All posts by hrodrigues

1. Dharma

Dharma

In Hinduism, the word Dharma, although difficult to pinpoint exactly, refers to the general reverential attitudes and interactions with the orders of life. The concept can be thought of as a code of conduct, one that permeates the cultural community of the Aryans. Dharma in the Hindu world is synonymous with varnasramadharma, meaning the Dharma of Hindu castes and the life stages prescribed to these castes. The Dharma texts distinguishes both the four caste recognized in Hinduism, those being brahmins, ksatriyas, vaisyas, and sudras, as well as their respective duties and special class specific dharma (Hacker 481-483)

The concept of Dharma is also geographically defined in some dharmasastras, such as The Laws of Manu (or the Manusmrti). The location is specified as the land between the two sacred rivers Sarasvati and Drsadvati, therefore the idea of Dharma in Hinduism is meant to be mapped onto a very specific group of people (Klostermaier 31).      Dharma is also recognized as one of the four life goals worthy of pursual, Dharma being the goal of righteousness, or the religious life (Hacker 484) The idea of Dharma has bled into so many different parts of Hinduism and is integral to the religions existence. What can be concluded about the definition of Dharma is that it is an inseparable component of the Hindu religion.

Dharma is written about extensively and thoroughly in Dharmasastra, (legal treaties that deal with Dharma). This genre is possibly the largest in the entirety of Indian literature due to the importance of the subject and the inherent difficulty of applying its principles to real life situations (Klostermaier 32).

According to Alf Hiltebeitel, the Dharma texts can be described as texts that have dharma as the central topic and the text could not exist or be imagined without the concept. (Hiltebetiel 36).

Kolstermaier breaks the text down into the useful catagories or major and minor dharmasastras, and they are also separated into chronologically ordered clusters. The major classical Dharma texts contain a first cluster (early Maurya) that includes The Asokan Edicts, Apastamba Dharmasutra, and the Buddhist Nikayas. The second cluster (later Maurya) includes Buddhist Abhidharma, Buddhist Vinaya, Gautama Dharmasutra, and Baudhayana Dharmasutra, the third cluster (Sunga-Kanva or slightly later) which includes the Mahabharata, the Ramayana, the Manu Smrti (The Laws of Manu) and the fourth cluster (post-Kanva to early Kusana) which includes Vasistha Dharmasutra and Asvaghosa’s Buddhacarita. The minor classical Dharma texts include Yuga Purana and the Prophecy of Katyayana (Klostermaier 8).

The first of the dharmasastras that could be clearly defined are Asoka’s Inscriptions/Edicts. Asoka was an emperor who converted to Buddhism and used his dharma edicts to broadcast his imperial program to his subjects (Hiltebeitel 36). It is important to note that within his edicts one notes that Asoka was aware of the historical Brahmanical implications of dharma, despite identifying as a Buddhist. Through the lens of the edicts it can be observed that even in the very beginning the concept of dharma was multifaceted and spanned many diverse categories. Asoka’s inscriptions described dharma in both the personal and family spheres, to the imperial and even cosmological realm (Hiltebeitel 36-45).

Another dharmasastra of pivotal importance is The Laws of Manu (Manusmsmrti). In Hindu tradition Manu is the mythical ancestor of all humans; his ordinances are therefore the law of human kind, or natural religion (Klostermaier 32). The Laws of Manu are widely acknowledged as the most comprehensive and authoritative treaties on dharma and were composed at the turn of the first millennium when India was facing rampant political and social change (Glucklich 165). The Laws of Manu are presented as if they are treaties from the creator god himself, which leaves no room for debate or a scholarly give and take, something that is possible with some of the other dharmasastras (Hiltebitel 208-209).

Within the Manusmrti a distinction is made between two types of dharma, these types being pravrtti and nivrtti dharma. Manu explains that, pravrtti dharma secures the cultivation of happiness (sukha) and can be described as an “advancing act”; conversly nivrtti dharma produces the supreme good (sreyas) and can be described as an “arresting act” (Glucklich 167).  Manu also structures his explanation of dharma with a wide arrangement of rewards and punishments. The rewards include things such as wealth, health, and happiness, while the punishments include things such as lowly rebirths, painful hells, and social ostracism (Glucklich 171).

Some Sanskrit epics can also be categorized as Dhramasastras due to their explicit and implicit engagement with the concept. Mahabharata is one such epic that contains many ideas on dharma. In the epic Mahabharata, a serpent named Sesa separates himself from the other serpents because he finds that they are too hostile. Sesa then goes on too preform austerities (tapas) until the creator God, Brahma, notices him and bestows the serpent with the idea of Dharma. After Brahma puts the idea of Dharma into Sesa’s head he makes Sesa the God of Dharma and entrust the serpent too uphold the earth. Sesa, with the mindset of Dharma does not only uphold the earth in space, but also in time in order to show the continuity of Dharma through the yugas   (Hiltebeitel 261). This story in the Mahabharata serves to express how Dharma is a necessary competent of an orderly world.

Dharma also appears in other narratives within the Mahabharata. One of these narratives opens with the cosmological sequence in which Brahman is not considered to be fully complete until dharma has been created (Hiltebeitel 261). Another narrative involves dharma being depicted in human form, known as Lord Dharma; he is birthed forth from the right nipple of Brahma and brings much happiness into the world (Hiltebeitel 262).

Hiltebeitel also mentions a minor category of dharmasastras that includes the text known as the Yoga Purana (Hiltebeitel 274). The Yoga Purana is a short dharma text, of only one hundred and fifteen verses that prophesizes the degradation of dharma at the end of the kali yuga. The Yuga Purana has one main goal embedded into its verses: to produce an account and outline of the important principles and peoples of the four ages to express what will happen in time as Dharma degenerates through time (Hiltebeitel 274)

Dharma also functions as a type of law in Hindu society by giving instructions on legal procedures, contracts, corporations, and partnerships (Davis 241). Dharmasastras can be seen as a type of rhetoric, with dharma being its rhetorical tool; law. Law in Hindu religion is mediated through the pivotal theological idea of dharma. The legal influence of dharma can be observed in the Hindu community’s strong emphasis on legal/ethical disputes and norms (Davis 258). Things such as issues of caste, property, purity, marriage and adoption have religious ties that are of a legal nature. It can also be observed that the centrality of Dharmic rules, found in all of the different stages of Hindu life, is a norm in Hindu religion. The stage that has holds the most importance is that of the householder stage which can be concluded by observing how many Hindu texts highlight the ethos and Dharma of that particular stage (Davis 259), so one of the ways that religious meaning is made possible in Hinduism is by means of legal touchstone found in the householder prescriptions supplied by dharmasastras (Davis 258-259).

As mentioned before, dharma is considered to be one of the four worthy pursuits in the life of a Hindu. The four worthy pursuits are dharma, which is the righteous life, artha which is the life of wealth and the attainment of materials, kama which is the goal of sensual love and the artistic life, and moksa, which is the life of spiritual freedom. While the life goals of wealth and happiness are considered legitimate life pursuits in Hinduism, they must be gained in the ways of dharma if they are ever to lead a person to the ultimate goal of moksa (Kumar and Ram 83).

The dharmic path is the path that is in conformity with the truth of all things and the path that is opposite it is adharma, or disharmony with the truth. In order to for a Hindu to reach spiritual liberation they must not act in adharma and stay on the noble dharmic path. Hindu dharma says that a person must live by his life of spirit (Kumar and Ram 84), meaning that within acts of dharma the end result of moksa should be the main focus. The three appropriate dharmic pathways to moksa are, jnana, meaning wisdom, bhakti meaning devotion, and karma meaning service. The three pathways are not exclusive but bhakti is the most popular of the three (Kumar and Ram 84).

Dharma is clearly a ritually important part of Hinduism, as it has roots in just about every part of Hindu life and it supplies the rules and regulations by which Hindus are expected to live. Simply acknowledging the multitude and vastness of the dharmasastras collection in Hindu literature gives one and idea of how intrinsic it is to the religion and through the exploration of the different texts in this genre a bolder and more tangible sense of dharma emerges. The Hindu concept of dharma is so important and specific that it is said that it is better to do ones own dharma poorly, then to do the dharma of another perfectly (Klostermaier 34). With ties also in the world of law and the world of spiritual liberation, it can be said that the concept of dharma reaches all folds of Hindu life, and must not be looked over in any conversation about the religion.     

References

Davis, Donald R. (2007) “Hinduism as a Legal Tradition.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 75:241-67. Accessed October 8, 2018. doi:http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.uleth.ca/stable/40006370

Glucklich, Ariel (2011) “Virtue and Happiness in the Law Book of Manu.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 2:165-90. Accessed October 9, 2018. doi:/10.1007/s11407-011-9102-y

Hacker, Paul (2006) “Dharma in Hinduism.” Journal of Indian Philosophy 34:479-96. Accessed October 4, 2018. doi:10.1007/s10781-006-9002-4.

Hiltebeitel, Alf (2011) Dharma: Its Early History in Law, Religion, and Narrative. New York: Oxford University Press.

Klostermaier, Klaus K. (2007) A Survey of Hinduism. New York: State University of New York Press, Albany, N.Y.:

Kumar, R. and S. Ram (2008) Hinduism: Religion and Philosophy. New Delhi: Crescent Publishing Corporation.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Dharmasastras

The Laws of Manu

Rta

Adharma

Varnasramadharma

Asoka

Artha

Karma

Moksa

Yuga Pruana

Mahabharata

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to this Topic

https://www.thoughtco.com/what-is-dharma-1770048

http://learningindia.in/dharma/

http://pluralism.org/religions/hinduism/introduction-to-hinduism/dharma-the-social-order/

https://blog.sivanaspirit.com/hd-gn-rules-dharma-lifes-purpose/

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Manu-smriti

http://www.duhaime.org/LawMuseum/LawArticle-297/200-BC–Laws-of-Manu.aspx

https://www.hinduwebsite.com/sacredscripts/hinduism/dharma/dharma_index.asp

 

Article written by: Jamie Bennett (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

 

b. Saivism

Saivism

Saivism is known to be the oldest and the most dominant sect of Hinduism sect alongside with Vaisnavism, they are centered on the two supreme deities (Rudra-Siva and Visnu) respectively who are recognized in most established, significant Hindu literature (Gonda 64). In Saivism, the worship of the deity Siva maybe traced back to the Indus Valley Civilization (Rodrigues 212). However, in the Rg Veda, there was no mention of Siva; instead, he was first introduced as Rudra the “Howler.” Rudra-Siva is known as the God of Storms, destroyer of cattle and human beings (Rodrigues 212). Siva is worshipped through a linga (phallic emblem) that could be traced to the 1st century BC and is mentioned in the Mahabharata; however, in the Ramayana, there were less encounters with Siva compared to Visnu. Siva’s powers are often viewed by how destructive he is during battle. The deity is often referred as a Lord, master and many-sided (Gonda 13).

The sect emphasises the worship of Siva. Going more into depth, Siva is regarded by many as the Supreme Deity in Hinduism realm. Rudra was first introduced as the chief of an indefinite host of manifestation of a deity (Gonda 4). Siva is considered to be a complex deity throughout the Rg Veda. Both Visnu and Siva are known to be ambiguous figures based on their background. On one hand, Siva demonstrates strong heroic attributes and represents as a Supreme Deity; however, on the other hand, he is looked at as a deva (powerful demon) and the God of Storms. This demonstrates that both deities embody divine like qualities (Gonda 12). As mentioned before, Siva is a complex deity because of the different identities he holds. Throughout history, the deity is claimed many different names during different periods; for example, in the earliest school, Pasupatas, Siva is claimed to be Pasupati (Lord of the Cattle). Throughtout the Rg Veda, Siva was first regarded as Rudra. However, the name Siva is commonly used throughout different texts and literature.

Saivism is still a huge sect in Hinduism today. Temples and shrines are still placed in India today to worship deity Siva. Over time, there have been many schools that have developed. Visnu and Siva are often compared to another based on their placements in the Epics. Siva is perceived in many different forms, making him known as many-sided; however, Siva is regarded as one of the most important deity and Supreme being. The linga is a key symbol in this sect, as it appears in many temples and shrines. The linga is a representation of a male presence; the representation of Siva could be depicted through many different interpretations. The sect can be broken down too many different branches, such as the trantic groups Kalamukha and Kapalikas, that are no longer present, but made an impact in modernity. Saivism is dominant even to this day and is one of the most popular sects in Hinduism.

The worship of Siva takes place throughout temples and shrines made at home containing different images (Flood 151-152). The temples are most sacred to many Saivites, and different blessings radiate from the emblem depending on the location of the temple. Most temples, shrines, and sanctuaries contain different symbols and images; however they all worship the Supreme Deity, Siva. As mentioned before, the Saiva temples are consistent in Siva being worshipped through the form of a linga and in association yoni (womb) which is the female association; though the meaning of the symbol is up to interpretations (Holm 92). The symbol is usually depicted through temples and a linga and also what seems to be the face of Lord Siva represented with four or five faces. The five different faces are to represent the five elements of the universe. In some cases, the linga represents a “fiery column of light” (Holm 92-93). Every manifestation is presented through the linga making this emblem extremely important to the worship of Siva. It would be rare for a shrine or temple not to have one present. Linga was more commonly known with the non-Aryans, however throughout history and time, more and more individuals started to use the phallic emblem. As the worship of Siva has become more common throughout India, there are many festivals where worshippers sing and chant and offer devotions. Siva is depicted with his animal, Nandi, the Bull that symbolises fertility (Holm 93).

There are many schools of Saivism, but the earliest is a bhakti group known as the Kalamukha that derived from one of the first schools, the Pasupatas (Rodrigues 213). The Pasupatas maybe traced back to the 2nd century. Pasupati can translate to Pati (lord) of Pashus (cattle). As many schools and sects of Hinduism, each have their own set of stages in life. The Pasupatas stage of life starts with a period of moral development: this stage requires a devotee to gain a guru to have initiate them and to guide. The action of smearing ashes on their bodies thrice daily. Throughout this stage, the action of smearing ashes on their bodies thrice daily, as this is a ritual. Next, is their change of behaviour in the public sphere, which includes different speech and crude behaviour. Finally, they reached seclusion: this stage focuses on extreme mediation and is believed to have a final union with Rudra before the recognition of Siva being Rudra (Flood 156-159). The movement was influential in South India, however it gradually faded away as more Siva worshippers disagreed with some of their early rituals.

The Kalamukha “Black Face” first explored the realm of bhakti and ascetic (severe self-discipline) in some extreme form (Flood 154-156). They are considered to be extreme devotees of Siva. As mentioned before, modern Saivites do not agree with the old rituals of the Kalamukha. The Kalamukha emphasised the need for sacrificial rituals that contain both animals and humans. Their name of “Black Face” is most likely derived from their process of renunciation, where a black streak of ash is prominent on the individual’s forehead. Most of these devotees were found near temples where women stayed to attend to the offer patron deity and to a temple prostitution (Stefon 1). The earliest set of devotees of Siva, they are no longer present and gradually faded away as their rituals were not accepted by the majority of Saivites.

As modernity began to spread throughout India and the different major sects of Hinduism, more schools and comparisons began to pop up. Visnuism and Saivism are often compared to one another (Gonda 1). Another devotee group would be the Kapalikas known as “skull bearer”; they were also known for their very extreme rituals, such as cannibalism. This group of people worshipped Bhairava-Siva which led them to becoming a Saivite sect. They are known for eating from a skull bowl and worshipping the gods through a pot of wine (Lorenzen 8). Similar to the Kalamukhas, they covered themselves in funeral ashes. Both of these sects was shown hostility because of their crude practices. Both of these Saivite devotees are considered to be a tantric group (Lorenzen 37).

Most sects worshipping only one god are regarded monotheistic. There are divine figures that are worshipped to maintain good fortune and merit (Gonda 62); individuals come together to worship a deity in hopes of gaining both fortune and merit. There are many cult practices that contain higher deities which includes Siva. Siva urges the need for Saiva diksa (initiation into a Siva order) (Gonda 64). Most sects each share the similarity of trying to reach the final goal, which is final liberation. In order to reach this, the individual must initiate through a guru that is classified as a Brahman. All finalized initiation is considered to be a manifestation of Siva himself (Gonda 64). Gurus are an important role when reaching final liberation as they help their mentee with mantras (sacred utterances) through their process. After learning the mantras, the individual is now entitled to perform certain ritual rites. Reaching full purification is another life goal many want to achieve (Gonda 65). These stages are achieved through different ways, depending on the path the individual decides to take. Some achieve Brahman which is a key aspect to Saivism. Brahman is the supreme existence or the absolute reality one wants to achieve. Saivism explores the deity of Siva and many Hindus today follow this sect as it dominates throughout India today.

 

Bibliography

Flood, Gavin (1996) An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gonda, Jan (1996) Visnuism and Sivaism. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.

Holm, Jean (1994) Picturing God. London: Printer Publishers.

Lorenzen, David Neal (1968) “The Kaplikas and Kalamukhas Two Lost Saivite Sect” The Australian National University 1-325. Accessed October 22, 2018.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2005) Hinduism – The ebook: An Online Introduction Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Visnuism

Visnu

Indus Valley Civilization

Rg Veda

The Epics

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Kalamukha

Kapalikas

Pasupatas

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://academic-eb-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/levels/collegiate/article/Shaivism/64982

https://iskconeducationalservices.org/HoH/practice/303.htm

https://iskconeducationalservices.org/HoH/tradition/1202.htm

http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Kapalika_and_Kalamukha#Kalamukhas

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaivism

https://www.hinduwebsite.com/siva/sivaindex.asp

http://www.religionfacts.com/shaivism

http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Shaivism

 

Article written by: Jacqueline Paule (November 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Puja, f. Worship Rituals and Festivals, Temple Worship

Puja

The devotional rite of puja is regarded as highly significant in the Hindu tradition, as the core Hindu ritual (Fuller 57). Through the practice of worship, individuals demonstrate their adoration and reverence towards one or more deity’s images; this act is pleasing to the gods and goddesses in Hinduism. Regardless of the type of puja conducted, temple, home, or festival worship, all share similar fundamental structures and goals of respectful honouring. This widespread rite of worship is fundamentally performed by Hindus across all castes and classes. It is conducted in temples by Brahmin priests or at home by laypeople, allowing all to actively practice their religion. Faithful puja dismisses the hierarchy between the Divine and the individual, resulting in the primary ambition of spiritually unification.

 

Overview of Puja

In Hinduism, suffering, despair, and societal complications are believed to be the result of unfaithful and untimely worship (Fuller 69). Deity worship is often performed to achieve protection and prosperity for one’s household, community, or region, and it is believed to bring about blessings, grace, and divine virtue. The response of the deities is solely based on their own discretion and will, as one’s devotion may influence the deities but does not offer any guarantees. For some, the act of puja is solely an act of loving devotion (bhakti), where they do not expect or hope for anything in return (Rodrigues 2006: 233; Fuller 70-71). Worshiping with the heart of personal gain is generally frowned upon, yet commonly practiced.

The meanings attached to offerings and practices of puja are also often viewed differently by the various schools of Hinduism; primarily, two perspectives are taken. First is the idea that deities are self-sufficient and are not in need of being washed and fed, etc. However, the sense of reverential honoring expresses the worshiper’s devotion. This practice of hospitality towards the gods and goddesses as though they were dependent on the offerings is pleasing to the divine. The second perspective is that the deities are wholly dependent on the offerings and practices making these actions necessary for their persistence. This perspective displays the interdependence of the deities and people on one another (Fuller 69-71).

Overall, both perceptions install the ideology that divinities are gratified by the ritual pious acts of ceremonial practices and services (upacaras) that make up puja. Symbolized by the camphor flame, the unity and identity of the deity and worshiper is one of the most sought-after goals of puja (Fuller 82), eliminating hierarchical separation between them. Taken together, the significance of puja is to create a relationship among the god or goddess and the individual. This may be done in the anticipation that their sanctified acts of tribute will promote security and favour from the deity.

 

Practices of Puja (Upacaras)

Puja is performed as an act of reverence towards the deities whose power is housed within iconographic pictures, statues, or symbols of the particular divine being. Each image containing the spiritual manifestation of the deity (murti) is specialized according to proportion, form, and features, and are typically man-made out of bronze, stone, clay, glass, or printed ink photographs. Within the rite of puja, the power of the deity is ritually consecrated into the image before the procession of the upacaras commence. This is done because the image itself is empty until employed with the power. The object of worship is not the image itself but the sacred power of the god or goddess.

The puja ritual varies greatly in terms of simplicity, size, and occasion. Regardless, all puja upacaras have the same general structure, involving a standard total of sixteen (sodasa), ten (dasa), or five (panca) upacara which are grouped into four phases (Rodrigues 2003: 253; Fuller 67). These services are accompanied by 16 verses of the Sukta and/or other additional Vedic mantras. To begin, the deity is summoned and installed within the murti. This phase consecrates the image making it divine. Next is the offering of a seat and water for the washing of the feet, head, mouth, and body. Third, the image is bathed, outfitted, decorated (with flowers), given the sacred thread, wafted with incense, illuminated by a lamp, and given offerings of food. This phase is commonly known as the heart of the ritual, where the image is glorified and adorned. Lastly, the deity is displayed signs of respect (such as the namaskara gesture) and is dismissed (in temples and homes this action does not take place once the puja is complete) (Rodrigues 2006: 228). Other additional acts of worship such as signing, dancing, prayer, and the chanting of mantras may accompany puja (Fuller 63). The upacara practice is seldomly completed in full and may only consist of a single camphor flame offering, known as arati, and a single food offering. Although partial practice is considered less good, synecdochally the entire ritual is produced since the overall structure and connotation of puja is maintained. Puja is specialized for each different deity based on their preference of offerings; offerings are also altered based on the means an individual has accessing materials due to their placement in society (Buhnemann 66). Unlike Vedic sacrifices, puja is inclusive to all, regardless of their gender and class, allowing for women to participate also (Michaels 2016: 9). This act of worship displays one’s hospitality and adoration for the deity, treating them like royal guests given their utmost respect.

 

Temple Worship

Temple worship is the process in which Hindus pay homage to certain deities permanently housed in a sacred temple space, such as the main shrine. The images within temples are usually immoveable (mula murti) and made of bronze or stone (Fuller 58). Within larger temples puja is conducted frequently (daily), where as lesser temples may perform puja semi-frequently (weekly) (Fuller 62). Devotees stand before a deity’s murti, particularly in temples, to perform/engage in darsana, meaning “vision.” Darsana is the process of going to see the deity and be seen by the deity, thus absorbing some of their power through an intimate union and gaining a promising blessing. Many individuals attend temples in the mornings, just after the deity has been awoken to enhance their fruits of darsana (Fuller 59).

 Puja begins in the morning with an elaborate ceremony to wake the murti, conducted by a Brahmin priest (purohita) known as a Pujari (the one who performs the ritual), on behalf of all (Buhnemann 56; Fuller 62 ). The appropriate offerings are made, and the god or goddess is bathed. The water poured over the Divine is considered sacred and can then be used as a prasada (blessing) by devotees throughout the day (Rodrigues 2006: 230). The priest’s ignition of the flame (dipa) and passing it before the murti is known as arati, and is the climax of the ritual. The boisterous sounds of bells, drums, and cymbals can be heard within the temple neighbourhood, marking this segment of the worship rite. Subsequently, the flame is passed amongst the devotees, allowing them to cleanse themselves of their sins with the consecrated smoke, which is done by wafting the smoke over their bodies. With the conclusion of arati, worshipers are invited to make their offerings (typically purchased at the entrance) through the officiant following the washing of their hands and removal of shoes (Rodrigues 2006: 231).

In certain temples, puja involves the participation of various ministrants in addition to the Pujari: the Benare (one who recites mantras), the Haridas (one who recites the aratis), the Paricarak (Pujari’s assistant), the Dingre (one who places the mirror), the Divte (one who transfers the torch), and the Dange (the mace carrier) (Buhnemann 63). In the afternoon the deity may be given a period of rest, in which the inner sanctum is temporarily closed (Rodrigues 2006: 231). Otherwise, rituals take place throughout the day, until the deity is put to sleep later in the evening, around 11 p.m. which entails another prominent puja. In sum, temple worship communally gathers large crowds of devotees. These individuals are free to participate in their own individualistic worship of expressing prayers and performing gestures towards the particular deity, as well as engage in the devotional ritual of puja.

 

Home Worship

Worship conducted in the home, although very different in terms of scale and simplicity compared to temple worship, maintains a similar structure and intent overall. Home worship takes place before a home shrine in which many icons are present, and the principle image is centrally placed (Jhala 106). The permanent installation of the divine within one’s home shrine can be done by a priest or by one’s self through frequent acts of service and adoration which eventually invoke the deity. Home shrines include various icons that were either gifted, inherited or bought, and which may symbolize or picture different deities, vehicles, gurus, and ancestors (Jhala 109). The arrangement and collection of these icons illustrates the vast network and history of the Hindu family, bringing about awareness of their collective interdependence and relationships with the deities and others.

The wealth of an individual’s family dictates the elaboration of the shrine. The wealthiest of families may have their own small temple or various shrine rooms within their home. They may also invite Brahmin priests into their home and pay them to perform the puja rituals daily (Rodrigues 2006: 228). More commonly, laypeople of any class/caste preform the ritual upacaras on their own, although only the upper three castes may recite Vedic literature. Similar to temple worship, home puja is characteristically performed daily in the morning, but depending on the family’s schedule and degree of personal pollution due to deaths, childbirths, and menstruation, puja can be postponed, shortened, or prolonged (Jhala 117).

The Pujari in home worship is usually the head of the household or the most significant member of the family. Once the ritual is complete, the rest of the family is invited into the shrine room to bow and present their gifts (Buhnemann 56). However, the idea that puja can be taken jointly rather than individually is controversial since some believe it is a personal formality, to be done privately by all (Jhala 123). Prior to taking part in puja, it is customary to bathe in order to purify oneself before entering the shrine room. The shrine usually consists of a cabinet symbolizing a temple, a shelf, or a lowered table flooded with adorned images and icons. Directly across from the shrine on the ground is a gadi, which is a large cushion, that the Pujari is to be seated cross legged on during the ritual (Jhala 111). Furthermore, the upacaras of puja are to be performed on the favoured principal deity. The doors of the cabinet are opened during the puja and then shut when it has ended.

 

Festival Worship

Separate from temple worship and home worship where the deity’s power is fixed within the image, festival worship involves the installation of the deity, veneration and worship, and release of the deity with each extravagant devotional event (Buhnemann 191-200). The movable images involved in festive pujas are known as utsava murti, which are either cast of bronze or made of painted clay (Fuller 58). A good example of festival worship is the Durga Puja, an elaborate festival which admires the Great Goddess Devi (i.e. Durga), the aggregate of all goddesses who possesses an immense array of attributes.

The commemoration begins on the sixth day of the larger festival, Navaratra (Rodrigues 2003: 37). The purohita who acts as the Pujari, prepares for the ritual through a series of preliminary obligations, concluding with a hymn. Moving forward, the Durga Puja commences the awakening of the Great Goddess through the bodhana rite. This process fixes the Goddess’ power (sakti) into a clay jar, topped with a coconut, swathed in a sari, and anointed with sandalwood paste (Rodrigues 2003: 38-39). Followed by the transformation/purification process, the technique of Kundalini Yoga is used to arouse Devi. The adhivasanam ritual of anointing takes place next, accompanied by procedures that eventually install the Goddess’ sakti into a clay figurine. Ritual bathing of Durga enveloped in numerous forms follows the next day as part of the Mahasaptami (Great Seventh) rite. As the Mahasaptami is drawn to completion, the Great Goddess Durga is filled with “life,” taking up her dwelling within as a living icon and marking her full arrival (Rodrigues 2003: 46-50).

Similar to conventional puja, the next portion of the service is the sixteen upacara where Durga is showered with extravagant devotional offerings of honor. The bathing rites (Mahasaptami) are then repeated in a process known as the Mahastami (Great Eighth). There after, the Sandhi Puja occurs between the eight and ninth lunar day when the Goddess is presented a blood sacrifice (a goat’s head) whilst another series of the elaborated sixteen step practice is conducted; this marks the pinnacle of the Durga Puja. Once again, a variation of the Mahasaptami rite, labelled the Mahanavami, is performed with the inclusion of homa a Fire Oblation ritual. Finally, to conclude the Durga Puja, one last ten-part ritual is held dismissing Devi (Vijaya Dasami). Her clay image is then immersed in the Ganga signifying the Great Goddess’ ultimate departure. Through this illustration of festival worship, comparisons and contrasts between daily puja and occasional puja are exemplified in terms of the structure, simplicity, and magnitude of the worship ritual.

 

Final Remarks

The devotional practice of puja is central to Hindu worship. Through the acts of deity adoration and respect, an individual expresses their devoutness to unify themselves with the Divine. Essential to puja, the power of the deity is invoked into an image, transforming it into murti, thus allowing for darsana and worship to take place. Another fundamental characteristic to puja, regardless of its size, is the demonstration of revealing one’s reverence to a deity through the use of offerings. These two processes of installation and veneration characterize the core elements of upacara within puja. Additionally, specific to festival worship the release of the deity also follows. Puja’s universality allows for it to be performed on a small and simple scale within the home by laypeople, or also on a massive and elaborate scale in temples or during festivals by qualified priests. Although the magnitude, amplification, and occasion vary, the structure and meaning of puja remains constant.

 

References and Further Reading

Buhnemann, Gudrun (1998) Puja: A Study in Smarta Ritual. Vienna: Institut fur Indologie der  Universitat Wein.

Eck, Diana (1981) Darsan: Seeing the Divine Image in India. Chambersburg: Anima Books.

Ciraulo, Jonathan M. (2013) “The divine image: Hindu murti and Byzantine iconography.” Journal of Ecumenical Studies 48: 505-522. Accessed October 28, 2018.

Fuller, Christopher J. (2003) The Camphor Flame: Popular Hinduism and Society in India.   Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Hawley, John S., and Donna Wulff (1996) Devi: goddess of India. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Jhala, Jayasinhji (2000) “Puja, Pujari, and Prabhu: Religious Worship in the Hindu Home.” Visual Anthropology 13:103-128. Accessed October 28, 2018.   doi:10.1080/08949468.2000.9966793

Michaels, Axel (2004) Hinduism: Past and Present. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

______ (2016) Homo Ritualis: Hindu Ritual and Its Significance for Ritual Theory. New   York:   Oxford University Press.

Prasad, Birendra N. (2011) Monasteries, shrines, and society: Buddhist and Brahmanical  religious institutions in India in their socio-economic context. New Delhi: Manak Publications.

Rodrigues, Hillary P. (2003) Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: Liturgy of the Durga Puja      with Interpretations. Albany: State University of New York Press.

______ (2006) Introducing Hinduism. New York: Routledge.

Yelle, Robert A. (2003) Explaining mantras: ritual, rhetoric, and the dream of a natural language in Hindu tantra. E-Book: Routledge.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Darsana

Durga Puja

Devi

Arati

Murti

Hindu Shrines

Upacara

Pujari

Bhakti

Great Seventh

Great Eighth

Great Ninth

Vijaya Dasami

Sakti

Homa

Adhivasanam

Bodhana

Kundalini Yoga

Caste/Class System

Mantras

 

 Noteworthy Websites:

https://www.speakingtree.in/blog/what-is-puja-495215

https://www.hinduwebsite.com/puja.asp

http://svaroopa.org/puja

http://static.amritapuja.org/what_is_puja.html

http://www.durga-puja.org/

https://www.bbc.com/bitesize/clips/zh2hyrd

This article was written by: Hailey Rausch (Fall 2018), who is entirely responsible for its content.

Uncategorized

The God of Small Things (Arundhati Roy): Review

In looking at the myriad of different elements and themes within Arundhati Roy’s God of Small Things, it is clear to see that she has created a well-developed novel that addresses the multiple religions, political beliefs, and the caste system in contemporary India. She presents a narrative that is rife with external and internal conflict, from differences in fundamental beliefs to traumatic experiences that plague the lives of her characters. These experiences ultimately dictate the trajectory of the novel and its final resolution, providing the reader with a deeper understanding of love, loss, fear, and suffering.

The novel follows the lives of fraternal twins, Rahel and Estha in Ayemenem, a town in Kerala, India. The story opens immediately with references to past events that played a key role in determining the future lives of Roy’s characters. The tale is not told in chronological order, but discloses to the reader in an out of order system the major events that impacted the understanding of the two young twins as they navigate their way through their loss of innocence. There is reference to the death of the twin’s young cousin, Sophie Mol, and to a traumatic event involving Estha and a movie theatre concession worker. These two events ultimately determine where the twins find themselves as adults when they finally reunite after many years of separation.

From a young age, the twins are exposed to a melding of religion and political beliefs. Their own great aunt, Baby Kochamma converted at a young age to Roman Catholicism; love and lust were the cause behind this conversion as she found herself pining after an Irish Catholic priest. This conversion was not well received by Baby Kochamma’s father, the twins’ grandfather, and after learning that her conversion was fruitless in the effort to secure the love of Father Mulligan, Baby Kochamma returned home and remained a bitterly unfulfilled woman. Her role throughout the novel is an influential one as she is the cause of much heartache in the lives of the twins and their mother.  To further the example of the conflict between religions and beliefs, Baby Kochamma makes disparaging comments about Hindus and is vocal about her opinion of the twins’ being half-Hindu. She seems to hold it against them, and there are multiple instances where she openly discriminates against the Hindu people that she and the twins encounter throughout the novel.

Besides the discrimination and conflict between Hinduism and Syrian-Christianity, there is also the great movement of Communism occurring through India at the time, which plays a role in the experiences and understanding of young Rahel. One such instance where Communism impacts Rahel’s personal experience is seen on the car ride to the airport where the family is headed to receive Sophie Mol. There is a communist gathering and march occurring on the streets around them, and at one point the communists open the car door and force Baby Kochamma to wave their communist flag, ultimately humiliating her. Amongst the crowd, Rahel sees Velutha, the twin’s friend and their mother’s secret lover. Here, the reader is exposed to one of the first depictions of the disparity within the social caste in India. Velutha is known as a Paravan, one of the Untouchables, and beneath the lowest level of the caste system. He works for Rahel and Estha’s family and is later wrongly accused of bringing about the death of Sophie Mol. This accusation is led and perpetuated by Baby Kochamma, who openly discriminates against Velutha for his low social status and his role as a communist. Through Baby Kochamma’s actions, Roy is successful in highlighting the regimented beliefs and feelings that the higher castes demonstrated towards India’s Untouchables and other active political parties.

Another example of inequality that impacts the characters’ lives is seen in the treatment of women, who are directly discriminated against and oppressed by the society in which they exist. It is referenced at several points throughout the book that women are sexually victimized by the men in their lives, even by men in authoritative roles such as police officers and doctors. Roy educates the reader on the experiences of women in India and the unjust circumstances of abuse to which far too many females are subjected. There are also additional elements of discrimination against women that Roy highlights in her writing, such as the embarrassment communicated by Estha’s father and stepmother as they watch their son express an enjoyment for housekeeping, a role seen as acceptable only for a woman. As well, Roy deals with deeper issues of contradiction surrounding the female body as it is seen that men will sexualize and objectify the feminine form, yet women are simultaneously taught to reject the development or curiosity of their own body. This is most notable in the depiction of Rahel’s time in school where she learnt that “Breasts were not acknowledged. They weren’t supposed to exist” (Roy, 18).  Through these examples, Roy effectively creates a powerful depiction of the confusing and unjust role that women are forced to conform to throughout the novel.

Roy also makes reference to other cultural influences, such as the continual mention of Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness. Conrad’s novel deals with multiple layers of imperialism and racism, a connection that can be drawn to India’s own experience of colonization by Britain. This reference to Conrad’s work provides another level to understanding the experiences of the novel’s characters, and the extent to which Britain continuously influenced India and its people, regardless of any differences in religion or social backgrounds.

Through these various portrayals of religion, politics, gender, and India’s caste system, Roy manages to contribute to a deeper understanding of the history and evolution of India’s multiple beliefs and perspectives. Her novel deals head-on with difficult and complicated social issues, and is a touching and educational work that is successful in bringing its characters to life through these traumatic hardships that showcase how the small things in life ultimately lead to colossal consequences and life-altering experiences.

Bibliography

Roy, Arundhati (1997) God of Small Things. Canada: Random House of Canada Ltd.

Further Readings

Wilkins, W.J (1975 reprinted) Modern Hinduism. Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation

Smith, David (2003) Hinduism and Modernity. New Jersey: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Conrad, Joseph (1999) Heart of Darkness. New York: Penguin Books

 

1. Vaisnava Deities, Visnu's Avataras

Balarama

Balarama is an ancient Hindu deity who is believed to be the incarnation of Lord Visnu, a very important deity in Hindu mythology. Visnu is believed to be the protector and preserver of the universe. He plays an important role in the great triad that includes Brahma, the creator, and Siva the destroyer (Wilkins 116). During times of great disaster and chaos, Visnu takes physical forms on earth time and time again as different avatars to maintain order and protect the universe from evil and destruction. These avatars are known to be the Dasa Avatar, dasa meaning 10. According to the myth of their origin, both Balarama and Krsna are incarnations of Visnu himself, Balarama is said to be his eight avatar. (Wilkins 220).

Balarama is also believed to be the incarnation of Ananta Sesa, the serpent king. Ananta meaning endless and Sesa meaning the end. This snake deity is said to have 1000 heads that hold the bare the weight of the entire world (Wilkins 221). Ananta Sesa is considered to be the king of all snakes as well as a great force of nature that maintains the positioning of all the planets (Swami 11). Although Sesa is only considered to be a reincarnation of a part of Visnu, Balarama is still considered a Visnu avatar (Wilkins 221). There is some disagreement as to which deity rightfully belongs as the eighth avatar. Some agree on Balarama being included as one of the ten Avatars, simultaneously accepting Krsna to have been Lord Visnu himself on earth. Others may consider both Balarama and Krsna as the eighth of the ten avatars together (Wilkins 221).

Balarama and Krsna are the sons of Vasudeva; Balarama was born to Rohini first and Krsna was born to Devaki (Rao 997). It is believed that Visnu plucked two of his own hairs, one white and one black to take a physical form as an avatar. Balarama and Krsna are believed to have been birthed from these two hairs (Wilkins 220). Visnu’s white hair was magically moved from Devaki’s womb to Rohini’s, thus leading to the birth of Balarama. Balarama was supposed to have been Devaki’s seventh child, but Devaki was said to have had a miscarriage when the fetus was magically moved from her womb to another. The baby born to Rohini was first named Samkarsana as he was considered to have been “dragged” from womb to womb (Rao 997). The baby was later renamed Balarama. He was said to have been the source of great spiritual power, Bala. through which he could attain the highest sense of bliss, ramana (Swami 11). Apart from Balarama, he was also known as Rauhineya, as he was the son of Rohini (Rao 997). Other names also given to him were Balabadra and Balabadrarama (Rao 997).

Balarama is depicted as a young man dressed in blue garments who has a very fair complexion. He wears a single golden earring, only on one side called the kundala and his hair is tied back (Rao 1000). Balarama is sometimes depicted with two arms and at other times with four. He is shown holding his weapons of choice, a club and a plough in either hand. The club in the right hand symbolizes death and the ploughshare in his left hand is to signify the principle of time (Rao 1000-1001). If illustrated with four arms, Balarama holds his weaponry in two hands, a conch in the third hand and a discus in the fourth (Rao 1001). Holding a discus in the fourth hand is similar to the depiction of Visnu holding a discus or cakra in his hand as well. This similarity between the two depictions of the deities makes sense as Balarama is an incarnation of Visnu himself. The weapons belonging to Balarama may suggest why he is also regarded as the god of agriculture and farming. The Lucknow Museum in India is home to an ancient stone idol of Balarama that dates back to the second century B.C.. The ancient idol depicts Balarama standing with a great serpent acting as his hood behind him, while he is holding a plough in his hands (Rao 999-1000).

Balarama and his mother Rohini, were placed under the care and protection of Nanda Maharaja, the foster father of Krsna (Swami 40). At the age of one Balarama was brought to Nanda and Yasoda to be brought up with Krsna. The two of them grew up side by side, Krsna and Balarama partook in many adventures together. Both Krsna and Balarama hold great power, this is known from the stories of their childhood (Wilkins 222). One story in particular was when Balarama was in the woods with his peers, the cow herders. They requested Balarama to shake a fruit tree that belonged to a demon named Dhenuka. Balarama obliged and shook the tree to obtain the delicious fruit, but as he did Dhenuka emerges ready to attack him. With ease Balarama grabbed Dhenuka’s legs and swung him over his head. Dhenuka died instantly as he was thrown with such strong force.

After the defeat of Dhenuka, the boys spent much of their day playing in the orchard. A demon named Pralamba took the form of a young boy and joined the boys as they played. During their game, Pralamba requested Balarama sit on top of his shoulders, Balarama did as he asked and instantly, Pralamba ran off with him on top of his shoulders. Balarama began to panic as the demon had grown to an enormous size, Pralamba was now as big as a mountain. In fear, Balarama called to Krsna for help in hopes that his brother would come to his rescue. Instead of stepping in and defeating the demon himself, Krsna reminded Balarama of all the might and power he held. He reminded him of who he truly was and advises him not to fear the demon, as he himself is capable of much more. Balarama held what Krsna said to be true and unleashed his power on Pralamba. He squeezed the demon with just his knees and bashed his head with the might of his fists. In an instant, Pralamba was successfully defeated (Wilkins 222-223). This story shows that Balarama is an important deity who holds great strength. He too is an avatar of Visnu and holds immense wisdom and power.

 

References and Further Recommended Reading:

Rao, S.K. Ramachandra (2003) Encyclopedia of Indian Iconography: Hinduism – Buddhism – Jainism: Volume II. Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.

Swami, A.C. Bhaktivedanta (1970) KRSNA The Supreme Personality of Godhead. Boston:  ISKON PRESS.

Wilkins, W.J (2009) Hindu Mythology. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Das Avatar

Gopi

Krsna

Meera

Radha

Revati

Rukmini

Visnu

Yasodha

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic:

http://www.krishna.com/topic-term/balarama

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Balarama

https://www.wisdomlib.org/definition/balarama

www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Balarama

http://www.divineavatars.com/vishnu/balarama-avatara.html

 

Article was written by: Deepika Anupindi (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

d. Saktism

Saktism

Saktism is a sectarian movement centered on the devotional worship of the Mother Goddess who is simultaneously referred to as Sakti (power and energy), Devi (Goddess), Parasakti (supreme power), Adyasakti (first or primordial Power), Mulaprakti (primordial matter) and/or the Mahadevi (Great Goddess) (Foulston & Abbott 10). The adherents to this particular Hindu path – those who see their path to salvation through the concept of the Great Goddess – are called Saktas.  Saktism assures its adherents of protection from natural calamities and a procurement of worldly luxuries and happiness.  Saktas conceive the Mother Goddess as the personification of primordial energy and the source of all divine (Basu 4).  By some she is worshipped as the primary deity, by others she is part of a great pantheon of goddesses and all goddesses are a manifestation of her.  In some goddesses she manifests herself as benign and in others she is ferocious.  Each goddess is worshiped as a reflection of the feminine principle of sakti, that energy which manifests itself in creation and destruction (Basu 7).

The Great Goddess, as praktri (primary matter) and sakti (energy), manifests herself, by her maya, into her many and various powers.  In Saktism maya is not considered a negative illusionary power, instead it is perceived as a positive creative force and Sakta texts emphasize the non-difference between matter and spirit (Foulston & Abbott 16). The Sakti is, as Saguna Brahman, both ultimate reality and the source of divine manifestation (Kinsley 1986: 137).  Saktas believe Sakti, in any of her manifestations, is responsive to the pleas of individual devotees and can quickly come to their aid if needed (Kinsley 1986: 139).  They also believe that devotion (bhakti), to any of her incarnations, is a means to be liberated from karma and the cycle of samsara (Kinsley 1986: 153).

Sakti is often pictured as a distant awesome figure who sits on a heavenly throne.  She is understood to be approachable and always available to her worshipers (Kinsley 1986: 139). For Saktas, divinity can be described by invoking groups of divine females including the seven Mothers, the nine Durgas, the 64 Yoginis, or the ten Mahavidyas. Sakti is said to have qualities that are manifested within the goddess triad that includes Mahalaksmi, Mahasarasvati and Mahakali (Rodrigues 2005: 242).  As Mahasarasvati, she is seen as the power that presides over creation, as Mahalaksmi she shows her preserving aspect, and as Mahakali she is associated with destruction (Rodrigues 2005: 242).  Some Saktas believe that Durga is the Devi’s favourite form and that as Durga she is ferocious and an invincible warrior who battles evil and demons of various kinds (Kinsley 1986: 138).  All goddesses, whether within a group or not, are considered different manifestations or forms of the one all-encompassing Goddess (Dold 46).  The reason the divine feminine needs so many names is that they convey different aspects of her nature and each are an expression or form of her and symbolize the various aspects of her character (Foulston & Abbott 10).

To better understand Saktism, it is helpful to understand how Saktism began and how it developed over the millennia.  The beginnings of mother worship in South Asia can be traced back to the terracotta figurines found in the Indus Valley that date back to 3000 BCE (Basu 3). It has been anthropologically noted that as agriculture develops, often mothers figure as the guiding forces of their society (Basu 3):

The magical rites designed to secure the fertility of the fields seem to belong to a special competence of the women who were the first cultivators of the soil and whose power of childbearing had, in primitive thought, a sympathetic effect on the vegetative forces of the earth (Bhattacharyya 4).

As time passed, throughout India, the tribal cults of early female deities seem to have become woven into the more intellectual doctrines (as found in the Vedas) that later migrated into their territories (Basu xii).

In the Rg Veda, the deities are predominantly patriarchal.  The few goddesses mentioned maintain a subordinate position and at no time, either individually or collectively, represent the ‘centre’ (Kinsley 1986: 7).  There is no one great goddess in Vedic literature, and there is no evidence it was conceived that all the individual goddesses are manifestations of one great goddess (Kinsley 1986: 18).  It should be noted however that the qualities of the goddesses mentioned in the Vedas appear in later Hinduism in various forms and with some of their characteristics (Foulston & Abbott 46).  It therefore seems apparent that following their arrival in India, the Vedic people came into contact with the indigenous population and were influenced by their cults and rituals which resulted in the adaption of Vedic goddesses to popular culture.  It also resulted in non-Vedic goddesses finding a place in the pantheon and the gradual penetration of the mother cult becomes apparent in later Vedic writing and Brahmanical religious worship (Basu 3).

It was the Gupta age, between the fourth & sixth centuries and during the height of the writing of Puranic literature, that the Mother Goddess cult truly developed (Basu 5).  The Puranas are the Hindu texts concerned primarily with myth and legend.  They built upon the Upanishads, and describe the supremacies of various Gods to convey the multiple manifestations of Brahman (Foulston & Abbott 11).  It is thought by some scholars that in the Gupta Age the “need was felt for a new religion, entirely female dominated, a religion in which even the great gods like Visnu or Siva would remain subordinate to the goddess” (Basu 65).   This new religion came to be known as Saktism.

The Sakta Puranas are whole texts in which the Goddess is the supreme deity.  There are remnants of Vedic deities in the Puranas, such as Prithivi, but the Goddess’s most prominent personalities are those that are pleased with the non-Vedic practice of blood-sacrifice; a practice that is likely based on popular local aboriginal goddesses (Foulston & Abbott 69).  Though the presented goddesses may have originated from non-Vedic sources, they are still presented in the Puranas in a palatable orthodox way (Foulston & Abbott 76).  The primary Sakta Puranas are the Devi-Mahatmya and the Devi-Bhagavatam which speak of the supremacy of the divine feminine (Foulston & Abbott 11).

In the Devi-Mahatmya the Devi, or Mahadevi, is shown as the personification of all aspects of energy, being simultaneously creative, preservative, and destructive (Foulston & Abbott 12).  The text implies, by constantly addressing the Devi by different names, that all goddesses are in reality one being (Foulston & Abbott 19).         The Devi Bhagavatam retells a number of Puranic myths from a feminine perspective and goddesses are shown as being identical to Brahman as well as eternal and independent of male authority (Foulston & Abbott 14).  This text is also explicit in its understanding of the Mahadevi as encompassing both benign and terrible aspects.  Both aspects are presented as required in order to maintain the dharmic balance of the cosmos (Foulston & Abbott 19).

By about 500 CE, the common goddesses of Saktism included Parvati, Durga, Kali, Amba, Tripurasundari, Lakshmi, and Saraswati (Bhattacharyya 107).  Indeed, the Puranas enumerate 108 names of the Great Goddess (Bhattacharyya 106) and it is in the Puranic texts we find some goddesses being grouped together; such as the seven mothers (whose worship was adapted for Brahamical ritual tradition) and the ten Mahadividyas.  All groupings exemplify how the Great Goddess manifests herself in a variety of forms at various times for different reasons (Foulston & Abbott 117).

Tantrism is sometimes considered synonymous with Saktism and while both Tantrism and Saktism share some characteristics, the two traditions are distinct (Foulston & Abbott 104). Both Tantrism and Saktism evolved with the assimilation of non-Vedic deities and traditions (such as blood sacrifice) within Brahmanical traditions (such as complex ritual worship).  Tantrism also includes a focus on the feminine principle that views all women as manifestations of Sakti (Bhattacharyya 107). But not all Saktas consider themselves to be followers of the esoterical ritual tantric tradition; many Sakta reject tantric forms of worship and instead focus on devotional worship (bhakti) or follow Vedic procedures (Rodrigues 240).

The worship practices of most Saktas are similar to the worship practices of other Hindus but sometimes include elements that in orthodoxy are considered polluting.  Like many Hindus, Saktas will most often worship in their home before a shrine created for their favorite deity (Foulston & Abbott 135).  Most villages will have their own goddess and she will be revered at the local shrine. There are times when people will join a larger congregation and worship the Great Goddess – in one form or another – in their local temples.  The later Puranas provide instruction on temple construction and ritual performance for the deity to which the particular text is dedicated (Foulston & Abbott 132). Unlike religious worship in the West, the worship of deities in Hinduism is generally an individual affair.  There are no formal services, though there are regular times of day when the priests perform puja.  Temples become the focus during festivals, when many people gather to witness and participate in rituals that particular manifestation of the Great Goddess requires (Foulston & Abbott 135).  Saktas celebrate most major Hindu festivals, as well as a huge variety of local, temple or deity specific observances.

In the process of the evolution of Saktism a number of places came to be associated with Sakti worship and came to be regarded as sacred Sakta pithas (Basu 5).  The belief in the sacredness of the land in India has contributed to the concept of sacred sites connected to goddesses (Foulston & Abbott 186).  This idea of a sacred landscape is thought to have combined with a belief in the myth of the dismemberment of Sati  – the landing places of her scattered body created the locations of sacred sites – and these sites became Sakta pithas (Rodrigues 2005: 240).  There are some scholars who believe the myth of Sati’s death was used to connect many local goddesses with the Sakta Devi (Foulston & Abbott 186).

One such Sakta pitha is for the goddess Kamakhya in Assam.  This modest temple draws worshipers from all over India and is most sacred at one particular time of year when the seasonally swollen river is viewed as the goddess’s annual menstruation.  Devotees wear red clothes, representing Devi’s blood stained garments.  Animal sacrifices are made and Kamakhya’s power is so strong as to produce sacredness from something that is usually considered profane (Dold 46).

Laksmi, Parvati, Sati, Prthivi and other benevolent versions of the Great Goddess are understood to be the parts of the transcendent divine who is oriented toward upholding and protecting the world.  Worshipers revere these incarnations in order to ensure fertility, protection regarding the establishment of dharmic order, cultural creativity, wifely duty, wisdom, and material abundance; they are also the embodiment of female beauty (Kinsley 1986: 140).  But Saktas are especially drawn to more ferocious goddesses, like the great Durga or Kali, who are seen not only as protectors but also as destroyers.

Durga is thought to be the Devi’s most popular form and her exploits are the mostly commonly celebrated events in Sakti mythology.  The Devi-Mahatmya establishes Durga, with her manifestation Kali, as an aspect of the Great Goddess.  In this text, Durga is regarded as the incarnate strength of the gods.  She is presented as a beautiful golden ten armed warrior goddess who is sometimes viewed as benevolent, but has not lost her non-Vedic habit of accepting blood sacrifices (Foulston & Abbott 34).  Durga is celebrated during the most important Sakta festival, Navarati (the Festival of Nine Nights).  These festivals are used to worship the Navadurgas, the nine manifested forms of Durga that slew powerful demons as described in the Devi Mahatmya.  In Bengal, the last four days of the autumn Navaratri are called Durga Puja which marks Durga’s slaying of the Buffalo Demon. It is a massive and remarkable worship celebration that consumes the city of Kolkata and includes multiple worship practices focused on Durga, including blood sacrifices (Foulston & Abbott 160).

Goddesses all over India are worshiped with blood sacrifices.  Despite the Hindu tradition of ahimsa, the offering of goddesses animal sacrifices continues as, in the eyes of Saktas, their goddesses demand blood in their worship.  They believe these goddesses, who are associated with fertility, must be periodically re-nourished: in order to give life, they must receive life back in the form of blood (Kinsley 1986: 145).

Saktism has its roots among the masses.  It evolved out of the prehistoric Mother Goddess cult and its development was organic through Hindu development (Bhattacharyya 165).  From the middle of the 19th century the cult of Sakti is said to have contributed to the growth of Indian nationalism (McKean 250).  The concept of the country in the form of a divine mother became a strong basis of the Indian freedom movement.  In the early 20th century Sri Aurobindo, Indian philosopher and nationalist, said “Mother India is not a piece of earth; she is power, a godhead, for all nations have such a devi, supporting their separate existence and keeping it in being” (McKean 255).  There have even been recent efforts by political nationalists to fashion a new manifestation of the Great Goddess in a new goddess named Bharat Mata.  She is being used by political forces as a reigning deity over the many other manifestation of female divinity in India.  Hoping to use her for the cause of religious nationalism, they present their goddess as Mother India; the identity of the Indian national state (McKean 250).

Saktism can be viewed as proof of the assimilative and unifying character of Hinduism. The one fundamental belief in Hinduism is the belief in an all-pervading and all-transcending reality which is the source of everything.  This reality has been visualized by Saktas in the form of Sakti, the Great Goddess.  Saktism allows its adherents to obtain identification with, and connection to, Ultimate Reality through the worship of their chosen goddess, whether that goddess be their village deity, Mahadevi, Durga, or even Mother India.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Basu, Anuradha (Mitra) (2009) Sakti Worship in India and Iconography. Kolkata: R.N. Bhattacharya.

Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath (1974) History of the Sakta Religion. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharial Publishers.

Dold, Patricia A. (2011) “Pilgrimage to Kamakhya through Text and Lived Religion.” In Studying Hinduism in Practice. Edited by Hillary P. Rodrigues, 46-61. New York: Routledge.

Foulston, Lynn, and Stuart Abbott (2012) Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices. Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press.

Kinsley, David R. (1986) Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. London: University of California Press.

Kinsley, David R. (1996) “Kali: Blood and Death out of Place.” In Devi Goddesses of India. Edited by John Stratton Hawley and Donna Marie Wulff, p. 77-86. London: Univeristy of California Press.

McKean, Lise (1996) “Bharat Mata: Mother India and Her Militant Matriots.” In Devi Goddesses of India. Edited by John Stratton Hawley and Donna Marie Wulff, p. 250-280. London: Univeristy of California Press.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2003) Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: The liturgy of the durga puja with interpretations. Albany: SUNY Press,

Rodrigues, Hillary (2005) Hinduism: The eBook. JBE Online Books.

Pintchman, Tracy (1994) The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Stratton Hawley, John (1996) “The Goddess in India“. In Devi Goddesses of India. Edited by John Stratton Hawley and Donna Marie Wulff, p. 1-28. London: Univeristy of California Press.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Sakta

Devi

Parsakti

Advasakti

Mulaprakti

Mahadevi

Saguna Brahman

Mahalaksmi

Mahasarasvati

Mahakali

Seven Mothers

Nine Durgas

64 Yoginis

Ten Mahavidyas

Indus Valley Civilization

Tantra

Durga

The Devi Mahatmya

Devi Bhagavatam

Parvati

Durga

Kali

Amba

Tripurasundari

Sati

Kamakhya

Prithivi

Navadurgas

The Durga Puja

Sri Aurobindo

Bharat Mata

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.bangalinet.com/durgapuja.htm

https://www.himalayanacademy.com/media/books/hindu-basics/web/hin_ch04.html

http://www.patheos.com/library/shakta-hinduism

https://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=3784

http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195399318/obo-9780195399318-0085.xml

http://www.hindunet.com.au/new/index.html

http://www.bangalinet.com/durgapuja.htm

 

Article written by: Dawn Kinney (November 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. The Renouncer, a. Asceticism and Renunciation, e. Other Sects, Related Topics in Yoga, Sacred Specialists

The Kanphata Yogis

 The Kanphata Yogis refers to a monastic order of Hindu renouncers, found predominantly throughout India and Nepal, who worship the god Siva. They are also known as the Darsanis, Gorakhnathi or Natha Yogis. The name Kanphata refers to the split through the hollow of their ears and Darsani refer to the large earrings they wear through these holes, their most distinctive feature. Gorakhnathi or Nath refers instead to their supposed founder, Gorakhnath, who is also credited as the founder of Hatha Yoga. Though he is said to be the author of a large number of books it is more likely that he authored only a few and other followers of his have since added to the collection. (Bouillier 2018:18-26).

Gorakhnath takes on both the roles of founder and deity in the Kanphata Yogi order. On the one hand he is a Guru praised for his purity and asceticism, and on the other he is said to be a being born through the miraculous power of Siva and is also a form of Siva (Bouillier 2018:14). The mythology surrounding Gorakhnath’s upbringing is extensive and not all of the stories agree on all points. One popular story is that a barren woman was given ashes from Siva to eat. Instead she threw them into a heap of cow dung and 12 years later upon searching the heap of dung, a 12 year old boy was found within it. The boy was then accepted as a pupil by the mighty guru, Matsyendranath, who named the child Gorakhnath meaning filth or lord of cattle (Briggs 182). His relationship to his Guru was complicated as he acted at times as a pupil and at times as an instructor or even savior of his master, saving his master from temptations of the flesh and other worldly influences (Bhattacharyya 285). In these ways the followers of Gorakhnath through legend and mythology deify him and simultaneously establish his teachings as being directly from the Gods. Actual historical data surrounding his birth, life, and death are however largely hypothetical and many scholars disagree on the date and location of his birth (Bouillier 2013:158). In the books accredited to his authorship, he appears to have borrowed inspiration from Jainism and from Vajrayana Buddhism, both in the strong focus on the obtainment of supernatural powers, through Yogic meditation, and on the incorporation of tantric doctrines into their core ideals (Bhattacharyya 285, Briggs 259, 274-276). Examples of this focus are found in the Gorakh-bani (Sayings of Gorakh), in which their quest for superhuman powers and immortality or divinity is explained (Bouillier 2013:161). Supernatural powers are considered a gratuity, rather than the actual end goal of Hatha Yoga, which is to reach mukti or enlightenment. The ordered discipline of yoga serves as a vehicle to assist or aid the Yogi as he or she endeavors in this quest (Briggs 2, 262-265).

Kanphata Yogis take their heritage from the Himalayan foothills and share common ancestry with the Siddhas in Tibetan Buddhism, as Gorakhnath is identified as Luipada by the Buddhist texts (Bhattacharyya 284-285). A rift in the teachings between the followers of Gorakhnath and the Siddhas is illustrated in the account of Gorakhnath saving his master from lust and sensual pleasures, and so doing, changing the guidelines for his followers from the overtly sexual tantric practices of his predecessors to a chaste focus in the internal development of oneself (Bouillier 2018:16-17).  There is however a large focus on the maintenance of one’s body physically and spiritually, sexual practice of any kind is forbidden (Bouillier 2018:301-302). Many members of the tradition try to keep as far away from women as possible (Bhattacharyya 287-288), though some women, mostly widows, do join the order (Briggs 4-5).

Heavy focus is also placed upon the large earrings that they wear through the hollows of their ears. Some explain that the split through the cartilage of the ear is done in such a place as to cut through a mystical channel, thus assisting the bearer in their path to enlightenment (Briggs 6). Strict care is placed on the Yogi to protect their ears after the split has been made. There are some indications that, in the past, if one of the Yogis had the earring pulled out or their ear was mutilated in some other way that they would either be killed outright or be buried alive, though more recently banishment is a more common punishment (Briggs 8-9). These earrings, or mudra, are traditionally made of clay, but as these are easily broken they can be substituted for rings made of antler, horn, wood, precious metals, or shells. Kanphata Yogis also differ from orthodox Hindus also in their death rituals, namely that they bury their dead rather than cremate them. This practice is substantiated by the legendary dispute between Muslims and Hindus over who were masters of the earth. In response to this dispute Gorakhnath sat on the ground and called on it to yield to him, the earth then opened up and he sank below the surface (Briggs 39-40).

Kanphata Yogis and their supernatural powers have also played a part in the development of various kingdoms in the areas of Northern and Western India as well as Nepal. In Nepal in particular, a powerful Yogi is credited with using supernatural powers to assist the king of a small nation to unify the Nepalese area under one crown (Bouillier 1991:154-156). Similar stories can be found throughout India, and each Nath Monastery will generally have its own myths about the supernatural powers of the founding Yogi. These supernatural powers include controlling the weather, changing the physical size of the Yogi, exorcism, healing, the power of flight, necromantic powers, and psychic or telekinetic abilities to name a few (Briggs 271). These stories of supernatural powers gave the yogis a certain notoriety among both commoners and nobility, causing them to be warily honored lest they curse the public just as in the story of Gorakhnath’s visit to Kathmandu when he caused a drought to befall the people as punishment for receiving him poorly (Bouillier 2018:16).

Modern Day Kanphata Yogis exist largely in monasteries throughout India and South-East Asia or very occasionally as wandering ascetics and renouncers. Disciples known as Aughars rather than Yogis are inducted into the order of monastics through several stages of discipleship (Briggs 7-11). Contrary to what their name may suggest many Kanphata Yogis do not actively practice yoga (Briggs 251). They possess no official cannon of texts but instead cite a mishmash of books with varied and dubious authorship, including many texts that are nearly identical but with different titles or authors (Bouillier 2018:18-26, Briggs 252-257). Exact knowledge of the contents of these texts are also not largely stressed, but focus seems to be more on an oral tradition of legends and secret techniques which are passed down from Guru to Aughar (Briggs 7-10,251). That is not to say that the Kanphata Yogis are without modernization as they have formed the Pan-Indian Nath Yogi Association, and in some ways attempted to organize themselves by the 12 panths or branches of their order. There are currently more than 12 branches in existence but this number likely refers to an original division rather than a current one (Bouillier 2018:54-56).

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath (1982) History of the Tantric Religion. New Delhi: Manohar Publications.

Bouillier, Véronique (1991) “Growth and decay of a Kanphata Yogi monastery in south-west Nepal” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 28,2: 151-170

Bouillier, Véronique (2013) “A Survey of Current Researches on India’s Nath Yogis” Religion Compass Vol 7 #5 (May): 157-168

Bouillier, Véronique (2018) Monastic Wanderers: Nath Yogi Ascetics in Modern South Asia. New York: Routledge.

Briggs, George W. (1938) Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Jacobsen, K.A. (2012) Yoga Powers. Extraordinary Capacities Attained through Meditation and Concentration. Leiden: Brill.

White, D.G. (1996) The Alchemical Body. Siddha tradition in Medieval India. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

 

This article was written by Christopher J Boehmer (Fall 2018), who is entirely responsible for its content.

b. Vedic Deities

Visvakarman

Divine Artificer, Visvakarman

Visvakarman is a rather enigmatic Hindu deva. His role in Hinduism has changed greatly over the millennia he has been worshipped. In the Vedic context, Visvakarman is said to be “the maker of the universe” (Narayan & George 478). However, in more contemporary iterations, he is more of a “divine architect” responsible for only certain types of worldly creation since before the dawn of time (Narayan 111). Sometimes he is compared to the Roman god of fire and smithery, Vulcan (or Hephaestus, as he is known in his Greek variant). His place in modern Hinduism is as the patron of craftsmanship and artisanship, and the patriarch of tools and machinery (Mukharji 31). Though there was some prior interest in Visvakarman, it is truly thanks to the historian Dipesh Chakrabarty that scholarly attention was drawn to the significance of the artificer deva (Mukharji 31, Narayan and George 487).

Visvakarman has two well-known iconographic depictions: one, the most common, is mostly found in northern and western regions of India, and the other more so in the east (Narayan and George 479-480). The northern regions depict him as an old man with long white hair and a matching beard. He has four arms in which he holds various tools—a measuring stick, a plumb bob, a water pot, and a treatise on building (Narayan and George 479). He is often shown surrounded by his five sons, and his mount is a white swan. A halo of simple tools, such as hammers and chisels, encircle his head (Narayan 111-112). The eastern depictions show a much younger looking deva, with short, curly, black hair, and only a moustache on his face. In these he typically has an elephant as his mount. The tools he holds in his hands are far less standardized in this iteration, ranging from an axe, a hammer, occasionally even a kite or a bow and arrow. The halo above his head shows more complex mechanical devices rather than simple tools (Narayan and George 480). While the majority of Hindu devas hold weapons in their hands, Visvakarman is always shown holding tools instead. This directly relates to his role as a divine artificer. In fact, all of the weapons that the other devas are known for (i.e. Indra’s vajra, Siva’s trisula, etc.) were said to have been created by Visvakarman (Narayan 112).

Visvakarman is a much different deva in the Vedas than he is nowadays. In the Rg Veda, the deva that we now know as Visvakarman is more associated with the name Tvastr (“the fashioner”) (Narayan 112). Tvastr is given very minimal physical description, with only his arms and hands being talked about with any semblance of clarity, but his actions and purpose are very much in line with our contemporary Visvakarman (MacDonell 116). The name Visvakarman does, however, appear in the Rg Veda, though rather uncommonly. It is used as the name of the creator deva, along with the name Prajapati. This is especially so in the Brahmanas. His Vedic depictions describe him in a very similar way to the more modern creator god, Brahma: having a face on every side, four arms, and wings. The fact that both Brahma and Visvakarman have a white swan for a mount also suggests a historical connection. As a word, Visvakarman seems to have been an adjective for other devas, such as Indra or the Sun, emphasizing their creative ability. It was not until post-Vedic times that Visvakarman became a god in his own right, seemingly taking the place of Tvastr, similar to the way Brahma took the place of Prajapati (MacDonell 118).

Like any Hindu deva, there are a plethora of legends and myths surrounding Visvakarman. He has five sons, each of which are forefathers of specialist craftsperson castes: “carpenters, stonemasons, goldsmiths, copper or mixed metal smiths, and blacksmiths” (Narayan 112). He is also said to have a daughter named Saranyu, who marries the Sun. Together, Saranyu and the Sun give birth to three sons: Yama, Yami, and Manu. Saranyu realizes that the Sun is too bright to be around, so she creates a perfect duplicate shadow-version of herself, who then bears three more children with the Sun: Shani, Tapati, and a second named Manu. When the Sun realizes that this Saranyu is a shadow, he asks that Visvakarman shave off his excess brightness so that the real Saranyu can bear to be in his presence. Visvakarman does so, and uses the excess brightness taken from the Sun to create weapons for all of his fellow devas. Upon the reunion of Saranyu and her newly dimmed husband, they produce three more children: Revanta, and the twins known as the Asvins. In certain western parts of India, Visvakarman’s daughter is more associated with the double-goddess Randal Ma (Narayan 119).

Many groups of Hindu craftsmen claim direct lineage to Visvakarman, despite being of entirely different castes. They all consider themselves “Sons of [Visvakarman]” (Narayan 119). Craftsmen view their ability to create as a gift revealed to them by Visvakarman rather than a skill that has been perfected over many ages (Ramaswamy 549). The influence that Visvakarman has over the tools used by his descendents is somewhat vague, though it is generally understood that he is physically tied to them (Mukharji 36-37). There are many different kinds of craftsmen that claim lineage to Visvakarman, including: architects (sthapati), masons (kal tachchan), blacksmiths (kollan), carpenters (achchan), etc. (Ramaswamy 567). Interestingly, many groups of Visvakarman’s craftsmen use an image of the Hindu deva Hanuman, who played an integral role in the Ramayana, as a banner. It is said that Visvakarman accompanied the army of Rama to the kingdom of Lanka, which Hanuman had earlier burned down. Visvakarman helped rebuild the kingdom after Rama was victorious (Ramaswamy 565).

The direct worship of Visvakarman as a deva seems to be a rather recent development. For a long time—and still to this day in most cases—worship of Visvakarman is done as worship of the tools themselves. The common belief is that Visvakarman’s creative will is manifested through the actions of the workers who use his tools in their everyday lives (Narayan and George 479). The tool is more than just a man-made implement; it is a gift from Visvakarman, his own creation, and it is revered as such. Visvakarman’s sons are held in high devotional regard as the founding fathers of the craftsmen communities. There are also instances of groups who worship Visvakarman’s daughter, either as Saranyu or Randal Ma (Narayan 119).

The biggest Hindu celebration in honour of Visvakarman is the Visvakarman Puja. Celebrated on the 17th of September every year, it is a rather unusual Hindu celebration, as it falls on a day of the solar calendar as opposed to the more commonly used lunar calendar (Melton 908). The use of a specific date for such a celebration has caused some controversy, as many pujas are meant as a sort of birthday celebration for the deva that is being honoured. In the case of Visvakarman, however, many believe he has no birthday. Having played a key role in the creation of the world, he is said to have existed before there were such things as days. Most Hindu practitioners have no problem with this, simply desiring a day in honour of the divine architect. A response to the controversy has been the conception of another devotional day, Rsi Panchami Dinam (“The Day of the Five Rsis”). The five rsis in question are the five sons of Visvakarman (Melton 908). The celebration of either of these days is generally done by the craftsperson community—those that owe their livelihoods to Visvakarman. Because Visvakarman has few temples dedicated to him, common practice is to hold the celebration at the workplace in the presence of one’s tools (Melton 908).

Although his history is vague and detailed by several differing accounts, Visvakarman is nonetheless a highly regarded deva with an intricate mythology and a devout following. All Hindu devas have gone through revisional instances—such is the nature of being a part of an ancient tradition—but this does nothing to disenfranchise the reverence of his followers. We can see the different depictions that Visvakarman has gone through historically, as well as the different iterations that exist to this very day. We can come to understand him through anecdote and legend, as well as the role his children and grandchildren took. We can study his place in the lives of his devotees, and how they show reverence and respect for the one they call their divine patriarch. There is no simple one-way street to approaching something as complex as a Hindu deva, and Visvakarman is no exemption from this rule. But whether he has one head or five, white hair or black, a swan or an elephant, he is dearly beloved by those who wield the tool.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Macdonell, Arthur Anthony (1995) Vedic Mythology. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers

Pvt. Ltd.

Melton, J. Gordon (2011) Religious Celebrations: An Encyclopedia of Holidays, Festivals,

Solemn Observances, and Spiritual Commemorations, Volume 1. Santa Barbara:

ABC-CLIO, LLC

Mukharji, Projit Bihari (2018) “Occulted Materialities.” History and Technology 34:1, 31-40.

Accessed October 3, 2018. doi:10.1080/07341512.2018.1516851

Narayan, Kirin (2014) “Narrative Creating Process.” Narrative Culture 1:1, 109-123.

Accessed October 2, 2018. doi:10.13110/narrcult.1.1.0109

Narayan, Kirin and George, Kenneth M. (2017) “Tools and world-making in the worship of

Vishwakarma.” South Asian History and Culture 8:4, 478-492. Accessed October 2,

  1. doi:10.1080/19472498.2017.1371506

Ramaswamy, Vijaya (2004) “Vishwakarma Craftsmen in Early Medieval Peninsular India.”

Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47:4, 548-582. Accessed

October 15, 2018. doi: 10.1163/1568520042467154

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Tvastr

Prajapati/Brahma

Dipesh Chakrabarty

Sons of Visvakarman

Saranyu/Randal Ma

Yama

Yami

Manu

Shani

Tapati

Revanta

Asvins

sthapati

kal tachchan 

kollan 

achchan

Hanuman

Ramayana

Visvakarman Puja

Rsi Panchami Dinam

 

Noteworthy Websites

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishvakarman

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tvastar

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishwakarma_Puja

 

This article was written by: Chase Arsenault (October 2018), who is entirely responsible for its content.

 

 

f. Devotional Worship (Bhakti)

The Bhakti Movement

Though a well-known and large contributor to the culture and the layout of Indian society today, the bhakti movement cannot be viewed through a straight-forward, universally accepted perspective (Hawley 221). It has changed through regions and time periods and bhakti has become a broad term which has been perceived in different ways. Bhakti has been thought of as being a concept, an ideology, and a movement (Thakur 100). Bhakti, as a concept, refers to the loving devotion to a god. It is the unbending devotion to a particular god, which develops into a powerful love. This love is sometimes compared to the attachment between friends, the devotion of a servant to a master, or the love shared even more intimately as in a romantic relationship (Pande 1985: 231). As an ideology, bhakti has been described as a socially accepted, common interest for all members of society, regardless of class or caste, that shifts members focus to the group rather than one’s position as an individual (Thakur 100). Bhakti has also been regarded as a literary movement (which will be the focus of this article) rooted in religion which rose from a society calling for transformation (Pande 1987: 214), and continued developing and changing as it moved through regions (Pattanayak 117).

Ideas of bhakti were already being formed by the alvars in the fifth to eighth centuries. The alvars laid the foundation for the Vaisnava philosophy as well as the bhakti movement. They first wrote hymns, many of which referenced Krsna (Chari 279). Accounts of serious worship of the divine and total surrender of oneself have been found in alvar-literature (Varadachari 621). An early beginning to the concept of bhakti is also seen in the story of Andal, an alvar saint who combined the erotic with the spiritual in her relationship with Krsna (Thakur 103). These early ideas related to bhakti were not commonly integrated into people’s way of life until the bhakti movement began to gain momentum centuries later.

There was a variety of societal factors which contributed to the urge for change in India. The conditions of the time have been considered by some to be a social crisis, primarily due to the shifting modes of production occurring at the time (Thakur 101). Towns during the 14th century were experiencing steady growth and agriculture was decreasing in its prominence. Commercial industry was growing as goods were more quickly produced. Some of the technological developments involved in this growth included: the use of a vertical loom in carpet weaving, the use of a spinning wheel in the cotton industry, increase in the use of vaulted roofs architecturally, and more silver and gold coins being made for trade (Pande 1987: 215). Economically, these developments were worsening conditions for sudras because as the amount of industrial jobs and business increased, so did the amount of slave labour (Pande 1987: 215). As the conditions for the sudras declined, the merchants and artisans continued to elevate in their wealth and status. Though this was occurring, Brahmins continued to consider themselves in very high regard, not acknowledging the rising status of the artisans and merchants nor accepting these groups into the class system.

Brahmins became increasingly oppressive in order to maintain their own status and resist changes in the social structure (Pande 1987: 216). They required complex rituals to be done by people in order to prove their place within the varna system.  These rituals were done in Sanskrit, making them difficult to be performed by many of the lower classes who were not entirely familiar with this language. The result of the intense requirements was a large number of outcasts from the varna system, reinforcing the power of the Brahmins (Pande 1987: 216). Political factors also contributed to the need for reform. The larger, more powerful state was being regionally divided and the authority of the Sultanate was diminishing (Pande 1987: 215).  Overall, these conditions were bringing a challenge to the existing social hierarchy in India. The changing conditions of society primarily affected the sudras and Dalits in the hierarchy and they began to experience discontentment with society, becoming restless with a desire for reform.

Another aspect of society, which was a part of the foundation for reformation in India, was the conflicting perspectives between Muslims and Hindus. Bhakti was desirable as it could act as a resolution for this type of conflict: bhakti is accepting of any god to worship, as long is it is loving devotion (Pande 1987: 217). Therefore, the bhakti movement was attractive to those who sought a harmonious society as it would allow the ideas of Hindusim and Islam to find common ground, not interfering with one another (Pande 1985: 230).

The great appeal of bhakti was especially rooted in the discontentment of people in the lower levels of the varna system and outcasts. Bhakti, being the loving devotion to a god, was accessible to everyone, regardless of status. For the sudras, then, it was also a way of protesting the social order (Thakur 105). The bhakti ideology offered no way of socially dividing people and therefore was appealing to those of lower castes who had been oppressed and looked down upon within the hierarchical setup of the varna system. The ideology of bhakti also held appeal for those of high castes, though for different motives. The attraction to the rulers was in bhakti’s assurance of divine intervention in times when the effects of adharma were manifesting (Thakur 102). This offered some relaxation on the expectations of the ruler, as normally the karmic effects of a region were dependent on the alignment of the king/ruler with dharma. The appeal of bhakti is what drove the movement to gain momentum.

Saints who came primarily from the lower sections of society were momentous in bringing about the beginnings of the bhakti movement. It is clear through hymns written by the bhaktas that the saints aimed to create a culture of harmony between the Hindus and Muslims (Pande 1987: 216). The ideal of equality was a major aim of the bhakti saints. This ideal is verified by a study of Kabir which serves to unveil the beliefs, hopes and objectives of the saints who initiated the bhakti movement. Kabir was a weaver of low caste who was involved in the attempt to bring unanimity among castes and religions in India. Kabir made statements such as “in the beginning there were no such distinctions of race, caste and creed” and “one does not become a scholar by reading scriptures. It is only through the learning of love that one can become a real scholar” (Pande 1987: 217). The former statement makes evident the bhakti ideal that society was intended from the beginning to be casteless and people should be regarded as equal. The latter statement demonstrates the bhakti belief that love and relationships surpass intellect. Ideas of the bhakti movement reject the notion that ritualism is required by the gods to gain salvation. People began to reject meaningless ritualism, especially of the Brahmin class, in favour of an actual relationship between a human and a god (Pande 1987: 217).

Though early ideas of bhakti were introduced in the nineth century, the bhakti movement really began its course in the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Pandey and Tyagi 129). The movement began in areas in the south of India and has been commonly believed to have expanded across India towards the north. Recent inquiry into the directional movement of bhakti indicates a different possibility that the idea of bhakti may have moved from south to west India. The knowledge base for this recent inquiry on the movement of bhakti came from the Bhagavata Mahatmya, a text written in the sixteenth or seventeenth century (Saha 299). As the range of these ideas was expanded, the idea of bhakti was developed and changed primarily due to the influence of Buddhism, Nathism, and other religions (Pattanayak 117).

The impacts of the bhakti movement continue into modern Indian society. In north India, bhakti remains intact, continuing but no longer characterizing a protest (Thakur 104-105). Since the bhakti movement was a protest against meaningless ritualism, it resulted in the divergence of language from Sanskrit as people embraced more individuality and rejected the rituals of the Brahmins, which were done in Sanskrit (Pandey and Tyagi 129). The saint’s goals for the bhakti movement achieved some success in that there was greater harmony between Hinduism and Islam. Though bhakti did create a more egalitarian society, the movement did not result in total equality among people. People among different castes experienced much less inequality, but injustices involving women remained unacknowledged. Women continued to be seen as an obstacle in obtaining salvation and their only purpose was considered to be serving their husbands (Pande 1987: 219-220). Women were widely perceived as having a fallen nature. They were thought to be created by Maya, and were distractions to their husband’s pursuit of salvation. (Sangari 1470). The protest presented in the bhakti movement cannot be considered complete then, as women were entirely left out of all social reconstructions (Pande 1987: 221).

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Chari, S. M. (1998) “Philosophy and Theistic Mysticism of the Alvars.” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 79:279-280. Pune: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

Hawley, John S. (2007) “Introduction.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 11:209-25. New York: Springer.

Pande, Rekha (1985) “The Social Context of the Bhakti Movement- A Study in Kabir.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 46:230-35. Indian History Congress.

Pande, Rekha (1987) “The Bhakti Movement- An Interpretation.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 48:214-21. Indian History Congress.

Pandey, Manager, and Alka Tyagi (2001) “Bhakti Poetry: Its Relevance and Significance.” Indian Literature 45:129-138. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi.

Pattanayak, Debi P. (1992) “Sant Literature in India.” Indian Literature 35:115-120. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi.

Saha, Shandip (2007) “The Movement of Bhakti along a North-West Axis: Tracing the History of the Pustimarg between the Sixteenth and Nineteenth Centuries.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 11:299-318. New York: Springer.

Sangari, Kumkum (1990) “Mirabai and the Spiritual Economy of Bhakti.” Economic and Political Weekly 25:1464-1475. Mumbai: Economic and Political Weekly.

Thakur, Vijay K. (1994) “Bhakti as an Ideology: Perspectives in Deconstructing the Early Medieval Indian Tradition.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 55:99-107. Indian History Congress.

Varadachari, K. C. (1942) “Some Contributions of Alvars to the Philosophy of Bhakti.” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 23:621-632. Pune: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Alvars

Bhagavata Mahatmya

Bhaj

Bhaktas

Bhakti

Gender roles

Islam

Krisna

Movements

Vaisnavaism

Varna system

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://knowindia.gov.in/culture-and-heritage/medieval-history/bhakti-movement.php

http://www.sikh-history.com/sikhhist/events/bhakti.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhakti_movement

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhakti

http://pluralism.org/religions/hinduism/introduction-to-hinduism/bhakti-the-way-of-devotion/

Article written by: Ashley Machacek (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content

b. Vedic Deities

Aditi and the Adityas

Though Aditi has many definitions, synonyms and interpretations, the most common and general understanding is that Aditi is the mother of all the Hindu Gods (Wangu 33). Some common terms used to translate this Sanskrit term are boundlessness (Wangu 33), freedom (Wangu 33), innocence (Brereton 5), heaven, or the universe (Brereton 4). Aditi may also be interpreted as the mother of the Adityas, as the guardian of rta, or “social order” (Bose 18); the source of past, present, future, of all things that ever have, or will be born; as well as the entrance and exit of the original source (Wangu 33). It has also been thought that the goddess Aditi is merely a personification of the concept of aditi; a notion that lacks a specific definition itself (Brereton 4). While having a variety of interpretations, Aditi, alongside her sister Diti, presents the divide between good and evil. Her legend also indicates a turning point in Hinduism towards a more patriarchal design.

Many scholars have attempted to narrow the definition through speculation about the Vedas and its implementation of the phrases Aditi and Adityas. The use of Aditya throughout the Rg and Artharva Vedas has assisted scholars in specifying what the concept of aditi is referring to. The common interpretation of the Adityas is found through the study of Sanskrit grammar, in that when a derivation of a term ends in –ya– that it is expressing the presence of a metonymic relationship (Brereton 324). However, the term Adityas is not used consistently, and is at times replaced with Aditeya, which is a more common way of expressing a metonymic relationship (Brereton 324). This may be because the term Aditya was insufficient to suggest a relationship of familial ties but rather was implemented to show the relationship between a noun and an adjective, as is also common with Sanskrit terms of this style (Brereton 324).

Whether a representation of the concept or an actual son of the Goddess, the interpretation of Aditya is contingent upon the interpretation of Aditi (Brereton 4). An Aditya may be a son of innocence, upholding it and the “principles of ethical purity” (Brereton 22). Mitra, Varuna and Aryaman are excellent examples for how the Adityas uphold innocence as they personify the principles of justice through contract, commandment and custom, respectively. (Brereton 184). Being a son of freedom, it has been speculated that they do not make freedom but are themselves “free” in the sense that they are free from the bounds of human existence (Brereton 9). This definition is appropriate for eternally sovereign gods such as Mitra and Varuna. A son of heaven may apply to any god; however, a son of the universe may apply to either a triad or heptad; based on different understandings on how the universe is divided: whether into two sections – heaven and earth -or into three – heaven, earth and atmosphere (Brereton 4).

Many theorists have speculated on the notion that the term Adityas could be referring to only a specific group of gods, or that it may allude to any god who personifies the concept Aditi represents (Brereton 9). ‘Adityas’ has referred to a group of seven, a pair, a triad, but also innumerable number of gods, and none of which are suggested as all-inclusive list (Brereton 13). One speculator came to a reasonable conclusion that the term Adityas mainly refers to the triad of Mitra, Varuna, Aryaman (Brereton 12). This does not mean that each of them are synonymous with the term; but that they may be interchanged when they resemble inherent characteristics of Aditi (Brereton 21). Adityas are, essentially, personifications of the principles that govern the social order (Brereton 20) and the term is applied to those who adopt the personification (Brereton 320).

While the Rg and Atharva Vedas are the main source for hymns and insight into Aditi, the Bhagavata Purana has vital information pertaining to Aditi, her sons, and the moral order. Svayambhuva, the son or creation of Brahma, married off his 3rd daughter, Prasuti, to Daksha. Together they had 13 daughters, one of which was Aditi, all of which married Kasyapa (Bhagavata Purana FTR 70). These 13 daughters, or wives, are thought to be the primary beings from which all living species descended (Bhagavata Purana 1356). Aditi and Kasyapa bore their first son, Indra, who became Lord of the Vedas. Diti, one of Aditi’s sisters, was jealous of the superior son that Aditi had created. Diti, unlike Aditi, was a slave to her sexual passion. She wanted a more powerful son and demanded it of Kasyapa; forcing herself on him during his meditation (Bhagavata Purana 473). Due to Aditi’s virtuous nature she produced devas, or heavenly, divine beings, also known as Adityas, who were ruled by sattva (Bhagavata Purana FTR 70). However, Diti’s defiling of holiness lead Kasyapa to declare that she would give birth to two Asuras, who will be ruled by the passion of rajas, cause suffering to the innocent and be killed by the “Supreme Personality” in anger (Bhagavata Purana 475).  When Diti’s first two sons were killed she again demanded of Kasyapa another child. Once again pregnant, Diti laid asleep while Indra cut the fetus into 49 pieces, which resulted in 49 sons known as the Maruts. Over time the Maruts opted to serve Indra as his soldiers. Through these events Aditi and Diti have created the divide between the good and evil of all creation (Bhagavata Purana FTR 55).

When Aditi is visited by a presence in the form of the Supreme Lord, she is shocked and begins praising him. He speaks to her about her sons and how he wishes to help her as he is pleased with her virtue (Bhagavata Purana 1873). She is told she will bear The Supreme Lord as a son but is advised not to tell anyone. Pleased with the news she is given, Aditi went to her husband filled with devotion. Kasyapa, entranced in his yoga practice, envisioned that the Lord had injected a part of Himself in Kasyapa. With just his mind he was able to penetrate Aditi with his sperm, possibly due to the chaste restraints he had practiced for so long (Bhagavata Purana 1874). Lord Brahma began to pray over the pregnancy, knowing that Aditi’s womb carried the Supreme Lord (Bhagavata Purana 1875). Visnu manifested himself as Vamana, the brahmacari dwarf incarnation (Bhagavata Purana 1877), and at that moment all was filled with happiness. “The Beauty of the Liberated Souls was thereupon with words of welcome worshiped by Bali Mahārāja who honored Him by washing His feet” (Bhagavata Purana 1883). As the water used to wash His feet washes away the sin of the world (Bhagavata Purana 1883).

Throughout many of the texts related to Aditi and other goddesses, scholars have commented on the presence and importance of females throughout the Hindu tradition. As discussed in Women in the Hindu Tradition, the highest respect one can pay to a woman is to regard her as a devi (Bose 13). Just below the status of devi is to refer to a woman as “mother.” However, in the context of common human interactions, the word devi is essentially written off and inapplicable; making this highly regarded status unattainable for women. This has been viewed as a form of marginalization of women in Hindu society (Bose 13). Also, a goddess is almost always referred to by their relations with male figures; being reduced to merely a sister, wife, or a daughter, having her whole identity depend on her relationships with men (Bose 14). The attitude towards females in the Rg Veda differs from that of later texts. In the first book of the Vedas it was not customary for a woman to have a male counterpart, this is made evident by Aditi’s lack of consort in early texts (Bose 18).

Some scholars have analyzed the patriarchy within Hinduism and its effects on the representation of goddesses. Chitgopekar claims that patriarchy tends to subordinate female deities to ‘superior’ male gods (Chitgopekar 77). This analysis relates to the phenomenon of how Aditi can be the mother of multiple highly regarded gods, and yet she was only regarded in the first few texts of Hindu scripture before her acknowledgement began to deteriorate. This likely occurred as Aditi’s popularity was surpassed by the recognition of Prajapati, the male creator deity (Foulston 6). Chitgopekar also recognized the way in which the patriarchy affected the image of devis, especially through the way in which Aditi’s representation changes. In the Rg Veda she is the boundless, mother of all things, however in further readings she is referred to as subordinate to her husband, Kasyapa and her father Daksa, even though she is also the mother of Daksa. He also notes that if devis make it to further texts, they are never representative of the whole society, they are merely representations of the values and functions imposed on women. She is continued to be upheld as the mother of gods, however, her functional aspects are deserted, and she is treated as a minor deity with minor influence (Chitgopekar 77).  The structures that relate to the female goddess will likely contribute to shaping the cultural view of female gender, the behavior and attitude towards women in Hindu society as well as the allocation of gender roles.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bibliography:

Berkson, Carmel (1995) The Divine and Demoniac. New York: Oxford University Press.

Bose, Mandakranta (2010) Women in the Hindu Tradition. New York: Routledge.

Brereton, Joel (1975) Aditi and the Adityas in the Rig- and Artharva- Vedas. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International.

Chitgopekar, Nilima (2002) Invoking Goddesses. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications Ltd.

Foulston, Lynn (2002) At the Feet of the Goddess. Portland: Sussex Academic Press.

Wangu, Madhu Bazaz (2003) Images of Indian Goddesses. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.

Vyâsadeva, K. D. (2018, Aug 10). Śrimad Bhagavatam (Bhagavata Purana). October 20, 2018      http://bhagavata.org/

Vyâsadeva, K. D. (2014, Feb 01). The Bhagavata Purana For the First Time Reader. October 20, 2018 https://www.holybooks.com/the-bhagavata-purana/

Related Readings:

Vesci, Uma Marina (1992) Heat and Sacrifice in The Vedas. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Wilkins, W.J. (2009) Hindu Mythology. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd.

Hawley, John (1996) Devi Goddesses of India. Los Angeles: University of California Press Ltd.

Related Topics:

 

Daksa

Visnu

Kasyapa

Indra

Mitra

Varuna

Aryaman

Prthrvi

Vamana

 

Diti

Asuras

Devas

Maruts

Prahlada

Daityas

Devaki

Kamsa

Krsna

 

Related Websites:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aditi

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Aditi

https://www.avishya.com/aditi/

https://hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/concepts/adityas.asp

 

Article written Angelina Carbage (Fall 2018) who is entirely responsible for its contents.