that these three religious sects form a ‘trinity’ of religious practice within the Majapahit Dynasty. Although each one is distinct, they rely and co-depend on each other indicating that the divide between orthodoxy and heterodoxy in the Nusantara archipelago was not as great as that of India.

Political unity appears to have been very important to the early Majapahit (although political unity was not always a reality) as proven by the Tripaksa. Religious compromise, in theory, should prevent disunity and it is conceivable that the early rulers of the Majapahit kept political unity through their efforts to maintain religious unity. By saying that Buddha and Siva were one, the early Majapahit were able to maintain ambiguity about the identity of the state’s religion. Because of the Tripaksa, people could ideally live in harmony because of religion’s unity in the empire.

It was in the 14th century that the Majapahit Dynasty reached the height of its power. This golden age occurred under the monarch Hayam Wuruk, who was monarch from 1350-1389 CE (Noorduyn 207). This golden age was characterized by an influx of art, literature, and Indonesian culture. Furthermore, the king— Hayam Wuruk, was seen by his people as somewhat divine and was worshipped in the same way that the general population worshipped the gods. In one part of the Nagarakrtagama [see Weatherbee 415 for more information on this Majapahit text], Wuruk is compared to the many gods of the Hindu pantheon (Weatherbee 415). As Krom describes Wuruk, he was “vergoddelijkten toestand, eerst bij zijn leven” (that he was in a deified state throughout his life) (Krom 25). Furthermore, it appears that the king’s authority or claim to rule was directly given to him by the Hindu pantheon. In return, the king was to emulate the qualities of these gods. These qualities were known in Java as the astabrata or the eight royal virtues (Weatherbee 414). This notion of astabrata is also emulated in the Ramayana where Rama reminds “Vibhisana that the eight gods are incorporated into that body of the king” and that he should “follow astabrata, pointing out . . . appropriate behaviour of the king” (Weatherbee 414). What this demonstrates is that although there were significant changes and differences between Indian Hinduism and Majapahit Hinduism, there were also many similarities.

Although the intent of political unity by means of religious solidarity was desired by early Majapahit kings, it was not an easily attained goal. The empire declined in the early part of the 15th century because of many different factors. One of the primary factors was a civil war which occurred between the western and eastern parts of the empire (Noorduyn 208). Interestingly enough, it was at this time that Islam began to have a heavy influence on the western coast. From a Hindu perspective, this disunity in the political sphere perhaps led to disunity in the religious world, or vice-versa. Moreover, the undharmic actions of Majapahit kings may have also contributed to the imbalance in rta and thus causing the empire to fall. With this being said, it is important to note that Hindu religious rites and ceremonies continued to endure beyond the decline and fall of the Majapahit. For example, “great Sraddha festivals were still held in 1465 and 1486” (Noorduyn 255), thus demonstrating that though Indonesian Hinduism was central to the Majapahit, it did not die with the empire.

The Majapahit were successful in bringing Hinduism to Indonesia and ensuring its survival for over two hundred years. Although the region is now predominantly Islamic, pockets of Hinduism still exist, particularly in Bali. Much of what is known about the Majapahit reflects its strong Hindu identity. This identity is reflected in both Majapahit literature and art. Furthermore, the deification and veneration of kings as gods or demi-gods reflects the Majapahit practice of conflating political office and the religious sphere. Moreover, the existence of the Majapahit and their strong Hindu identity reflect the reality that Hinduism is not a religion which is confined to the Indian subcontinent. In conclusion, the Majapahit are a sometimes forgotten component to Hinduism; learning from their example helps one understand the totality and scope of the Hindu tradition.

 

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Creese, Helen (1999) “The Balinese Kakawin Tradition, a Preliminary Description and     Inventory.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Volume 155 No 1, 45-96.

Dowling, Nancy (1992) “The Javanization of Indian Art.” Indonesia, No.54 (October), 117-138.

Hunter, Thomas M (2007) “The Body of the King: Reappraising Singhasari Period Syncretism.” Journal of South East Asian Studies, Volume 38 No. 1(February), 27-53.

Johns, Anthony H. (1964) “The Role of Structural Organisation and Myth in Javanese     Historiography.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (November), 91-99.

Keat Gin, Ooi (2004) Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East            Timor. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO.

Koller, John M (1972) “Dharma: An Expression of Universal Order.” Philosophy East and West,
Volume 22, No.2 (April), 131-144.

Krom, N.J, and Krom, N.G (1919) “De Begraafplaats van Hayam Wuruk” Bijdragen tot de Taal  Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 75 1ste/2e Aflevering, 25-27.

Noorduyn, J (1978) “Majapahit in the Fifteenth Century.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en         Volkenkunde, Deel 134 2e en 3e Aflevering, 207-274.

Weatherbee, D.E (1994) “The Aṣṭabrata, Saptadewawṛtti, and Nāgarakṛtāgama VII:1-2.”
            Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 150 2de Aflevering, 414-416.*
Related Topics for Further Investigation
Astabrata
Bali
Buddha
Dharma
Hari-Hara
Java (island)
Kakawin
Ken Angrok
Krtangara
Kublai Khan
Majapahit (city)
Nagarakrtagama
Raden Wijaya
Rama
Ramayana
Rta
Saivism
Siva
The Pararaton
The Singhasari Dynasty
Tripaksa
Vaisnavism
Visnu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/358901/Majapahit-empire
http://www.indo.com/indonesia/history.html
http://www.indonesianhistory.info/map/majapahit.html
http://www.lonelyplanet.com/indonesia/history#150733
http://vedicempire.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=94&Itemid=1

Article written by: Jordan Born (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

e. The Upanisads

Chandogya Upanisad

     The Upanisads are a collection of texts, initially oral, that were written down by one or more editors. Scholars suggest the Chandogya was one of the earliest Upanisads produced, written around the 6th century BCE (Olivelle 1996: xxxii). The Upanisads along with The Vedas, Brahmanas, and Aranyakas constitute what is considered sruti, or divinely revealed texts, by most Hindus. The Samaveda is a collection of texts to be sung by Udgatr priests, while doing soma sacrifices. The Chandogya Upanisad is an attempt to find the, “cosmic and ritual correspondence of the Saman” (Olivelle 1996: 95). The Saman is the Samaveda hymn of the soma ritual. The Chandogya Upanisad has been very influential in establishing Hindu cosmology and represents, according to some Hinduism scholars, “the transition from the archaic ritualism of the Veda into new religious ideas and institutions” (Olivelle 1996: xxiii). In general, what differentiates the Upanisads from other sruti texts are attempts to reveal the hidden truths of the rituals and chants of the Vedas (Olivelle 1996: Lii).

There are many different hidden truths revealed in the Chandogya Upanisad, but no other passage has seemed to be more influential than the story of Uddalaka and his son Svetaketu (Chandogya 6. 1-16). Svetaketu attended school in his youth learning the Vedas but came back seemingly unable to grasp the hidden meanings of the Vedas according to his father Uddalaka (Singh 45). Uddalaka taught Svetaketu that the true self, Atman, is like the water in a river, a river could be polluted, dry up, or flow into the sea. The river is just a form that water takes, and river is simply the name given to that form of water. However, the water is still water no matter what form it takes, even if it is in a cloud, a raindrop, or an ocean. Just like the water in the river, the self transfers to different bodies and can be polluted by worldly distractions, ultimately it is still the inner self (Singh 47). Uddalaka told his son to put a lump of salt into a container full of water (Chandogya 6. 13). The next day Uddalaka asked Svetaketu to retrieve the salt, but it was gone. Uddalaka asked his son to taste the water in many different places, it was salty everywhere. Uddalaka taught his son the salt was like Atman. One cannot see the salt, but it is there, it is everywhere. This helped Svetaketu, who is able to eventually realize his true self and is ultimately able to liberate himself from samsaric existence, attaining what Hindus call moksa.

The other philosophical concept often paired with Atman is Brahman, the ultimate reality of everything material. Atman is essentially Brahman, what this means is that the true self is Brahman. Brahman is the infinitely pervasive true nature of everything. Brahman is everywhere, and constitutes all aspects of the universe. [A clear explanation of Brahman occurs in the Mundaka Upanisad, “Brahman alone here extends to the east; Brahman, to the west; it alone to the south, to the north, it alone extends above and below; it is Brahman alone that extends over the whole universe, up to its widest extent” (Olivelle 1996: 274).]

The fact that Brahman has this pervasive nature has led some scholars to consider the philosophy of the Upanisads to be considered pantheistic because god, “is both the universe as unified totality and something one in the same, appropriately regarded as divine, existing as the inner core of everything. And this whole and shared essence are said to be somehow identical” (Sprigge 192). In contrast, Gods in western religions are seen to be superior to people, separate, and the creators of everything except for themselves (Sprigge 193). In this way western religions are dualistic, gods and humans are separate entities. On the other hand pantheistic theologies, like those contained in the Upanisads, are considered non-dualistic in that god, or Brahman, is all encompassing. While pantheism is an effective concept that can be used to understand the philosophy of the Chandogya, it should be noted that not all Hindu philosophies are considered pantheist.

The story of Uddalaka and Svetaketu is an example of an important feature of the Chandogya. It shows the literary technique often used in the Chandogya to convey messages, where a teacher, or guru, instructs a student, or sisya. However, a guru is not a teacher in the way westerners might think. A guru is: a spiritual instructor, an analyst, a fatherly figure, sometimes even seen as semi-divine (Mlecko 34). Ultimately, the main focus of a guru is to transmit the most fundamental spiritual meanings of Hinduism to their student. Gurus are often considered crucial to the attainment of spiritual goals and realizations for anyone (Mlecko 34). The necessity of a guru in attaining holy information is seen in the Chandogya 4. 7-15, when Indra, a god, and Virochana, a demon, visit Prajapati. Both Indra and Virochana initially spend thirty-two years learning about Atman with Prajapati, a great guru. Both god and demon leave after thirty-two years believing they understood Atman. Upon further reflection Indra realized he needed more time with his guru, and he ended up spending a total of one hundred and one years with his guru. Indra was constantly reworking his understandings of Atman. Ultimately, because Indra spent more time learning the spiritual necessities from Prajapati he received a much fuller understanding of Atman then his demon counterpart Virochana.

                       In the Chandogya 1.3.6-7, another idea is created that helps set the cosmological foundations of the varna, or class, system. This passage says that all things are made of three essential bits: brilliance, water and food and this relationship can be seen throughout the world. For example fire has these three elements, the brilliance is associated with the flames. The smoke is associated with water, or steam. The food is associated with the firewood. This relationship extends to all things in the cosmos, including the classes. The Brahmins associated with brilliance, heaven and flames; the Ksatriyas associated with water, clouds and steam; the Vaisyas associated with wood, food and agricultural labour (Lincoln 129). People who have had their consciousness altered by the same cosmic understanding are trained to accept this understanding in all of its occurrences (Lincoln 139). In this sense, the cosmology outlined in the Chandogya has agency because to this day the text still has an effect on how Hindu society arranges itself into the varna system.

It is also important to note, along with the Bhagavad Gita and the Badarayana Sutra, the Upanisads were fundamental in establishing what is known as Vedanta philosophy (Hiriyanna 151). Vedanta literally means, “end of the Vedas” (Hiriyanna 151), and refers to the final portion of the Vedas, the Upanisads. However, the meaning of Vedanta has changed over time, now the term is synonymous with the general conclusions of the Vedas (Hiriyana 151). Vedanta has many different interpretations of the same influential texts, consequently 3 major Vedanta philosophies arose: Samkara’s Advaita, Ramanuja’s Visistadvaita, and Madvha’s Dvaita (Hiriyana 152). These philosophies have different cosmological understandings because each of them had a different interpretation of the same foundational texts.

         The Chandyoga is a very influential text, partly because of its ability to articulate the nature of Brahman and Atman. Scholars have studied the meanings associated with the Chandogya vigorously. For a long time in western countries, the philosophy contained in the Chandogya has often been over represented essentially as the philosophy of Hinduism. While there is no doubt that the Chandogya is one of the most influential philosophical texts, the Hindu religion is much too vast and variable to be considered having one fundamental philosophy.

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Hiriyana, M. (1949) The Essentials of Indian Philosophy. London: George Allen and Unwin.

 

Kunst, Arnold (1976) “Indeterminism Versus Determinism: The Seventh Prapathaka of the Chandogya Upanisad.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No. 1: 67-72.

 

Lincoln, Bruce (2006) “How to Read a Religious Text: Reflections of Some Passages of the Chandogya Upanisad.” History of Religions, Vol. 46, No. 2 (November): 127-139.

 

Mlecko, Joel D. (1982) “The Guru in the Hindu Tradition.” Numen, Vol. 29, No. 1 (July): 33-61.

 

Olivelle, Patrick (1996) Upanisads. New York: Oxford University Press.

 

Olivelle, Patrick (1996)“Dharmaskandhaaḥ and Brahmasaṃsthaḥ: A Study of Chandogya Upaniṣad 2.23.1.” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 116 No. 2 (April): 205-219.

 

Olivelle, Patrick (1999) “Young Svetaketu: A Literary Study of an Upanisadic Story.” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 119 No. 1 (January): 46-70.

 

Singh, Balbir (1983) The Philosophy of Upanishads. New Jersey: Humanities Press.

 

Sprigge, T.L.S. (1997) “Pantheism.” The Monist, Vol. 80 No. 2 (April): 191-217.

 

List if Terms for Future Exploration

Saman

Samaveda

Soma

Udgitha

Udgatr

Om

High Chant

Atman

Brahman

Pantheism

Vedanta

Uddalaka

Svetaketu

Guru

Sisya

Varna

Brahmin

Ksatriya

Vaisya

Sruti

Aranyakas

Brahmanas

Vedas

 

List of Helpful Websites

http://www.swamij.com/upanishad-chandogya.htm

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/sbe01/index.htm

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/sacredscripts/hinduism/upanishads/chandogya.asp

http://hinduism.about.com/od/scripturesepics/a/main_upanishads.htm

http://www.hindupedia.com/en/Main_Page

http://www.mahavidya.ca/

 

Article written by Brendan Bloomfield (March 2013) who is solely responsible for this content.

 

 

 

Sarasvati

Sarasvati (River and Goddess)

 

Sarasvati, a Hindu goddess, is the embodiment of the Sarasvati River and can be thought of as one of the earlier feminine deities worshipped in Vedic culture. Not to be confused with the idea that she simply personifies the river, the Hindu belief is that the manifestation of the river is simply one part of her true being and there is a connection between this river and the transcended being of a goddess (Kinsley 57). This connection is what truly makes these places of worship holy and auspicious.

The river’s true location is a disputed issue between many scholars due to various forms of evidence, each pointing to separate regions. A popular theory which is supported by satellite imagery and archeological digs identifies the river as the one that is thought to have sustained the Indus Valley Civilization before having dried up in most parts of the desert (Kalyanaraman 2). Recent scientific attempts to place the exact location of this river have led to the distinct possibility of the Markanda River being a part of the Sarasvati River as well [More in depth maps for the candidate locations, see Kshetrimayum and Bajpai]. Along the banks of this river a great civilization is believed to have once thrived and historical finds show many settlements dotting this area. The evidence shows that this river had dried up in roughly 1500 BCE (Kalyanaraman 3). The commonly agreed upon theory of its disappearance relies on the findings of two major events that are believed to have caused this. The first major event was the Yamuna River pushing the Sarasvati River towards the Ganges River in roughly 3000 BCE while the second major event saw the Satadru River join the Indus River in roughly 2000 BCE (Kalyanaraman 5). These two events diverted the water source from the Sarasvati River causing it to gradually dry up. A massive migration ensued for the civilization having them spread out across modern day India.

Stemming from her ties with the river, Sarasvati is the patron goddess of learning, knowledge, arts (poetry and music), and science (McLeish 1). She is called upon by libraries, schools, and by those that need to create. Later as Hinduism evolved, she began to represent more of patronage towards speech through the development of mythology (Kinsley 59). She is typically found in most art forms to be an extremely beautiful woman with four arms seated on a white lotus, a white swan, or on the edge of a river bank. In her four arms she holds four objects that represent her patronage, though the exact objects may differ slightly between each representation [Commonly a book, a musical instrument, jewelry, and a pen are seen] (McLeish 1). Sarasvati is praised for nourishing the land with her waters and is prayed to by those who seek knowledge, wealth, children, and nourishment themselves. Additionally, her ties with the river make her into a being that purifies and cleanses her believers (Kinsley 11). A holiday is celebrated in her honor in the early spring (fifth day of Magha) by a puja. Hindus take this time to worship the goddess and worship her associated artifacts (books, pens, musical instruments, beads). Pictures and artwork are also hung up along buildings and walls to celebrate the day (Kinsley 64).

Sarasvati’s mythological history is spread out over the Mahabharata Epic and many of the Puranas. The epics also attempt to give reason for the disappearance of the great river attributing it to the non Dharmic actions of a cannibalistic aboriginal tribe called the Nisadas. This tribe is said to play host to all sorts of thieves, hunters, and other inauspicious vermin. In the tale, due to their actions and their failure to regard the Vedas as holy, Sarasvati decides to descend into the sands so that they cannot know her benefits [Ludvik explores the idea of the goddess moving herself for her followers further] (Ludvik 99). In one version of the creation myth, she is created by the deity Brahma from a stream of water from his side. Her beauty enters into this myth as a reason for the many faces of Brahma. According to the myth, Brahma cannot keep his eyes off of her and as she moves around him he grows his other four faces to watch her (McLeish 1). In other creation myths she has been tied to one of Krsna’s forms assigned to learning and knowledge or to be the tongue of Visnu once again showing her relation to creativity (Kinsley 58).

Stone sculpture of the goddess of learning Sarasvati, holding the Vedas, a lotus, a waterpot, and prayer beads, 12th century, from Pallu, Rajasthan, Delhi National Museum
Stone sculpture of the goddess of learning Sarasvati, holding the Vedas, a lotus, a waterpot, and prayer beads, 12th century, from Pallu, Rajasthan, Delhi National Museum

Early worship practices seem to be focused mainly on the bounty that this river provided or to the power and ferocity of its floodwaters. The river is written about in a mixture of fear and respect. It is said to be capable of destroying the mountains with its power and flooding the plains (Kinsley 10). This river is spoken about in the Rg Veda as one of the most powerful bodies of water and comes heavily praised in so much that it has given scholars difficulties at times to distinguish whether the praise is intended for the river or the goddess herself (Kinsley 10-11). So much so was the admiration of her great power that it was said that the source of her waters flowed from the heavens themselves which is now thought to have had certain ties to the Milky Way. It is thought that perhaps the Sanskrit word for the “Milky Way” might very well have been Sarasvati [Witzel looks into the reason why most other heavenly bodies were described in Vedic texts but such a large heavenly body could not possibly be overlooked] (Witzel 222-226).

Sarasvati is mentioned throughout the Veda Samhitas but is mainly praised in the Rg Veda though her heavy ties to sacrificial rites also have her mentioned in the Yajur Veda as well. She is invoked into ceremonies typically for the purpose of purifying the process as her powerful association with water might suggest (Kinsley 11). The river that she embodies is seen as a holy site and the Rg Veda makes mention of the banks of the river as being one of the holiest places to perform these sacrifices (Ludvik 14). She is sometimes associated with a male counterpart by the name of Sarasvant, a river god, who is typically only referred to during sacrificial ceremonies. His exact nature is relatively unexplored but offerings are also made to him during these rituals (Ludvik 11). Her ties to speech make her a crucial deity in the performing of these rituals since Hindu beliefs consider the recitation of a mantra to be the equivalent of summoning a deity to your presence. Along with speech she also represents the idea of thought itself through knowledge, an integral part of speaking to the gods (Kinsley 59).

Since Sarasvati is seen as such an early emerging deity, it is only natural that she become the mold for later goddesses that will appear. River goddesses that can be seen as later versions of Sarasvati may include Ganga and Jumna (Kinsley 56). Though it may be noted as Hinduism progresses and evolves, her association with the river becomes less distinct and she takes on a role much more fitting to her patron status rather than her status as a river goddess (Kinsley 57).

Artwork that Sarasvati inspired also evolved over time and she is accepted to be one of the most culturally influential goddesses for the art that she inspired. An early prototype image for the goddess or even possibly an image of the goddess herself appears as early as 200 BCE at a Buddhist site. This figure carries much of the iconic symbols that are now associated with the goddess [Ludvik discusses this further with more emphasis on the relevance to the time period] (Ludvik 227-229).

 

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Foulston, Lynn (2009) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Portland: Sussex Academic Press.

 

Ghosh, Niranjan (1939) Sarasvati in India art and literature. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.

 

Kalyanaraman, S (1997) Sarasvati River. Chennai: Sarasvati Sindhu Research Centre.

 

Kinsley, David (1987) Hindu Goddesses. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

 

Kshetrimayum, K. S. and Bajpai, V. N. (2011) Establishment of Missing Stream Link between the Markanda River and the Vedic Saraswati River in Haryana, India Geoelectrical Resistivity Approach. Current Science 100 #11 (June): 1719-1724.

 

Ludvik, Catherine (2007) Sarasvati: Riverine Goddess of Knowledge: from the Manuscript carrying Vina-player to the Weapon-wielding Defender of the Dharma. Boston: Brill’s Indological Library.

 

McLeish, Kenneth (1996) Sarasvati Bloomsbury Dictionary of Myth. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Ltd.

 

Witzel, Michael (1984) Sur le chemin du ciel. Leiden: Institut Kern.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Indus Valley Civilization

Sarasvant

Ganges

Rg Veda

Yajurveda

Nisadas

Ganga

Jumna

Brahma

Sarasvati Puja

Magha

Mahabharata

Krsna

Visnu

 

 

 

 

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

 

http://www.saisathyasai.com/india_hinduism_gods_goddesses/saraswati.shtml

 

http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/asia/m/marble_relief_figure_of_sarasv.aspx

 

http://hinduism.about.com/od/hindugoddesses/p/saraswati.htm

 

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/523994/Sarasvati

 

http://www.stephen-knapp.com/recent_research_on_the_sarasvati_river.htm

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saraswati

 

http://journeyingtothegoddess.wordpress.com/2012/01/31/goddess-sarasvati/

 

http://www.asia.si.edu/devi/fulldevi/deviCat48.htm

 

http://www.harekrsna.com/philosophy/associates/demigods/sarasvati.htm

 

Article written by William Beninger (April 2012) who is solely responsible for its content.