All posts by hrodrigues

Gender Issues

Women’s Roles in Hinduism

Women have fought for their status and role in communities, religions, and the nation for years. And women in Hinduism are no different. Women traditionally would live the life of a mother and a wife following the footsteps of their ancestors. Women’s roles were laid out in Hindu law books such as the Dharma-Sastras, however basic rules in the Laws of Manu (200 C.E.) lays out how a women or wife should behave in the household and towards her husband. Nevertheless women’s roles have evolved over time and women are going against the social norm of their tradition and even their way of life.

Hinduism is a complex religion and unlike many western religions it is also a way of life. Family is very important in Hinduism and as keeper of the household women play an important role in the tradition. Women are revealed in the sacred scriptures as presenting a duality of being benevolent and malevolent exposing her with great contrasting powers. “In times of prosperity she indeed is Laksmi, [goddess of wealth] who bestows prosperity in the homes of men; and in times of misfortune, she herself becomes the goddess of misfortune, and brings about ruin” (see Wadley 113) Because of this changing power that a women possesses it is rational that man should want to control this mysterious power. Then, perhaps it may have been interpreted that women should remain stagnate, running the household, rearing the children, and participate in religious rituals as an assistant to their husband.

It is the female’s role as a wife to bear her husband’s children and educate them in their traditional practices. To maintain there dominance over the women men have their wives maintain the home and the family that he has made and provided for. The female’s prakrti,(nature), is like the soil where the male plants his seed to grow into “conjoined images”.(see Wadley 115 for in depth description). And therefore “the male controls the female; that Nature is controlled by Culture”(Wadley 115-116). Culture or society controls nature as it is motivated to change and evolve just as the man tries to control the women. Prior to marriage the female is regulated by her father and then when she is married she is controlled by her husband. During the marriage the wife must then be truly devoted to her husband and it is believed that she is able to transfer her natural female power to the husband for daily rituals and caring for his family.

Daily roles and activities of the wife involve more then just caring for the household; they also involve religious rituals. Although, only Brahman men can do the Vedic rituals women still play an important role in devotional rituals. The wives of Brahmin priests can act as assistants to their husbands on ritual occasions because there are no scriptural sanctions against such female ritual behavior. Many Hindu scriptures say women are to be honored, “religious deeds are said to be useless if women are not honored and cherished” (Pinkham 190). So, in a small village in North India, “women instigate and participate in twenty-one of the thirty-three annual rites…[and] dominate nine of the twenty-one annual rites” (Wadley 123). Although women have developed a stronger religious status they are still considered dangerous to men; whether it is because their inner power or another reason we cannot be certain and therefore they are accepted as active participants in the Vedic rituals.

Hindu women’s traditional roles in the household in India have changed a great deal over the past fifty or even hundred years. Western countries have had an influence on these changes. Scholars traveling to India are wanting to learn and study the Indian Hindu culture. And, therefore they have written many articles and books on the sacred scriptures including reviews on the Vedas and other religious scriptures that were once restricted from women. Because of the these reviews a new age has come and has been recognized by the world bring scholars from all over the world. The ongoing reconstruction of the social status of women has brought about many new changes in, “Education, health measures, rural and industrial welfare schemes, problems of early marriage, purdah, the positions of widows, women’s franchise rights, and the representation of women in governing bodies” (Pinkham 191).

The schools now allow young women to learn the Vedas and sacred scriptures that were formally restricted to only men of a certain class/caste. With this new revelation many people have spoke out saying, “No society can prosper without education for its women. By treating women as the lowest caste, …. you don’t raise them to a level of vidya shakti [educated power], they will end up being avidya shakti [ignorant power]”(Pechilis 77). Due to this modification of women roles in society infant mortality has reduced with better health measures. Young girls will are no longer forced to marry before they hit puberty, and widows are able to re-marry. Although there is more men then women being born in India the change in women’s status as independent women in governing bodies is expected bring a change to this as well.

To most women these changes seem radical and the feel that they are disrespecting their tradition. By accepting the changes as a new improvement to their past traditions they can keep their traditional values as well as become revolutionalized. Many women have accepted the lifestyles of their ancestors as the social norm. Many women have stepped out of the norm and made a difference in their village, society, and their country giving other women everywhere someone the look up to and follow in their leadership. The life of asceticism is now not only a part of coming of age for a man but women are more commonly choosing this lifestyle as well. An example of this growth and leadership is evident through the rise of the female guru.

Female guru’s are not traditionally accepted and the social norm in Hinduism. “The most radical challenge of the female gurus is not directed toward the received guru tradition but rather the received social expectations” (Pechilis 6). For instance, many female gurus are or were married that are some that have not been married which has created some conflict with their families who want them to adopt the traditional role of a women to be a wife and mother. Instead they live an ascetic lifestyle and do not try to define the difference between female or male gurus. Both are trying to attain the same goal, and gender does not affect how they come to their attainment. However, “[a]ll of the female gurus are associated with the Goddess through the concept of shakti, for they, like the Goddess, are paramount embodiments of shakti”(Pechilis 8). Female gurus are, for the most part, understood and accepted by their followers. The work they do with the people teaching and connecting with their students, illustrates the growing influence of women in Hinduism.

Although change has challenged the idea of the proper wife who remains under her husband’s control, change has also brought about many beneficiary factors. Women are much more able think and act independently should they choose to. They may better educate themselves not only in the religious texts, such as the Vedas, but in social inclement and activities as well. Women have a choice between becoming a wife who obeys her husband’s wishes and or “the Mother, the goddess who epitomizes the dual character of the Hindu female”(Wadley 124). Although most Hindu women will probably continue to follow their tradition and be a proper wife change has created possibilities for those women who want a different lifestyle involving religious power or as a business women, for example, should they choose it. The opportunity for change is among us all should we choose it. “women as [a] mother in Hindu thought controls others and becomes the Hindu woman in control of herself”(Wadley 125)

Bibliography

Pechilis, Karen (2004) The Graceful guru: Hindu female gurus in India and the United States. New York; Toronto: Oxford University Press

Pinkham, Mildred Worth (1967) Women in the sacred scriptures of Hinduism. New York: AMS press

Wadley, Susan S.(1977) “Women and Hindu Tradition.” Signs, Vol. 3, No. 1; Chicago: University of Chicago Press

References and Further Recommended Readings

Bose, Mandarins (2000) Faces of the feminine in ancient, medieval, and modern India. New York: Oxford University Press.

Chitgopekar, Nilima (2002) Invoking goddesses: gender politics in Indian religion. New Delhi: Shakti Books.

Denton, Lynn Teskey (2004) Female ascetics in Hinduism. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Desai, Usha & Goodall, Sallyann (1995) “Hindu Women Talk Out.” Agenda: No. 25; Agenda Feminist Media.

Hiltebeitel, Alf & Erndl, Kathleen (2002) Is the goddess a feminist?: the politics of South Asian goddesses. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

King, Ursula (1987) World Religions, Women and Education. Comparative Education: Vol. 3, No. 1; Taylor & Francis. Ltd.

Sarkar, Tanika (2003) Hindu wife, Hindu nation: community, religion, and cultural nationalism. New Delhi: Permanent Black.

Sered, Susan Starr (1990) “Women, Religion, and Modernization: Tradition and Transformation among Elderly Jews in Israel.” American Anthropologist: Vol. 92, No. 2.

Sharma, Arvind (2002) Women in Indian religions. Toronto: Oxford University Press

Related Topics

Women and Indian History

Women and Religious aspects and India

Hindu women and social conditions

Women in Hinduism and India

India and religious life and customs

Monastic and Religious life in Hinduism

Women and Rituals

Women’s Roles

Goddesses

Goddess Laksmi

Prakrti

Related Websites

http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2001.00687.x

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduwomen.asp

http://hinduism.iskcon.com/practice/703.htm

http://www.hinduwisdom.info/Women_in_Hinduism.htm

http://www.experiencefestival.com/a/Hinduism_and_Women/id/54155

http://www.religiousconsultation.org/liberation.htm

Article written by Jara Van Ham (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

f. The Gupta Empire

The Gupta Dynasty (2)

The Classical period of Hinduism or what is often referred to as the Golden Age of Hinduism, saw the rise and fall of the Gupta Dynasty which reigned from 320-500 C.E. This empire ruled in Northern India and was concentrated around Pataliputra which is currently Patna. This was also the capital city of the Mauryan Dynasty which among other dynasties ruled northern India before the Gupta Dynasty. According to scholars the exact geographical and familial origins of the rulers of the Gupta Empire are largely unknown (Gupta 1). Some sources infer from the name Gupta that they belonged to the vaishya caste while others believe them to be Brahmin (Thapar 282). The three best known rulers of this time period are Chandragupta I, his son Samudragupta, and his youngest son Chandragupta II (Heitzman & Worden). They were all victorious in unifying the people of Northern India which spurred the expansion of Hinduism. Chandragupta I began his reign by gaining control of the Magadha region at the local level and expanding from there (Basham 46). His marriage to Mahadevi Kumaradevi who was a member of the powerful and wealthy Licchavi lineage also helped him secure his kingdom (Gupta 1). Samudragupta and his kingdom were able to defeat many rivals and expand their territory to the west and south; he was known for his skills in battle (Gupta 2).

The time period of the Gupta Dynasty is often referred to as the “Golden Age” of Hinduism or the Classical Period. Some attribute this partly to Samudragupta and his love of the arts. He is said to have been a poet and musician and often assembled literary scholars at his kingdom (Gupta 2). When Chandragupta II came to succession, there were many threats being made to the kingdom. One of the best known plays composed in this time period was about how Chadragupta II came to be king. The Devi- Chandraguptam tells the rather mysterious tale of how Chandragupta, the son of Samudragupta came to succession. Apparently after the death of Samudragupta, Rama Gupta (Chandragupta’s older brother) was the decided heir to the throne. When Rama Gupta was defeated by the Sakas he decided to give up his wife Dhruvadevi as a trade. Chandragupta thought this was despicable so he concealed himself under the disguise of the Dhruvadevi and killed the king of the Sakas (Thapar 285). He then went on to kill his brother Rama who was furious with him, and in the end he married Dhruvadevi. Chandragupta is well known for spearheading the annexation of western India which resulted from the triumphant attack against the Sakas (Basham 46). He was able to consolidate the empire and once again bring harmony and unification back to Northern India (Gupta 3). The Gupta’s were eventually overthrown by the Hunas (or White Huns) in 500 C.E (Heitzmen & Worden). The relative peace and harmony created by these rulers allowed for an atmosphere that was conducive to innovation and the bringing together of people culturally and religiously.

The cultural advances that occurred during the Gupta period can be seen in literary sources, language, art, architecture and the building of temples. There were also scientific advancements in areas such as mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. The Gupta Empire reigned during a time of great economic prosperity from domestic and foreign trade of spices, textiles, ivory, stone, and much more (Basham 47). Sanskrit became more developed and was the language of religion, the courts, scholars and science, and poetry. Many of the most important Hindu texts and scriptures were composed in Sanskrit. One of the best-known Indian playwrights also flourished during this time, his name was Kalidasa. He was known for his beautiful and exemplary use of Classical Sanskrit language and literature. Among his most famous pieces are the drama Shakuntla, Raghuvamsa and Kumarasambhava two of his Mahakavyas, and the poem Meghaduta (www.esamskriti.com). Some of the more famous literary works of the time were the Puranas, and the plays Kamudi-Mahotsava and Devi-Chandraguptam (discussed above).

The Puranas are a broad collection and mixture of history and myths dealing with bhakti. Visnu, one of the great gods in the Hindu tradition is described in the Puranas. Visnu is said to have ten incarnations or avataras, one of which was the boar or Varaha. The myth tells of how Varaha defeats a demon and rescues the Earth Goddess from the cosmic ocean where she was being held hostage. The boar incarnation (Varaha) was widely worshipped by the kings of the Gupta Dynasty (Rodrigues 308). Early Hindu art and architecture largely inspired the evolution of art around the world. Temples began to be constructed from brick and stone rather than wood making them more durable. The Northern and Southern style of temple architecture was born during this time as well. This was a very prosperous time rich with cultural advancement and harmony for the people of northern India.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Basham, A.L. (1975) A Cultural History of India. London: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, Lal Parmeshwari (1991) The Golden Age: Gupta Art – Empire, Province and Influence. Bombay: Marg Publications.

Heitzmen, James & Worden, Robert (1995) India: A Country Study. Washington: Library of Congress.

Rodrigues, H. (2006) Hinduism: The Ebook an Online Introduction. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Thapar, Romila (2003) Early India: From The Origins to AD 1300. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

The Classical Age 320-750. Retrieved April 3, 2008 from www.esamskriti.com.

Written by Krista Tittlemier (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Ayurveda

Ayurvedic Concepts of Health and Illness

Ayurveda, or “the science of life,” is heavily influenced by the Sankhya school of philosophy, most notably through the concepts of purusa (pure consciousness) and prakrti (nature or materiality) (Mishra 482; Rodrigues 123). In this model, prakrti creates all materiality out of her three qualities, or gunas (Gopinath 105; Rodrigues 123):

  • Sattva, which is bright and pure,
  • Rajas, which is mobile and stimulating,
  • Tamas, which is heavy and dull.

The gunas recombine in various proportions to form the 23 elements that make up the manifest universe (Rodrigues 123). Important to concepts of physiology in Ayurveda are the five gross elements (mahabhutas), which combine to form the body’s 7 dhatus (tissues) and 3 dosas (humors) (Prioreschi 238; Rodrigues 124). It is the equilibrium between the dhatus, dosas, and their waste products, malas, which determines good health, while stress to this equilibrium causes disease.

Pancabhutas

Dated back to the Vedas, the pancabhuta (five elements) theory suggests that all matter is composed of the five mahabhutas – prthvi, ap, tejas, vayu, and akasa (Prioreschi 238; Subbarayappa 12). Although often understood in terms of the Greek elements of earth, water, fire, air, and ether, respectively, to do so is to diminish the meaning of the Sanskrit word (Subbarayappa 12):

  • Prthvi gives mass, roughness, inertia and density, and is associated with smell and the nose.
  • Ap gives fluidity, viscosity, coldness and softness, and is associated with taste and the tongue.
  • Tejas gives hotness, dryness, sharpness, and courage, and is associated with colour and the eyes.
  • Vayu gives movement, pulsations, and the sense of lightness, and is associated with touch and the skin.
  • Akasa, which should not be equated with Ether, is an omnipresent element giving space. It is mainly associated with sound and the ears.

Interestingly, even at their most pure, each element also has the others present in it, but in smaller proportions. The interaction between these elements is the basis for the formation of the physical and physiological body (Gopinath 99 – 100).

Dhatus

The 7 permanent tissues (dhatus) that make up an organism are each composed of all five mahabhutas, but in different proportions. The dhatus include rasa (the essence of digested food, basically lymph and chyle), rakta (blood, which is rasa coloured red), mamsa (flesh), meda (fat), asthi (bone), majja (bone marrow), and sukra (reproductive essence, or sperm) (I.P. Singh 121; Prioreschi 256; Vir 414).

Tri-dosa/tri-dhatu

While the physical body is composed of the 7 dhatus, its physiological functioning depends on the 3 dosas, or troubles (Prioreschi 259). Each person has two sources of dosas. The first is inherited, and is termed dosa prakrti (R.H. Singh, 131). This represents the individual’s normal proportion of the dosas, which also determines the physical, physiological and mental characteristics of that person (Gopinath 80; I.P. Singh 120). Physical characteristics include strength, eating and bowel habits, and skin, hair and eye colour (Gopinath 80). While dosa prakrti does not change over time, the dosas obtained from food do fluctuate, depending on the type of food ingested, as well as the climate, geography, age and emotional state of the individual (I. P. Singh, 120). The three dosas are vata (wind), pitta (bile), and kapha (phlegm), but again, our translations do not carry the full meaning of these words, and a more descriptive explanation is necessary (Subbarayappa 17).

Vata has a high proportion of vayu and akasa, and is regarded as the regulatory dosa, governing all metabolic activity and the movement of the other two dosa (Gopinath 100, 104; I.P. Singh 120). It is responsible for excretion, voluntary actions, all mental and motor activity, respiration, circulation, and enthusiasm (Subbarayappa 17; Gopinath 104; Mishra 484). The mental characteristics associated with vata include cowardliness, grief, ungratefulness and humbleness (Gopinath 80). A decrease in vata results in sluggish movements and speech, while an increase results in twitches, pain, and sleep loss (Susruta 159, 163). Diseases resulting from irregular vata, which is aggravated by excessive exercise, bitter tastes, and the cold, include dwarfism, insomnia and paralysis (Govindan 31). There are five forms of vata: prana, udana, samana, vyana, and apana (Prioreschi 259; Susruta 156-7).

Pitta is mainly composed of tejas/agni and is regarded as the excitatory dosa, responsible for catabolism (breaking things down) and producing heat (Gopinath 104; I.P. Singh 120). It is thus responsible for digestion, tissue metabolism and vision, as well as boldness, arrogance, energy, and forbearance (Subbarayappa 17; Gopinath 80, 104; Mishra 484). A decrease in pitta is felt in low body temperature and digestion, while an increase results in a liking for cold, loss of strength, and fainting (Susruta 159, 163). Pitta is aggravated by anger, heat and pungent, sour or hot foods, while diseases include fever, jaundice, herpes and bad breath (Govindan 33). Again, there are five forms: aloca, karanjaka, sadhaka, bhrajaka, and pacaka (Prioreschi 250; Susruta 156-7).

Kapha has a high proportion of ap and prthvi (Gopinath 100). Contrary to pitta, it is an inhibitory dosa, responsible for anabolic activity and the maintenance of cellular and intracellular structures and the body’s internal environment (I.P. Singh 120; Gopinath 104; Mishra 484). In essence, it is responsible for strength and stability of the body as well as the mental states associated with strength, such as courage, knowledge, vitality and zest, but also devotion, faithfulness and forgiveness (Subbarayappa 17; Gopinath 80; Mishra 484). Symptoms of decreased kapha include thirst and loss of sleep, while the opposite results in coldness, drowsiness and stiffness (Susruta 159, 163). Diseases include anorexia, obesity, goiter, and lethargy, which stem from laziness, sweet and sour foods, and wheat products (Govindan 34). The five forms are kledaka, avalambaka, tarpaka, bodhaka, and slesmaka.

Mala

Mala, or excreta, are those elements that are formed from the different dhatus. While these include more obvious excretions such as urine and sweat, the dosas are also produced as byproducts of certain tissues (I.P. Singh 121).

Relationship between the dosas, dhatus and malas

Each of the 7 dhatus, except for semen, has three components – its own essence, a mala, and the essence of the next, more pure substance:

  • Rakta is purified from rasa, whose mala is kapha.
  • Mamsa is purified from rakta, whose mala is pitta.
  • Meda is purified from mamsa, whose malas are excretions of the orifices.
  • Asthi is purified from meda, whose mala is sweat.
  • Majji is purified from asthi, whose malas are hair and nails.
  • Sukra is purified from majji, whose malas are feces and skin.
  • Sukra is the purest of the dhatus; it produces no malas and no other dhatu is purified from it.

It should be noted that both pitta and kapha are formed as waste products, but there is no mention of vata production. It is actually formed based on the proportion of food to agni (digestive agent). There also seems to be a grey area between dosa, dhatu and mala. In essence, dhatus are substances that help in the normal functioning of the body, dosas are those that disturb the normal functioning, and malas are those that cause imbalance in the normal state. This means that a dhatu can become a dosa or a mala when in an abnormal state, and a dosa or a mala is a dhatu in its normal state (I.P. Singh 122).

Kriyakala

Dosas and malas are transported through the body by a system of channels, or nadi (R.H. Singh 149). If these channels become blocked by an excess or stagnation of malas, the elements cannot flow freely, causing further stagnation and disease (R.H. Singh 149). Thus, early diagnosis and intervention is a fundamental philosophy in Ayurveda. There are six stages to the pathogenesis of disease (satkriyakala), each of which mark opportune times for intervention (R.H. Singh 135):

  • Sancaya is the buildup of dosas in their normal sites – vata in the bones, pitta in the blood, kapha in the lymph and muscles (Gopinath 104). Symptoms felt at this stage are those of the increased dosa, not of any disease.
  • Prakopa is aggravation (usually called vitiation) of the dosas. At this point the dosas become abnormal, but the damage is still reversible.
  • Prasara is the spread of the vitiated dosas outside their normal sites. Unless the causative agent is removed immediately, this is usually the point where pathogenesis becomes irreversible.
  • Sthanasamsraya is the localization of the vitiated dosas to a weak site in the body. This allows the vitiated dosa to interact with the surrounding dhatus, which produces symptoms of a disease for the first time.
  • Vyakti is the stage where the disease manifests itself fully. The exact disease depends upon which dosa is vitiated, with which dhatu it is interacting, and to what extent they are mixing.
  • Bheda is the final stage of disease progression, where the disease is mostly diagnosed by its complications. Treatment of this chronic disease includes dealing with both the main disease and its complications.

There are a variety of different ways to relieve symptoms of disease. These include bloodletting, the use of drugs, and eating foods that either increase or decrease the vitiated dosa (Susruta 134, 355) [See R.H. Singh pages 148-155, Susruta, and Govindan for information about treatments].


References and Related Readings

Gopinath, B.G. (2001) “Foundational Ideas of Ayurveda.” In Subbarayappa, B. V. (Ed) History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization (Vol IV Part 2) (pp 59-107). New Delhi: Bhuvan Chandel.

Govindan, S.V. (2003) Fundamental Maxims of Ayurveda. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.

Mishra, S.K. (2001) “Ayurveda, Unani and Siddha Systems: An Overview and their Present Status.” In Subbarayappa, B. V. (Ed) History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization (Vol. IV Part 2) (pp 479-516). New Delhi: Bhuvan Chandel.

Prioreschi, Plinio (1991) A History of Medicine: Volume 1 Primitive and Ancient Medicine. Queenston: The Edwin Mellen Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Introducing Hinduism. New York: Routledge.

Singh, I.P. (2001) “The Concept of Sarira (Human Body).” In Subbarayappa, B. V. (Ed) History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization (Vol. IV Part 2) (pp 108-125). New Delhi: Bhuvan Chandel.

Singh, R.H. (2001) “Kayacikitsa (Internal Medicine).” In Subbarayappa, B. V. (Ed) History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization (Vol. IV Part 2) (pp 128-156). New Delhi: Bhuvan Chandel.

Subbarayappa, B. V. (2001) “A Perspective.” In Subbarayappa, B. V. (Ed) History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization (Vol. IV Part 2) (pp 1-38). New Delhi: Bhuvan Chandel.

Sustra (1999) Susruta Samhita (Vol. 1) (Priya Vrat Sharma, Trans. and Ed.). Varanasi: Chaukhambha Visvabharati.

Vir, Kaviraj Dharam (2000) “Utility of Ayurveda in the Programme of Health for All After 2000 AD.” In Vaidya Banwari Lal Guar and Vaidya Santosh Kumar Sharma (Eds) Researches in Ayurveda: Past & Present (pp. 413-420). Jaipur: Sheetal Offset Printers.


Related Topics for Further Investigation

Atharvaveda
Cakra
Caraka Samhita
Dasa Vidha Pariksa (tenfold examination)
Guna
Karma in Ayurveda
Kaumarabhrtya
Kayacikitsa
Kundalini
Marma
Pancabhuta
Prakrti
Purusa
Rasa
Rasayana
Salakya
Sankhya
Sarira
Susruta Samhita
Therepeutic approaches
Vaisesika
Vedic medicine
Yoga

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ayurveda
http://www.ayurvedicscience.com/clinic_intropage.htm
http://www.webmd.com/balance/tc/ayurveda-topic-overview
http://www.holisticonline.com/ayurveda/ayv_home.htm
http://indianmedicine.nic.in/ayurveda.asp
http://www.schoolsgalore.com/categories/1/ayurveda_schools.html
http://www.ayurveda.com/
http://hinduism.about.com/od/ayurveda/p/ayurveda.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Panchakarma
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_36_tattvas


Written by LeeAnna Tavernini (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

e. Other Sects, Gender Issues, Hinduism and Sexuality

The Hijras

I hope to send “through the thickets of our separateness” the very human voices of individuals who seem, at first glance, very different from most people, exotic, perhaps even bizarre, but who share in our common humanity (Nanda 1999:xxi).

The hijras are a religious community of men who dress and act like women and whose culture centers on the worship of Bahuchara Mata, one of the many versions of the Mother Goddess worshiped throughout India (Nanda 1999:ix). There are many myths, legends, rituals, religious roles and themes in Hinduism which entertain the notion of “sexually ambiguous or dual gender manifestations” (Nanda 1999:20).

A true hijra is born intersex, that is, an individual displaying both male and female sexual characteristics and organs. While being intersex is rare, true hijras are also considered individuals that have had an emasculation operation, referred to as nirvana (cessation of rebirth) by hijras. During this operation, their genitals are removed to “become vehicles of the Mother Goddess’s power” (Nanda 1999:25). The emasculation ritual is considered a rite of passage for hijras as they are reborn from an impotent male into a hijra, an individual endowed with sakti (power).

In India, the emasculation operation is illegal, but it is still performed secretly in spite of potential urological consequences and operative mortality [Master and Santucci (2003) report on a case of male genital self-mutilation in America related to the desire to become a hijra]. A hijra, called a dai ma (midwife), performs the operation. The dai ma has no medical training, but believes that Bahuchara Mata gives them the power to perform the operation. Bahuchara Mata’s blessing is always sought prior to the operation by way of a puja (devotional worship). In addition, positive omens are sought after. For instance, the dai ma breaks a coconut; if it breaks evenly in half, the operation can take place, and if it breaks unevenly, the operation will be postponed (Nanda 1999:27).

The relationship between hijras, emasculation and Bahuchara Mata is told in the following legend of the origin of Bahuchara Mata’s worship.

Bahuchara was a pretty, young maiden in a party of travelers passing through the forest in Gujarat. The party was attacked by thieves, and, fearing that they would outrage her modesty, Bahuchara drew her dagger and cut off her breast, offering it to the outlaws in place of her virtue. This act, and her ensuing death, led to Bahuchara’s deification and the practice of self-mutilation and sexual abstinence by her devotees to secure her favour (Nanda 1999:25).

Hijras also refer to Indian epic literature in order to legitimize their existence and to gain respect in Indian society. From the Ramayana, hijras often allude to the following story.

In the time of the Ramayana, Rama fought with the demon Ravana and went to Sri Lanka to bring his wife, Sita, back to India. Before this, his father commanded Rama to leave Ayodhya [his native city] and go into the forest for 14 years. As he went, the whole city followed him because they loved him so. As Rama came to the banks of the river at the edge of the forest, he turned to the people and said, ‘Ladies and gents, please wipe your tears and go away.’ But those people who were not men and not women did not know what to do. So they stayed there because Rama did not ask them to go. They remained there 14 years and when Rama returned from Lanka he found those people there, all meditating. And so they were blessed by Rama (Nanda 1999:13).

Within the Mahabharata, hijras point to the following story involving Arjuna as the story of their origin.

Yudhisthira, one of the Pandava brothers, is seduced by his enemies into a game of dice in which the stake is that the defeated party should go with his brothers into exile for 12 years and remain incognito for the 13th year. The Pandavas lose and go into exile as required. When the 13th year comes around, Yudhisthira asks Arjuna what disguise he will take up for the 13th year in order to remain undiscovered. Arjuna answers that he will hide himself in the guise of a eunuch and serve the ladies of the court. He describes how he will spend the year, wearing white conch shell bangles, braiding his hair like a woman, dressing in female attire, engaging in menial works in the inner apartments of the queens, and teaching the women of the court singing and dancing (Nanda 1999:30) [See Lal (1999) for more accounts on the mythic dimensions of hijra origin stories].

Just as Arjuna participated in births and weddings as a eunuch (castrated man), hijras fulfill their traditional ritual roles by dancing and singing at auspicious occasions and by “conferring blessings of fertility on newborn males and on newlyweds” (Nanda 1999:5). In the process of conferring blessings in the name of Bahuchara Mata, hijras are able to give what they do not have, that is, “the power of creating new life, of having many sons, and of carrying on the continuity of [the] family line” (Nanda 1999:3). The faith in the powers of the hijras rests on the Hindu belief in sakti (Nanda 1999:5).

In addition to having the power to bless, hijras are also known to have the power to curse. If hijras feel that they have not been compensated (badhai) fully for their performance their audiences may face some extremely outrageous behaviour. The effectiveness of extortion through public shaming by hijras is legendary (Nanda 1999:49) [See Hall (1997) for a discussion on hijras and their use of insults].

As in Indian society, a hierarchical system is also evident in hijra communities. The relationships of gurus (teachers) and chelas (disciples) not only support social and family needs, but economic needs as well. In order to become part of a hijra community, one must be sponsored by a guru and a dand (fee) must be paid. For the most part, hijras live together in a household that is run by a particular guru. They are expected to contribute part or all of their earnings to the household as well as assist with household chores. In return they get a roof over their heads, food, protection from the police, and a place to carry on their business, whether this is performing, begging, or prostitution (Nanda 1999:39).

In addition to hijra households, hijras are also organized into seven houses, which are in essence symbolic descent groups. For each house within a region there is a leader called a naik (chief). These leaders get together in a jamat (meeting of the elders – modeled after the Muslim jamat) when there are new initiations as well as important decisions to be made, such as, “sanctioning hijras who violate community rules” (Nanda 1999:40). One of the most important norms in every hijra commune is honesty with respect to property (Nanda 1999:40) [Bockrath (2003) further explores the code and structure that hijras adhere to].

Considering hijras are unable to reproduce they engage in various patterns of recruitment in order to sustain their lineage. For instance, parents themselves may give a child to the hijras (especially one that is intersex), or upon growing up, individuals themselves may join the hijras, or in rare cases hijras may claim an intersex child as their right [Agrawal (1997) analyzes various recruitment practices of hijras as discussed in colonial literature].

As mentioned above, in addition to performing at auspicious occasions, hijras also earn a living by begging or prostitution [See Reddy (2003) for a discussion regarding hijras rapidly gaining visibility in contemporary Indian politics]. Hijras who earn a living performing at births and weddings are the elite of their community (Nanda 1992:10). Unfortunately the opportunities for these traditional ritual roles are declining, especially in light of the family planning programs the Indian government has been supporting, as such hijras have been required to find other means to support themselves. Hijras commonly view themselves as samnyasins (renouncers) since they have renounced all sexual desire and family life, and as such a second traditional and public occupation of hijras is that of asking for alms either from passersby on the streets or, more commonly, from shopkeepers (Nanda 1999:50).

Prostitution has also become a means of supporting hijras even though it contravenes the cultural ideal of the hijra as a samnyasin and it goes against the wishes of the hijra Mother Goddess, who is herself celibate (Nanda 1999:53). Hijras who are forced into prostitution as a way to earn a living are not only looked down upon by Indian society in general, but by their own hijra community as well. As one of the most marginalized groups in Indian society, “whether as performers or as prostitutes, hijras have effectively adapted to the society that surrounds them” (Nanda 1999:54), and in effect, they have created a place for themselves and will continue to survive as they fight to legitimize their existence and to gain respect [Bakshi (2004) further explores the possibilities and limits of the gendered performances that hijras undertake, including ritualistic and religious aspects].

References and Further Recommended Reading

Agrawal, Anuja (1997) “Gendered Bodies: The Case of the ‘Third Gender’ in India.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 31, no. 2, 273-297.

Bakshi, Sandeep (2004) “A Comparative Analysis of Hijras and Drag Queens: The Subversive Possibilities and Limits of Parading Effeminacy and Negotiating Masculinity.” Journal of Homosexuality 46, no. 3, 211-223.

Boccia, Maria (1995) “Physical Sex and Psychological Gender: Neither Man nor Woman, The Hijras of India.” Journal of Developing Societies 11, no. 2 (December): 276-278.

Bockrath, Joseph T. (2003) “Bhartia Hijro Ka Dharma: The Code of India’s Hijra.” Legal Studies Forum 27, 83-95.

Cohen, Lawrence (1995) “The Pleasures of Castration: The Postoperative Status of Hijras, Jankhas and Academics.” In Abramson, Paul & Pinkerton, Steven (Eds.), Sexual Nature, Sexual Culture. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Hall, Kira (1997) “’Go Suck Your Husband’s Sugarcane!’ Hijras and the Use of Sexual Insult.” Queerly Phrased: Language, Gender & Sexuality 430-460.

Hall, Kira & O’Donovan, Veronica (1996) “Shifting Gender Positions Among Hindi-Speaking Hijras.” In Bergvall, Victoria L., Bing, Janet M. & Freed, Alice F. (Eds.), Rethinking Language and Gender Research: Theory and Practice. London: Longman.

Khemka, Anita (2006) “Munna Guru: Portrait of a Eunuch.” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 7, 2.

Lal, Vinay (1999) “Not This, Not That: The Hijras of India and the Cultural Politics of Sexuality.” Social Text 61, 17, no. 4, 119-140.

Master, Viraj & Santucci, Richard (2003) “An American Hijra: A Report of a Case of Genital Self-Mutilation to Become India’s ‘Third Sex’.” Urology 62, no. 3 (December): 1121.

Nanda, Serena (1984) “The Hijras of India: A Preliminary Report.” Medicine and Law 3, no. 1 (January): 59-75.

Nanda, Serena (1992) “Third Gender: Hijra Community in India.” Manushi: A Journal About Women and Society 72 (September): 9-16.

Nanda, Serena (1999) Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijras of India. Toronto: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

Ould, Patricia J. (2003) “Passing in India.” The Gay & Lesbian Review (May-June): 27-28.

Reddy, Gayatri (2003) “’Men’ Who Would Be Kings: Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of Hijras in Contemporary Indian Politics.” Social Research 70, no. 1, 163-200.

Towle, Evan B. & Morgan, Lynn M. (2002) “Romancing the Transgender Native: Rethinking the Use of the ‘Third Gender’ Concept.” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 8, no. 4, 469-497.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Bahuchara Mata

Intersex

Emasculation

Nirvana

Sakti

Puja

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Arjuna

Eunuch

Auspicious

Badhai

Gurus

Chelas

Jamat

Commune

Samnyasins

Alms

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.pbase.com/maciekda/hijras

http://www.thewe.cc/contents/more/archive/aruvani.html

http://www.glbtq.com/social-sciences/hijras.html

http://www.librarygirl.org/portfolio/hijra/hijras.html

Article written by: Brooke Somers (April 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

b. Vedic Deities, Deities and Entities

Indra (God of Thunder and Lightning)

 In Hindu mythology, the god Indra “is viewed as the king of all the gods to whom most of the Vedic hymns are dedicated” (Jansen 66), and is regarded as the god of the Aryan people. Indra’s name is unlike most of the other Vedic gods, and does not have any particular connection with a natural phenomenon. For this reason, it is possible that Indra could have been an actual historic figure, a leader of the Aryan people who after the defeat of the indigenous people of India was deified (Embree 17).

Indra: The Vedic God of Thunder and Lightning with his distinctive horizontal third eye (Bronze masterpiece, Patan Museum, Nepal).

The god Indra has come to take on many meanings in Indian culture. Indra is not only viewed as the king of the Vedic gods, but is widely recognized by most Sanskrit specialists and comparative mythologers as a god of the sky, the god of storms and lightning. Indra is viewed as the “personification of the thunderstorm” (Embree 17), with his weapon being a bolt of lightning.He is regarded secondly as the god of battles (the warrior-god), the protector of human beings, whose power and rule are directly connected to the life of mankind (Perry 125). Furthermore, he has come to represent the god cried out to for protection by men rushing into deadly combat (Embree 17).

In the Rg Veda, the most important deeds of Indra are celebrated. Among these deeds the most prominent is Indra’s fight against the evil spirits of the air, the demoniac rain stealers who are thought to have stopped the rain from reaching the earth. In the Vedas, Indra is viewed as the unconquerable hero and warrior, who is the defender of Aryan worshippers against their non-Aryan enemies. In India thunderstorms holds high significance, especially in Northern India among the gigantic mountains where rain is eagerly prayed for because of its beneficial effects. Rain/water in the Vedic thought was believed to be the highest heaven, thus signifying the importance of Indra among the Aryan people (Perry 133 – 134).

In the Vedas, Indra is closely associated to soma, an intoxicating plant that causes hallucinations. Soma was the primary ingredient used in Vedic rituals, and offerings of soma are often associated with Indra’s character, which is often depicted as a drunken brawler. Various myths and legends have developed about Indra and his complex character. One of the most important is the story of him slaying Vrtra, a demon, the great enemy, who is often thought of as a dragon (Embree 17 -18, 21). Vrtra is viewed as the arch-demon among the rain-stealers (Perry 134). It is said when the earth dried up, Indra was offered the intoxicating soma plant. Under the influence of the plant, Indra fought against the demon drought, Vrtra (Jansen 66). Vrtra shut off the waters and the sun, imprisoning them in caves in the cloud-mountains. However, “commissioned by the gods to set the waters free” Indra appears on the scene (Perry 134). After a fierce battle, Indra was able to expel Vrtra with his weapons of thunder (vajra) and lightning. Thus releasing the life-giving forces, and saving the earth and all its inhabitants. From this myth it can also be gathered that Indra has come to represent the force against spirits of darkness. When Indra conquered the rain-hiding demons he also expelled the spirits who concealed the light. The black storm clouds that had once concealed the light of heaven where driven away by Indra, thus the heavenly radiance once again shone on earth (Perry 139). Many interpretations of this myth have arisen. It is suggested that the battle between Indra and Vrtra represents the renewal of the year, the ending of winter or the beginning of the monsoons. Other possibilities suggest it represents the conflict that arose between the Aryans and the Indus Valley civilization. However, in another sense it can stand for the chaos brought by Vrtra, “upon which Indra imposes form and order” (Embree 18).

Various deities appear in the Rg Veda, however, among these deities Indra and Agni (God of Fire) have the most hymns dedicated to them, each receiving around 200. This suggests their importance and status among the Aryans (Rodrigues 26). While Indra is above all viewed as the god of victory in battle, he also plays a role for women. At a first glance this might seem irrelevant since women do not take part in battle, however, there are some isolated verses in the Rg Veda that provide some evidence that Indra played a role in women’s lives. In epic literature, Indra is not only a god of battles but can also be viewed as a god of fertility, who can bestow children on women (Hopkins 242- 243). Within the wedding hymn, expectations and hopes of what Indra was suppose to do for newly married women appear. Verse 10.85.45 in the wedding hymns says, “You, O generous Indra, make this one rich in sons and fortune! Bestow ten sons upon her, make her husband the eleventh!” (Sohnen 68). As a God Indra, has the capacity to help a woman become pregnant and is an example of one of the “gods who can assure the birth of a male child” (Hopkins 244). Since women’s positions within the family deal largely with the number of sons she bears it can be concluded that women may have addressed the wish to bear a son to Indra. The Apala-hymn (RV 8.91.4) suggests another connection between Indra and women. The verse states “(I ask) whether he will be able (to do it), whether he will (really) do it, whether he will make us more happy and prosperous; whether we who are disliked by our husbands will, through Indra, come together with them” (Sohnen 68). This particular verse demonstrates women’s wishes directed to Indra to help them become desirable and attractive to their husbands, to help create bliss between them and their husbands, along with helping them to bear sons by their husband (Sohnen 70).

Iconographically, Indra has been represented in various ways. “He is not a giant of the mountains, as represented by some scholars, but rather a cosmic giant” (Hopkins 256). His greatness surpasses that of Varuna (Sky God) and encompasses the earth, the sky and beyond. He is the conception of an all-god, whose rule and will the other gods follow (Hopkins 256). Indra is sometimes viewed riding the “royal elephant, which is often depicted with three trunks and/or four tusks” (Jansen 66). Indra’s attributes include four arms, and he is often presented alongside a bolt of lightning, however, he can also be depicted with a lance, sword, bow and arrow, spear, and a net and conch shell. However, this is not always how Indra is depicted; he can also be represented with two arms, with eyes covering his entire body (Jansen 66).

Over time Indra’s position weakened, and he became the “king of only the lesser gods and the lord of heaven (svarga) where the gods dwell” (Jansen 66). This can often be associated with the sramana movement, which was the beginning of meditative practices in India “which began to compete with sacrificial religion” (Rodrigues 190). With the rise of Epics and Puranas, a new assortment of deities began to arise, which displaced the gods of the Vedic Samhitas and reduced their significance. However, it did not erase the worship of Vedic deities from Hindu society altogether (Rodrigues 190).

Bibliography

Embree, Ainslie T (1966) The Hindu Tradition: Readings in Oriental Thought. New York: Random House, Inc.

Hopkins, E Washburn (1916) “Indra as God of Fertility”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 36. Pp. 242 – 268.

Jansen, Eva Rudy (2004) The Book of Hindu Imagery: The Gods and their Symbols. Holland: Binkey Kok Publications BV.

Perry, Edward Delavan (1882 – 1885) “Indra in the Rig-Veda”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 11. pp. 117-208.

Rodrigues, Hillary ( 2006) Introducing Hinduism. New York & London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group.

Sohnen, Renate (1991) “Indra and Women”. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 54, No. 1. pp. 68 – 74.

Related Readings

Brown, Norman W (1942) “The Creation Myth of the Rig Veda”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 62, No. 2. pp. 85 – 98.

Buck, Harry M (Sep., 1968) “Lord Rama and the Faces of God in India”. Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 36, No. 3. pp. 229 – 241.

Chakraborty, Uma (1997) Indra and Other Vedic Deities: A Euhemeristic Study. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld.

Edgerton, Franklin (1920) “Counter-Rejoinder to Professor Fay”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 40. pp. 100 – 102.

Gonda, J (1967) “The Indra Festival According to the Atharvavedins”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.87, No. 4. pp. 413 – 429.

O’Flaherty, Wendy (Jul. – Sep., 1985) “The Case of the Stallion’s Wife: Indra and Vrsanasva in the Rg Veda and the Brahmanas”. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.105, No.3. pp. 485 – 498.

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Agni

Dyaus-pitr

Rama

Rg Veda,

Soma

Surya

Varuna

Vayu

Vedic rituals

Vritra

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic:

http://hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/vedicgods.asp

http://www.sanatansociety.org/hindu_gods_and_goddesses/indra.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indra

http://www.marvunapp.com/Appendix4/indrathor.htm

http://www.webonautics.com/mythology/indra.html

http://www.religionfacts.com/hinduism/deities/vedic_gods.htm

http://www.craftsinindia.com/indian-art-culture/indra.html

http://temples.newkerala.com/Temples-of-India/More-Hindu-Gods.html

Article written by Sara Smith (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content

Yama and Niyama

Yama and Niyama

The words yama and niyama take their origin from Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras [more specifically sutra 2:29]. They are the first two limbs of the eight-limbed (ashtanga) raja yoga which Patanjali describes [see: Saraswati 185]. Swami Satyananda Saraswati translates these two words as referring to sets of “self restraints” and “fixed rules” respectively. Farhi describes the yamas and niyamas as being “given as uncompromising, universal truths to be practiced regardless of our race, country, class, or circumstance” (2004:35). Thus the implication is that rather than being a rigid set of “do’s and don’ts”, they are instead behaviours and habits to be adopted at all times, allowing for a state of yoga (mind free of fluctuation) both on and off of a mat.

Despite being the first two limbs of raja yoga these two are often superseded during what North Americans would conceptualize as a yoga class, by pranayama and asana [which are generally taught as breathing techniques and poses, but perhaps more accurately translated as “life energy control” and “comfortable posture” ]. It should be noted that as Maehle points out, when it comes to yoga treatise, “some sources [omit the first] two limbs, the ethics.” Later on, teachers argued that they should be included, as ethics (particularly the fifth niyama) are necessary for achieving samadhi [the eighth limb] (Maehle, 212). Gates also mentions a more complimentary and interplaying role between the eight limbs, suggesting that yama and niyama are more like “spokes on a wheel [than] rungs on a ladder” (Gates et al. 6).

Unlike many religious doctrines which prescribe a set of morals, yama and niyama establish a set of guidelines. As yoga by definition is the cessation of mind fluxation, it is more relevant to understand yama and niyama as the guidelines for not causing fluxations in the minds of others or one’s self. They encourage a harmonious relationship with the atman [monistic consciousness]. Rather than serving as a litmus test for “good and bad”, they foster awareness for the karmic consequences of one’s actions.

The implication of yama and niyama as necessary and adopted disciplines is taken to a further extent by Saraswati who, in reference to bahiranga [These are limbs of yoga which are “exoteric” or of the “external element”, “practiced with objects outside, in relation to the body”. They include: yama and niyama, as well as pranayama, asana, and pratyahara (See: Saraswati 185)] says that “the preliminary part of raja yoga must be practiced in the presence of a group with whom the aspirant must live for some time. When the mind is set into a pattern, [the yogi] can go back to society and live with people” (Saraswati 186). [Please note that to avoid over-repetition, the word “yogi” is used to represent both male and female practitioners throughout this article] This is of course more in line with the traditional study of yoga under a guru.

Taking a less rigid stance, Bell refers to the yamas and niyamas as “guidelines, a framework from which we can begin a process of inquiry.” She goes on to say that “they are not commandments, nor are they intended to be followed mechanically” (Bell: 42). Later on she suggests that “the yamas and niyamas are not intended to be unbending law [but rather] life long practices” and encourages striving towards continual on-going practice, rather than sequestered mastery (Bell: 47).

While the prescribed rigor of learning yama and niyama can vary by teacher, it would be generally agreed upon that these first two limbs form what Farhi describes as “yogic precepts for ethical living” (2006: 11). Farhi goes on to make a distinction between the two stating that yamas are “constraints that [yogis] observe in relationship to the world” and niyamas are “concerned with [a yogi’s] relationship to self and how [they] live when no one else is watching”. Put succinctly, yamas provide instructions on how to be at harmony with the world and niyamas harmony with oneself.

There are 5 yamas and 5 niyamas. The first yama is ahimsa. This word comes from the Sanskrit words a (prefix meaning “not”) and himsa (“harming, injuring, killing, or doing violence”) [The etymologies of these sections are taken from Sovik 43 & 46, except where noted]. It is also commonly read-in (as it is in a host of commentaries on the yoga sutra 2:35) that ahimsa necessitates and leads to compassion towards every living being. [See Farhi 2004: 35]. While it would be easy to think of ahimsa as simply an outward behaviour, it implies a compassionate attitude towards oneself as well. For example, suicide or self-mutilation are violent acts, and show neither compassion for oneself nor those who would cope with the ramifications of them. It can be further expanded to say that ahimsa discourages other acts which are not necessarily violent, but can most definitely be harmful. Exclusion, like that of the mother-in-law whose invitation to a family event was “forgotten”, is an example of this. This act would be lacking in compassion and potentially harmful to the mother-in-law who discovers this, or the grandchild who misses the grandparent.

The second yama is satya from the Sanskrit for “that which exists or that which is,” and is commonly termed “truthfulness”. The practice of satya involves reporting and perceiving things only as they are, rather than how they relate to an ideal. Chopra describes this concept as “separating your observations from your interpretations” (Chopra 33). For example, a university student may become frustrated with a new professor whose teaching style is underdeveloped. A factual observation in this instance would be “the professor is a novice to teaching.” The insinuating interpretation is “this is a bad professor.” The student might go on to tell peers to avoid classes with that same professor because they are “bad”. This causes disharmony between the professor and potential students. Maehle notes that satya immediately follows ahimsa, placing non-violence in higher priority than truthfulness, because “we should never use truthfulness to harm or violate others” (Maehle 213). Satya inherently expresses the concept of being non-judgemental. A magazine might edit their photos. The editors have determined that a model can be more aesthetically pleasing if altered, thereby passing on the interpretation that real images are undesirable. This may cause its readers to develop negative body-image and/or eating disorders. This is not to say that truth is always more pleasant; in fact the avoidance of unpleasant truths can be even more unpleasant. A woman finds a lump in her breast but ignores it, because she can not accept the possibility she has cancer. When truths or realities are disregarded, destructive behaviours ensue.

The third yama is asteya which translates directly as “non-stealing”. Oversimplification would demand defining the act of stealing as taking something tangible which does not belong to us. Shoplifting or stealing a lunch from the fridge at work are examples of this. Other acts of theft such as plagiarism, or pirating mp3’s, where the objects stolen are less tangible, are also to be avoided. The principle of asteya can also be applied to more abstract concepts such as time or concentration. Being late for a meeting can be seen as stealing time from other attendees. Dominating a conversation, or interrupting someone who is speaking, or reading, or meditating, can also be perceived as acts of theft, as they consume their victims’ mental energies.

The fourth and quite possibly most debated yama is bramacharya. Sovik loosely translates bramacharya as “moderating the senses and walking in God-consciousness.” Usually associated with sexuality, the controversy of this yama can be seen in Sovik’s complete absence of direct references to sexuality in his translation. Farhi avoids both divine and sexual inferences using instead “moderation in all our actions” (2006: 94). [Chopra provides some possible etymology as thus: brahman (“unity consciousness”) and achara (“pathway”), or charya (“grazing”) (Chopra 34)]

When it is considered that the yoga sutras are believed to be but a compilation of practices divinely revealed to the risis, many of whom had several wives and children, it could be construed that here, brahman, refers to the consciousness (Maehle 215), and not the god. However, given that the yoga sutras were written long after the Vedic period, Patanjali might not have intended this, as he would have used the word “atman” instead.

Thus, the concept of bramacharya is translated and taught on spectrum ranging from the conservative “sexual abstinence” (Saraswati 197), to the more liberal ideas of Maehle: “Partnership is used in yoga to recognize the inherent divinity in the other. This does exclude casual sex… The yogic view of a relationship is not to consume another person like an object” (Maehle 214). The ensuing arguments are that casual sex is either: a violent act, or a theft act. As a violent act one partner perceives more of an emotional involvement, and is left hurt when that is found to be untrue. As a theft act, both partners are distracting each other from the true nature of each partner involved. Perhaps they just need friendship, or have problems with intimacy because of a previous violent act. Either way it is very taboo. It is perhaps easier to evaluate the practice of this yama by first using the first three to evaluate potential actions of a more intimate nature.

The final yama is aparigraha. This word comes from graha (“to grasp”), and
pari (“things”). Thus, aparigraha can be said to be “not grasping things” or being “non-possessive”, or practising “non-attachment”. As a matter of necessity, yoga aims for liberation (moksa). A mind which harbours attachment or possessiveness to an object (or person for that matter) is on some level chained to it, whether through the need to protect it, or a dependency on it. The mind becomes distracted by the need to own material objects, or exert some form of dominance over others. This yama encourages generosity and material minimalism. Saraswati tells of some yogis who “do not even touch fire and have only one set of clothes. They do not stay in one place. Their mind is so free and relaxed and they are always ready to do any duty anywhere” (Saraswati 199). Sannyasis (renunciates) can be said to be masters of non-attachment.

The first niyama is sauca or which means “purification” or “cleanliness”. It refers to a number of techniques such as sat karmas (cleansing actions) used to keep the body clean. It necessitates the eating of proper foods (those which are natural and pure) and thinking proper thoughts (achieved by being selective about what one allows the mind to be exposed to). We are constantly taking in things around us, whether in the form of air, nourishment, or sensory stimuli. As certain foods can alter the mood (coffee, chocolate, excess sugars, etc.), a balanced diet is encouraged to avoid these mood-swings. Some yogic schools of thought prescribe a vegan diet, for example. Selectively choosing which movies we see, music we listen to, and conversations we engage in, can also help avoid mental imbalance. For example, violent films or hateful music can encourage violent behaviours or prejudice. An argument can cause us to lose sight of the way someone is naturally, and cause us to see them as an enemy, or opposing force.

The second niyama is santosa or (from the Sanskrit “contentment, delight, happiness, joy”). It can be thought of as closely associated with aparigraha. It is practiced by simply accepting one’s true self, and one’s status in the world (Sovik 46). For example, a sudra who is trying to act as a ksatriya is not accepting their status in the world. They are attached to a caste which is not theirs, and thus not able to be content with their role in the world. A person expecting to return to work right away after a major surgery might not be content with their status as a patient. Santosa is not merely seeing the glass as half-full, it is reacting to even an empty glass as enjoyable, the need to walk to the water cooler to refill it as enjoyable, and the availability of water as enjoyable, even if there is an insect in it. It is the acceptance of mistakes made in the past without self-hatred or self-judgement. It is the abolition of desire to be wealthier, smarter, stronger, or more powerful. It is the apex of equanimity with the good and bad that life delivers.

The third niyama is tapas (“heat”). It refers to the heat that builds during a concerted effort. (Sovik 46) It is also thought of as encouraging austerity. There are going to be challenges and distractions that arise to one’s practice of yoga. Tapas is the resilience to remain dedicated to one’s practice regardless of adversity. It is the key ethical tool used to build sadhana. [Sadhana is the “program” one makes for spiritual development. It varies by individual. It consists of any practice, ritual, rite, or study undertaken with moksa (liberation) as the intent.] Tapas is expressed in the adage, “if at first you don’t succeed, try, try again”.

The fourth niyama is svadhyaya. Maehle points out that according to Vyasa it is chanting Om and moksa sastra [reading scripture to do with liberation] (Maehle 217). Sovik takes a more relaxed approach, saying that reading any literature which encourages or inspires one to develop spiritually is svadhyaya (Sovik 46). It is the removal of samskaras and separation from asmita [Asmita is the “I” or the perception “self” created through the samskaras (psychic lenses/citta vrttis), which separate the aspirant/yogi from the atman]. It is the primary focus of jnana yogis [Jnana yoga is the study of knowledge, more specifically, knowledge which is of a transcendental or divine nature]. It is the study of what remains after all elements of ego are removed.

The final niyama is isvara pranidhana. Isvara refers to “the divine” whether in the form of the nirguna brahman (universal consciousness), or any other deity (Maehle 217). Pranidhana literally means “to surrender” (Sovik 46). This surrender does not refer to some kind of submission to the cosmos, but rather, the active giving of permission to oneself to be present in the universe; to be aware of, and part of a greater whole. It is the acceptance that there is a higher power which is not completely independent of the yogi. Lastly, it is the devotion of all action (and thought) to that higher power. Patanjali points out that practice of this niyama is necessary to achieve samadhi, as it defines the end goal of sadhana (sutra 1:29).

References and Further Recommended Reading

Bell, Charlotte and Rolf Sovik (March/April 2008). “The Forgotten Teachings – Patanjali’s 10 Steps to a Happier Life.” Yoga and Joyful Living, [100], 40-47

Chopra, Deepak, and David Simon (2004) The Seven Spiritual Laws of Yoga. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Farhi, Donna (2004) Bringing Yoga to Life. San Francisco: Harper-Collins Publishers

Farhi, Donna (2006) Teaching Yoga. Berkeley: Rodmell Press

Gates, Rolf et al. (2002) Meditations from the Mat – Daily Reflections on the Path of Yoga. New York: Anchor Books.

Maehle, Gregor (2006) Ashtanga Yoga – Practice and Philosophy. Novato, California: New World Library

Swami Satyananda Sawaswati (1976) Four Chapters on Freedom. Munger, Bihar, India: Yoga Publications Trust

Recommended Readings

Any number of commentaries on Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras.


Related Topics

Purusha Pramana

Vritti Parinama

Dharmi Raja Yoga

Bihar Yoga Jnana Yoga

Satayanda Yoga Ekagrata

Ahankara Tattva

Asrama

Useful Websites

www.dharmi.com

www.yogavision.net

http://www.swamij.com/yoga-sutras.htm

Article written by Michael Smith (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Modern Hinduism in the Diaspora

Hindu Diaspora (Western Canada)

The Hindu diaspora in western Canada can be traced back to the migration of South Asians during the early nineteen hundreds. The earliest known Hindu immigrants were a small group of Punjabi men that arrived in British Columbia between 1900 and 1908 (Botting and Coward 35). Upon their arrival the immigrants were granted full British citizenship by the federal government which enabled them to vote and aided their ability to find work. This was significant as the first immigrants had left their homeland and families in search of work to provide funds to purchase farmland in Asia (Ibid. 36). With this intention the early immigrants had only planned to stay in Canada temporarily. However, within a few years the initial plan changed as the temporary settlements the first immigrants had built in Canada became permanent.

By 1907 the population of south Asian immigrants had grown substantially. The men had started to use their income to bring their wives and children permanently from south Asia to British Columbia and had begun to create their own lives in Canada. As the population of immigrants grew the Anglo Saxon inhabitants began to perceive them as a threat. The Anglo Saxons came to believe that the south Asians would overwhelm their population due to the immigrants cultural and religious diversity and began to pursue a means to ban south Asian women from entering the country. The Anglo Saxon population believed that if the south Asian women were denied entry to Canada the men would have no way to start a family and set down roots (Gupta 61). The Anglo Saxon inhabitants started to raise their concerns nationwide through newspapers, petitions, and rallies. The issue drew to the forefront in 1907 when the federal government voted in favor of revoking all the British citizenships they had granted to south Asian immigrants (Ibid. 60).

By 1908, the provincial government had followed suit by suspending the right of all south Asian immigrants to vote in municipal and provincial elections. At the same time, the provincial government denied the same immigrants the ability to serve as school trustees, on juries, in public service, holding jobs resulting from public work contracts, purchasing crown timber, as well as practicing the professions of law or pharmacy (Botting and Coward 36). However, this was not enough for the Anglo Saxon inhabitants as the immigration of south Asians had yet to be deterred. Later in the year, the demands of the Anglo Saxon community were met with the immigration policy known as the continuous journey stipulation which required immigrants to purchase a ticket from one’s country of origin through to Canada (Ibid). At that point there were no shipping companies with the capability to cover both the Indian-Hong Kong and Hong Kong-Canadian portions of the trip making the purchase of a continuous ticket impossible. The continuous journey stipulation succeeded in cutting off the immigration of south Asians for decades to come.

In 1919 amendments were made to the immigration policy in an effort to allow legitimate wives and children to join their husbands and fathers in British Columbia (Ibid. 37). The Canadian government demanded that the legitimacy of the wives and children be proven by certificates of marriage or birth. However since no formal records of such a nature were retained by the south Asian governments prior to 1924 only a minority of women were able to immigrate on these grounds. As a result, between 1920 and 1940 only 144 women and 188 children arrived in Canada leaving the south Asian immigrant population in British Columbia static until 1950 (Gupta 61). South Asian immigrants were not openly welcomed into Canada again until the 1960’s when Canada experienced a shortage of qualified professionals and blue collar workers. In response the first large group of Hindus immigrated to Canada from the north Indian province of Uttar Pradesh. This initial movement started a new wave of Hindu immigrants to Canada from former British colonies. Over the next decade Hindu professionals immigrated mainly from East Africa, South Africa, Fiji, Mauritius, and Guyana; while a number of blue collar workers came from Trinidad (Buchignani 212).

The current problems faced within the Hindu diaspora in Canada no longer center on immigration issues but on the retainment of the traditional practices of the Hindu religion itself. By 1991 the Canadian census stated that the Hindu population in Canada had risen to 157,010, of which the greatest concentrations were found in greater metropolitan Toronto and Vancouver (Botting and Coward 35). The majority of the population in the two centers were separated into two distinct age categories, below the age of 15 or between the ages of 25 and 44. With these demographics the diasporic family structure has become different from the traditional structures found in south Asia. Conventionally the grandparents and parents would share the role of educating the children in the customs and traditions associated with the Hindu tradition. In the Canadian diaspora grandparents usually do not live with the family (if they even reside in the same country as their family) which has left a rift in the religious education of the younger generations (Ibid. 45). The second and third generations of Hindu immigrants in Canada have three primary sources for the attainment of education surrounding their traditional languages, culture, and religious knowledge. The first of which is their immediate family, the second is their participation in heritage and cultural programs, and thirdly on trips to India (Pearson 438). As heritage and cultural programs are not widely popular and trips to India are not always possible, Hinduism in the diaspora has come to rely heavily on the family home devotions of its followers as well as the guidance of the guru to transmit the religion to younger generations.

In India the guru plays a pivotal role within the Hindu tradition. The guru was given the responsibility of interpreting the scriptures for the community. As Hinduism places an emphasis on the sacred experience rather then the sacred text, the guru became a driving force for the movement. The guru allowed for the continuation and adaptation of the tradition within the growing postmodern world (Botting and Coward 41).

As many Hindus are involved in Canada’s fast paced culture, time constraints have affected their ability to fully carryout daily devotional practices. In order to provide the worshiper with the ability to carry out their daily devotions family gurus have simplified the devotional practices. One new aspect of devotional worship known as the guru-mantra was brought about to replace the traditional practice of chanting Sanskrit texts (Botting and Coward 44). As the younger generations have not had the chance to memorized sacred texts and languages the same way their parents had, gurus have replaced this with the practice of chanting the guru-mantra 108 times 2 to 3 times a day (Ibid. 46). The institution of the guru-mantra has proven to be effective in Canada however it does raise questions regarding the simplification of the tradition. With such dependence on the guru one may find Canada’s future form of Hinduism to more closely resemble that of India except with a greater dependence on the priestly cast (Botting and Coward 46). It has also been argued that without the second and third generations learning the sacred languages and texts as deeply as their parents they may have lost their ability to see the importance of the devotional lifestyle outside of Hinduism’s major rituals such as naming, marriage, and death (Pearson 430). However, it is important to note that the third generation has exhibited the most interest in rediscovering and restoring the practices of their grandparents (Botting and Coward 38).

While individual practices held within Hinduism have been more easily carried over in the Canadian diaspora public rites have not. One such case can be found in the Hindu death rite. Often Hindu communities in Canada do not have their own temple equipped with the means to carry out such a ritual to the standards of law (Ibid. 42). In Canada family and friends of the deceased are often forced to perform the death ritual at a funeral home with the necessary facilities for cremation. At the start, an invocation to Visnu may be offered followed by a mantra from the Upanisad. Next ghee will be placed on the body, a drop of water will be put in the mouth, and flowers are offered while the body is being placed in to the casket. Funeral homes in Canada will not allow for the eldest son to fully perform the havan as it requires offerings to be made to the fire God Agni who bears the dead to the eternal realm. However, the mantras for the havan are said even if the fire offering is unable to be made (Ibid. 42). The funeral pyre has become the cremation furnace which requires a mechanical lift to place the body into the furnace. In India the family and friends of the deceased would have traditionally placed the body on top of the pyre. As the furnace has its own ignition mechanism the ghee no longer plays a role in the actual ignition of the pyre. The restructuring of the death ritual to fit Canadian standard’s has left it abstract, removed from the mourners, and at a loss for its great symbolic and theological meaning (Ibid. 43). In an effort to reclaim some of the portions of the death ritual lost when it is held in a funeral home Hindu communities in western Canada are building their own crematoriums to allow them the ability to properly carry out the ritual (Ibid. 44).

Within the last century the Hindu diaspora in Canada has evolved to fit its ever changing environment overcoming political and social pressures to find its place in the fabric of Canada. With the movement currently in its third and fourth generations removed from its initial immigrants, its ongoing success in Canada will center on the traditions ability to reach individuals and families in a meaningful way while maintaining the sacrality of the tradition. The continued growth of the movement will also depend on the tradition’s ability to maintain the interest of its younger generations with the threat of secularization and consumerization in Canada.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Albanese, Catherine L. (1999) America: Religions and Religion. California: Wadsworth Publishing Company

Bennett, Lynn (1983) Dangerous Wives and Sacred Sisters: Social and Symbolic Roles of High-caste Women in Nepal. New York: Columbia University Press.

Botting, Heather. Coward, Harold. “The Hindu Diaspora in Western Canada.” Rukmani, T. S. (Edited) (2001) Hindu Diaspora: Global Perspectives. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Buchignani, N. (1977) A Review of the Historical and Sociological Literature on East Indians in Canada. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 9: 1.

Choquette, Diane. (1985) New Religious Movemetns in the United States and Canada: A Critical Assessment and Annotated Bibliography. Connecticut: Greenwood Press.

Gupta, T.D. (1994) Political Economy of Gender, Race and Class; Looking at South Asian Immigrant Women in Canada. Canadian Ethnic Studies 26:1.

Gaustad, Edwin S. (1983) A Documentary History of Religion in America since 1865. Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.

Paranjape, Makarand. (2001) In Diaspora: Theories, Histories, Texts. New Delhi: Indialog Publications Pvt. Ltd.

Pearson, Anne E. “Mothers and Daughters: The Transmission of Religious Practice and the Formation of Hindu Identity among Hindu Immigrant Women in Ontario.” Rukmani,T. S.(Edited) (2001) Hindu Diaspora: Global Perspectives. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Richardson, Allen E. (1985) East Comes West: Asian Religions and Cultures in North America. New York: The Pilgrim Press.

Rukmani, T. S. (Edited) (2001) Hindu Diaspora: Global Perspectives. New Delhi:Munshiram Manoharlal publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Waghorne, Joanne P. (2004) Diaspora of the Gods: Modern Hindu Temples in an Urban Middle-Class World. New York: Oxford University Press.

Related topics for further investigation

Intergenerational issues

Burial and ritual ethics

Human rights

Religious Identity

Personal Identity

Transmission of Religious Practice

Evolution of religious practice

Noteworthy website related to topic

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1083220

http://www.unilu.ch/files/bib-global-hindu-diaspora.pdf

http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/2003/04/13/stories/2003041300300500.htm

http://www.montclair.edu/risa/biblio/b-intergen.html

http://www.hccanada.com/

http://www.hinduyouth.net/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism_in_Canada

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_diaspora

Article written by: Lindsey Skakum (April 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Siva

Siva (Erotic Nature)

Siva at South Indian Temple

Siva’s name has been derived from the Dravidian term for “red” and can also be translated as “auspicious” (Rodrigues 296). He is believed to have shared common characteristics with the Vedic god Rudra who was known to have a “shining exterior and a dark interior” (O’Flahertry 1969b:1). Along with sharing some characteristics with Rudra, Siva is also thought to share characteristics with the Vedic gods Indra and Agni because Indra is thought to be the phallic god of fertility and Agni is believed to be the god of heat [Agni is accurately referred to as the god of fire, however, Siva uses heat as energy therefore “heat” is used in this case to characterize Agni instead of fire (O’Flaherty 1969b:3)]. Siva is regarded as the destroyer (Clooney and Long 2). Therefore, by encompassing the features of a destroyer, Siva is identified as part of the trimurti or the Hindu Trinity [on the trimurti see Woodburne 1925. The trimurti is also comprised of Brahma (the Creator) and Visnu (the Preserver)]. As the destroyer, Siva is often depicted in images as being dressed in animal skins with long matted hair from which the goddess Ganga flows (Rodrigues 296).

According to the Puranic myths, Siva is an intense ascetic generating tremendous inner heat to the point where ash is said to be flowing through him (Rodrigues 296) [the Puranas are a composition of many “Sanskrit verses dealing with every subject under the Indian sun” (O’Flaherty 1973: 1)]. Along with having ash flow through him, Siva has been able to create tapas through his extreme yogic practices. Tapas can be defined as a potentially destructive or creative heat that can be derived through severe ascetic practices (O’Flaherty 1969a: 301)]. The Puranic myths of Siva, however, reveal that Siva in fact displays dualistic characteristics (Rodrigues 296). Along with being an ascetic, Siva is also revealed to be an erotic lover (Rodrigues 296 and O’Flaherty 1973: 5). However, since Siva is most commonly depicted as an ascetic, this article will focus on Siva as the erotic lover.

A common value in Hinduism is renouncing from all material and pleasurable things and surrendering to God (Rodrigues 155). On the other hand, begetting offspring as a householder in order to ensure that one’s lineage is carried on is also a crucial element of Hinduism. Clearly attending to both of these requirements is unattainable. Consequently, a compromise between the two has to be made and according to the Puranic myths, Siva does just that (O’Flaherty 1969a: 301).

Siva is referred to as being “ithyphallic “because he is often depicted with an erect phallus (Rodrigues 296). This erection is in fact the result of his “creative power.” Thus Siva is often worshiped by devotees in the form of the phallus (linga) (Rodrigues 296). The erect phallus typically symbolizes chastity and not eroticism because Siva is able to retain his semen. This ensures that there will be future creation. (O’Flaherty, 1969a: 311).

Siva embodies two types of heat according to O’Flaherty (1969b:5). One is tapas and the other is kama – the heat of desire [the Vedic god Agni is often personified as Kama]. Many myths about Siva are a combination of tapas and kama (O’Flaherty 1973: 90). It is said that Siva was the enemy of Kama because Kama was the opposite force of Siva. In one variation of a Puranic myth, it was said that the sage Himalaya attempted to coerce Siva to marry his daughter

Parvati, and Siva responded by saying that an ascetic, or a yogi should never come into contact with a woman because it conflicts with his chastity (O’Flaherty 1973: 141, 1969: 309). Another Purana says that in order for Siva to marry, Kama shot arrows into Siva’s heart that caused him to develop a desire for Parvati and this then lead to the many lustful feelings that Siva began to develop (O’Flaherty 1973: 145).

A very common myth surrounds Siva in the Pine Forest; however there are innumerable variations of this myth. In the Pine Forest, lived seven sages and their wives (O’Flaherty 1973: 172). Siva entered this forest naked with an erect phallus (O’Flaherty 1973: 172). There are many variations as to why Siva had entered the forest with an erect phallus, but in order to accent his eroticism, only one will be examined. It has been said that Siva entered the forest in guise of an ascetic when in fact he was truly aroused by the wives (O’Flaherty 1973: 173). O’Flaherty (1973: 173) wrote that Siva had entered the forest naked because he was not being sexually satisfied by his wife Parvati and therefore he wanted to seduce the wives. A similar version outlines that upon noticing that Siva was arousing the seven wives, the sages announced that Siva’s penis was to fall off (O’Flaherty 1973: 178). After the penis had fallen off, it began to burn everything in sight. The gods then asked Parvati to take the form of a vagina to hold the penis in place so it could be worshiped by all, and this in turn lead to the formation of the linga [for an in-depth look into the curse made upon Siva see O’Flaherty 1980]. These examples demonstrate that Siva is in fact highly erotic, and the use of the phallus is eminently prominent (O’Flaherty 1973, 1980).

Another Purana tells the myth of Siva seducing Mohini. Visnu had taken the form of a beautiful woman named Mohini in order to retrieve the soma (am intoxicating plant (Rodrigues 67)) from the demons (O’Flaherty 1973: 228). After retrieving the nectar, Visnu was approached by Siva and Parvati, and Siva had asked Visnu to show him the disguise of Mohini. Upon showing him the disguise, Siva became aroused and by embracing Mohini, his semen fell to the ground (O’Flaherty 1973: 228). It seems evident that Siva is not ashamed or withdrawn about his sexuality even with the presence of his wife.

Having an erotic god would seem like a problem because brahmacarya (celibacy) plays a large role in the lives of many Hindus [On the role that brahmacarya plays, see Rodrigues 132). It has been theorized that Siva is worshiped by Hindus all around the world because he is able to occupy contradictory roles (O’Flaherty 1973: 3). Siva is able to remain chaste in order for world creation to carry on and he is also able to play the role of the erotic lover to demonstrate that everyone has sexual urges and finding the right balance in between is the key. Even though Siva’s roles are truly contradictory, he is still seen as “whole” to his devotees (O’Flaherty1969a:301).

.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Clooney, Fred W. And J. Bruce Long (1983) “Introduction to the Religious Experience in Saiva

Thought and Literature” in Experiencing Shiva, edited by F. Clooney and J. Bruce Long,

Missouri: South Asia Books.

O’Flaherty, Wendy D. (1969a) “Asceticism and Sexuality in the Mythology of Siva: Part 1.”

History of Religions 8: 300-337.

O’Flaherty, Wendy D. (1969b) “Asceticism and Sexuality in the Mythology of Siva: Part 2.”

History of Religions 9: 1-41.

O’Flaherty, Wendy D. (1973) Siva: The Erotic Ascetic. London: Oxford University Press.

O’Flaherty, Wendy D. (1980) “Dionysus and Siva: Parallel Patterns in Two Pairs of Myths.”

History of Religions 20: 81-111.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism: The eBook. An Online Introduction. Journal of Buddhist

Ethics Online Books.

Woodburne, A.S. (1925) “The Idea of God in Hinduism” Journal of Religion 5: 52-66.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Rudra

Indra

Agni

Trimurti

Asceticism

Tapas

Linga

Kama

Pine Forest myths

Puranas

Daksa

Ithyphallic


Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.lotussculpture.com/siva1.htm

http://www.1stholistic.com/Prayer/Hindu/hol_Hindu-Shiva.htm

http://www.siamese-dream.com/page/siam1/CTGY/article-hindu-gods-shiva

http://www.religionfacts.com/hinduism/deities/shiva.htm

http://arf.noemata.net/1996-2002/575.html

http://atheism.about.com/library/world/AJ/bl_IndiaShiva.htm

http://india30.tripod.com/linga.htm

Article written by: Ashika Singh (April 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Related Topics in Yoga

Yoga and Shamanism (A Comparison)

Shamanism and Yoga are spiritual practices originally found in Siberia and India, respectively. While Shamanism is practiced in various forms world-wide, traditional Yoga is mainly found in South-East Asia. Although the practices of Shamanism and Yoga share similar qualities, they are not always considered interlinking spiritual practice. Undoubtedly, there are times when the specifics between Shamanism and Yoga become vague and unclear. In order to contrast and compare these two magical/meditational traditions, precise definitions of both terms are absolutely necessary.

Shamans are religious healers and miracle workers, who may appear to be possessed by divine spirits. They are perceived to have power within the realm of the invisible, and thus, have powers outside the mortal world of average human beings (Robinson and Rodrigues 13). Scholars often describe Shamanism as “a visionary tradition, an ancient practice of utilizing altered states of consciousness to contact the gods and spirits of the natural world” (Drury 1). It may seem natural to relate Shamans with magicians or medicine men. However, it is necessary to maintain awareness that Shamans may take on many different attributes depending on their own personal practices. One may become a Shaman through ancestral lineage (considered a “lesser”, or inferior, Shaman), or may be called upon and chosen by spirits through dream or premonition (considered a “greater”, or preferred, Shaman) (Drury 6).

In comparison, the practice of Yoga is based upon the philosophy that seeks integration of one’s true self (atman) and the Absolute (brahman), through rigorously self-disciplined psycho-physical techniques and practices (Robinson and Rodrigues 159). Generally, the term Yoga is used to describe every technique of asceticism and every method of meditation (Eliade 1975:9). A great yogi has ultimate devotion to their discipline, and certain yogis are considered “spiritual masters” (Eliade 1975:7). Yogis are self-helping spiritual beings, due to the fact that they seek liberation (moksa) through meditation. Hinduism includes the methods of several Yogic categories and techniques. In fact, all forms of Yoga are the offspring of Hindu religious practices, as documented in the Upanisads. For those who follow the Hindu tradition, the underlying goal of meditational practices is the attainment of moksa. According to the Hindu tradition, anyone may become a yogi due to the fact that it is a chosen spiritual path.

Shamanism is a world-wide phenomenon that is believed to have begun in vast regions of Siberia. It is largely practiced in small-scale tribal societies, such as the Australian Aborigines, Alaskan Eskimo society, and the Yaquis of northern Mexico (Drury, 12-17). Familiar characteristics of Shamans around the world include trance states, magical flight and contacts with spirits.
In contrast, Yoga has become somewhat of a trend in the Western World in recent years. In India, classical Yoga can be traced back as far as approximately 300 B.C.E., in portions of the Mahabharata (a major Hindu epic, with origins in India). Gradually Yoga began to spread to the rest of the world. Yoga was created by ancient Hindus with intent of providing a more concrete religious experience. It was also intended to make mystical devotion more accessible, intimate and personal in order for the masses to achieve moksa (Eliade 1969:144). Thus, the modern forms of Yoga – such as “power dance Yoga” which induces high energy cardio techniques without any meditational aspects – practiced around the world today do not pursue the same goals of moksa and spiritual knowledge as the classical forms of Yoga.

Practicing Shamanism often includes the use of sweating cabinets to stimulate extreme perspiration, magically raising body temperature (“magical heat”), mastering fire to the point of attaining insensibility of the heat from burning coals (“mastery of fire”), and producing “inner heat” (Eliade 1969:106). “Inner heat”, expressed by a “mastery over fire” and abrogation of physical laws, is fundamental for “primitive” Shamans. Hence, the “heated” Shaman can perform miracles and “create new conditions of existence in the cosmos” (Eliade 1964:412). In this regard, Prajapati (creator god depicted in the Vedas) becomes the epitome of all Shamans.
In Yoga, the parallel of this “inner heat” technique is documented in the Rg-Veda, in the concept of tapas. Tapas originally meant “extreme heat”, but evolved into a term to generally describe ascetic effort. Through tapas, the ascetic becomes almost psychic, and may even incarnate the gods. Furthermore, tapas results in a kind of magical power, creating countless illusions or miracles of the ascetics and yogis (i.e. Magical flight) (Eliade 1969:106). Pranayama (breath control) is “cosmogony in reverse” in the sense that, as oppose to the creation of new miracles, this power enables the yogi to disconnect from the world (Eliade 1964:413). Evidently, these are opposing views in regard to technical practices of Shamanism and Yoga.

In both Shamanism and Yoga, “extreme heat” is obtained by meditating close to a fire, or by retention of breath. Noteworthy to state, respiratory technique and detainment of breath were crucial components during the organization of ascetic practices, magical, mystical, and metaphysical techniques in the practices of Shamanism and Yoga. Here, the lines that differentiate Shamanism from Yoga, and vice-versa, are once again blurred.

One crucial difference between Shamanism and Yoga lies in their functionary goals. Shamanism follows an ecstatic ideology, whereas Yoga prefers an enstatic approach. The Encyclopaedia of Religion states, “A first definition of the complex phenomenon of shamanism – and perhaps the least hazardous – is that it is a technique of ecstasy” (Jones 8269). This is to say Shamans exercise a sixth-sense, if you will, in the categories of dream analysis, astrology, and spirit possession. This special power is ecstatic, meaning it refers to “out of self” practices. Shamans are thought to have the capability of moving their consciousness beyond “normal parameters.” Shamans use their ecstatic ability to communicate with multiple beings (i.e. animals, nature, deities, and spirits). They are also able to diagnose illnesses, understand and communicate the wishes of a deceased family member, and presume desires of a deity. Shamanism is characterized by its everlasting effort to reach ecstatic flight (Eliade 1964:339). Therefore, Shamans are not solely concerned with their own personal spiritual goals (Robinson and Rodrigues 262). Shamans aid, and may be commissioned by, other persons in forms of healers, psychics, and priests (Drury 1).

Yoga cannot be confused with Shamanism, or considered in any aspect as ecstatic. In effect, Yoga truly contradicts the ecstatic philosophy of Shamanism. Yoga pursues the goal of individual moksa. Yogis are continually striving to achieve absolute concentration, in order to discover their true selves (atman). The “true self” in Hinduism is the person beyond all assumptions, ego formulations, and illusions. This is to say that all classical yogis are searching for their innermost self, as understood in their metaphysical systems. Keeping in mind that “enstatic” means “standing within oneself”, Yoga is appropriately defined as such.

Evidently, Shamanism and Yoga are two distinct, yet intertwining spiritual practices. Although traditional Yoga is found mainly in South-East Asia (specifically India), traditional Shamans are found in tribal communities world-wide. Though Shamanism retains its ecstatic philosophy, while Yoga contrasts with its personal enstatic ideas, the two blend together in several ways (e.g. “inner heat” and pranayama practices). In addition, ideologies of emergence from time and abrogation of history are components that bridge the gap between the two spiritual practices we call Shamanism and Yoga (Eliade 1964:339).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Drury, Nevill (1989) the Elements of Shamanism. Dorset: Element Books Limited.

Eliade, Mircea (1975) Patanjali and Yoga. New York: Funk & Wagnalls.

_____ (1964) Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

_____ (1969) Yoga: Immortality and Freedom. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Feuerstein, Georg (1980) the philosophy of classical yoga. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

_____ (2002) the yoga tradition: its history, literature, philosophy and practice. New Delhi:

Bhavana Books

Fillozat, Jean (1991) Religion, philosophy, Yoga: a section of articles. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass Publishers.

Gupta, Madan Gopal (2000) Dictionary of Indian religions, saints, gods, goddesses, rituals, festivals and yoga systems. Agra: M.G. Publishers.

Jones, Lindsay, ed. (2005) The Encyclopaedia of Religion (second edition). Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA.

Malotki, Ekkehart (2001) Hopi stories of witchcraft, shamanism, and magic. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Osho (1998) the path of yoga: commentaries of the Yoga Sustas of Patanjali. Pune: Tao Publishing Pvt. Ltd.

Pentikäinen, Juha (1996) Shamanism and Northern Ecology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Robinson, Thomas A. and Rodrigues, Hilary (2006) World Religions: A Guide to the Essentials. Peabody: Hendrickson Publishers, Inc.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Animism

Ecstatic

Enstaticism

Moksa

Pranayama

Pratyahara

Rg-Veda

Spirit Guides

Tapas

Yama

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.books.google.ca/books?id=Yy5s2EHXFwAC&pg=PA126&lpg=PA126&dq=yoga+and+shamanism&source=web&ots=x6hYWHNMOR&sig=c9Dm8LzfKkZf4Qe0PF-Fj1BuPww&hl=en#PPA127,M1

http://www.carasands.com/Yoga%20and%20Shamanism.html

http://www.crystalinks.com/shamanism.html

http://www.deoxy.org/shaman.htm

http://www.sacred-texts.com/sha/index.htm

http://www.shamanism.com/

http://www.shamanism.org/

http://www.shamanlinks.net/

http://www.shamanism.wordpress.com/2007/10/16/yoga-and-shamanism-ecstatic-trance-postures/

http://www.swamij.com/

http://www.swamij.com/traditional-yoga.htm

http://www.yoga.com/ydc/enlighten/enlighten_category.asp?section=9&cat=134

Article written by: Jessica Schultchen (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hindu Festivals, South Indian Festivals

Attukal Pongala (South Indian Festival)

The Attukal Pongala festival is annual event where Pongala, an offering of boiled rice is made to Attukal Amma, which translates as “mother” (Jennett 2005:35). The festival has grown substantially over the years, depicting the profound meaning the festival has to women. The festival is held in Thiruvanthapuram, the capital city of Kerla, India. It is a festival of unique significance, as the devotees are all women, which within the Hindu tradition is not an abundant occurrence as Hinduism is known as a male-dominated religion and until recently there has been little research into the roles women play. This is of great value as women perform complex and intriguing rituals (Gross 68). The festival is noteworthy as women from various classes, communities and religions band together to worship the goddess (referred to as mother but who has numerous names which are used interchangeably, such as Devi, Bhagavati and Bhadrakah which respectively mean goddess, powerful supreme deity and auspicious Kali) [from this point forward the goddess will be referred to as Bhagavati]. The festival serves to bring women together as a whole, not divide them into castes and classes. This dissolving of caste distinction is noteworthy as “fifty years ago the mothers of the women who today offer Pongala could not have drunk from the same well, eaten in the same room, or even walked down the street at the same time; yet today they sit and cook for the Goddess side by side” (Jennett 2005: 43). Now women from all different walks of life perform the rituals together. The only women that are unable to participate in the ritual are those women who are menstruating. These women, as well as women who are not able to attend for other reasons, may ask a friend or family member to prepare an offering of Pongala for them (Jennett 2005:40).

The offering of Pongala to Attukal Amma is a ritual in the non-Sanskritic tradition; therefore, there are no written texts, and instead the text is song and poetry that is orally exchanged through rituals, dances, and dramas (Jennett 2005:36). The festival is held in late February to early March, during the month of Kumbham, which means earthen pot (Jennett 2005:40). The festival has grown from women performing the ritual in the fields to small shrines, to gatherings of hundreds of thousands of people (Jennett 2000:5). Pongala day is the ninth day during the ten day festival, which also coincides with a full moon. On the ninth day, the women wake early, and begin the day by pouring water on their head, in preparation for Attukal Pongala. Before the sun has even risen, the women will set three bricks in the formation of a triangle on which to later set their earthen pots (Jennett 2005:6). Women are dressed in their traditional mundu, which are two lengths of white cotton wrapped over a skirt and blouse. The cotton is preferable in comparison to the polyester variety for safety reasons, as the close quarters (2 feet separate one fire from the next) create a fire hazard (Jennett 2005:42). By the time the sun begins to rise, the streets are full of music and people. The numerous people spread for miles and miles surrounding the Attukal Temple. Many women have arrived many days earlier to ensure they find the most auspicious spots and throughout the entire festival many devotees have set up shrines for Bhagavati (Jennett 2000:7).

Living near the temple is thought to be auspicious and it is believed that the goddess will bring prosperity to those who live in her land. Many people that live within or close to the Attukal Temple kindly open their courtyards to provide family, friends and even strangers a place to cook their Pongala (Jennett 2005:14).

By midmorning the pots will begin to be filled with the necessary ingredients, such as rice, water and jaggery (unrefined sugar cane) (Jennett 2000:7). The fact that the ingredients are very cheap allows nearly any woman to participate. However, even before the barriers of castes began to fall, the upper castes would supply the women of lower castes with the supplies needed (Jennett 2005:38). Songs are continually sung and the song that is retold throughout the festival is the story of Kannaki, a woman who is betrayed by her husband and her king. There are numerous versions of the story but the deeper meaning is found through what Kannaki symbolizes, which is the “capacity of divine power in female form to bring retributive justice to those whom the law fails to protect” (Jennett 2005:44). As this song is again being recounted, the priest will begin to light some of the devotees’ fires. While this is occurring a loud speaker dictates the instructions so a mass of women devotees, who are unable to visually follow the priests actions, are able to follow in step. It is important that the women do the cooking together as it provides a sense of unity and also allows the women to band together and leave their many other daily worries behind. It is a unique day as it is one of the few days where they are not responsible for their children or husbands (Jennett 2005:42) Once the fire is lit, they wait for the water to boil. Once that water is brought to a boil the women will slowly add the rice, ensuring they do not spill and add the rice in an arati motion (circular motion).

At this point some women differ on whether or not it is auspicious to allow their pot of Pongala to boil over; it is crucial for some to allow their pot of rice to boil over, where other women feel that it is critical that it does not flow over as it seems wasteful (Jennett 2005: 45). This in conjunction with the fact that some women use red-rice in the ritual while others use white polished rice signifies how the ritual has been tailored to the various women and their traditions and what the ritual symbolizes to each individual. The objective of performing the ritual naturally varies across the women who perform the ritual. For example some women “ask the Goddess for something and make a vow and if it is granted they will offer Pongala” (Jennett 2005:46). This signifies the mutual relationship between the women and the Goddess. While others feel that by feeding Bhagavati it will provide additional blessings to the community (Jennett 2001:15). Once the rice has finished cooking the women wait for a priest to sprinkle rosewater on the rice in order to bless the goddess. After this women will begin to leave and return their trek back to their homes to share their Pongala with their friends and families (Jennett 2001:16).

References

Jennett, Dianne (2005) “A million shaktis rising: Pongala, a women’s festival in Kerala, India”. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 21(1).

Jennett, Dianne (2000) “Red rice for Bhagavati/cooking for kannaki:An ethnographic/organic inquiry of the pongala ritual at attukal temple, Kerala, south India”. Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences, 61(2).

Gross, Rita (1996) “Feminism and Religion: An introduction”. Boston, MA.: Beacon Press.

Related Topics for further investigation

Kannaki

Devi

Bhagavati

Bhadrakah

The role of women in Hinduism

Kerala

Attukal Temple

Kavu

Dalit

Noteworthy Websites related to the topic

www.onamfestival.org/attukal-pongala-festival.html

www.attukal.org/pongala.htm

www.hindu.com/2006/02/15/stories/2006021523410300.htm

attukalpongala.blogspot.com/

www.hindu-blog.com/2007/11/attukal–pongala-2008.html

pattini.org/

Written by Lindsey Schneider (April 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.