Category Archives: E. Dharma and the Individual

a. Hindu Rites of Passage (Samskara), c. Hinduism in Indonesia

Balinese Hindu Childhood Rituals

May 27, 2020 hrodrigues

Bali is an island located in Indonesia renowned for its beauty, vibrant culture and religious practices (Peacock 102). Hinduism is the most prominent of all the religions in Bali (Peacock 102). Balinese Hinduism can be traced to its origin in mainland India (Peacock 102). However, the Balinese practice their faith in many ways unique from mainline Hinduism with sacred rituals and ceremonies distinct from all other Hindu sects (Howe 57). They have been able to preserve their unique cultural practices and traditions because they are isolated primarily in rural Bali, away from outside influences of Islam and the West (Peacock 102). Some of these distinctive religious practices are related to childhood rituals, as part of the Hindu life cycle (manusa yadnya) (Jenson 21). Additional rituals are observed beginning with the day of birth, centering around the separation and burial of the placenta (Jenson 21). This is followed by rituals at 7 days after birth, at one month, at one month and seven days, and at six months (Jenson 21). Many childhood Hindu rituals function as rites of passage such as the naming ceremony, puberty, birthdays, and tooth-filing (Howe 58). The three rituals given prominence are the three-month ritual, the first birthday, and tooth-filing (Lansing 35 – 37). Since these three rituals mark significant rites of passage in the life of a Balinese Hindu, they will be the focus of this article.

The three-month ritual, known as the nyabutanor tiga bulan ceremony, is practiced to bring the infant into earthly human existence (Barth 39 Williams 254). For the first one hundred and five days of an infant’s life, it is viewed as divine in nature, the incarnate form of one of the father’s ancestors re-born (Lim 1997, np). The infant is bathed twice a day; once in the morning and once in the evening (Jenson 65). Since the baby is considered to be divine, the bath water is deemed sacred (Lim 1997, np). During this period, the child is not allowed to touch the ground, to prevent ritual pollution (Barth 39). Families along with their extended relatives go to great lengths to prevent uncleanliness and ritual pollution, ensuring that the infant is carried everywhere for its first three months of life (Williams 253-254). The ritual contains broader elements beyond solely introducing the child into earthly life. The secondary purpose is transforming the baby’s spirit through taming and purification, while simultaneously ensuring health and strength (Lansing 35). Offerings are made to the Sun god and the five great elements, five spirits of the outer world, represented by earth, air, fire, water and ether witness the offerings and respect given to them through the child (Lansing 35).

The process of performing the three-month ritual is the responsibility of a religious leader, either a Brahmin priest or a ritual specialist, depending on the family’s income (Lansing 35). Wealthy families can afford a Brahmin priest, while others turn to a ritual specialist instead (Lansing 35). The ceremony typically takes place in the family temple and the infant is usually dressed in white and yellow (Williams 254). The priest begins by dedicating an offering to the sun god and the five elemental spirits, also commonly referred to as demons (Lansing 35). Symbolically, the child is composed of its own spirit, as well as the four sibling spirits, whose names change as the child grows into adulthood (Lansing, 35). These four sibling-spirits, guide and determine the infant’s fate as it grows into adulthood (Lansing 34). In the next step of the process, the priest purifies the parents of the infant through prayers and the sprinkling of holy water (Lansing 36). Afterwards, the parents carry their baby clockwise around a jar of holy water three times to signify the life cycle (manusa yadnya) of birth, life, and death (Lansing 36). A representation of the infant is created using various kinds of fruit or vegetables, most commonly either a banana or a coconut (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). This effigy is blessed by the priest with holy water and for a time is treated as though it is the actual infant, whether by being placed in the cradle or near the built shrines, or treated as the child by the mother (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36). This effigy is later taken away and destroyed (Lansing 36, Williams 254). This is done to trick and mislead any malevolent demons, allowing the baby to grow up in peace (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36, Williams 254). Various forms of jewelry, such as an amulet filled with lucky stones, a piece of the infant’s umbilical cord, or in the past a tooth from a tiger, are blessed in holy water and placed on the infant for protection (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). The child is blessed with various kinds of holy water and given its first taste of food, typically rice or rice flour (Williams 254, Lim 1997, np). Finally, the mother walks with her baby across a drawing of the ultimate avatar, a turtle with the symbol for Om on its back and through some holy water, before placing the infant on the ground for the first time (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36).

Variations may be found in the execution of this ritual. Some sources mention the priest drawing the ultimate avatar with the symbol of Om on its back, while others did not. Additionally, the inclusion of the baby eating a first meal varies from text to text. Aspects that all sources include are the creation of an effigy, the purifying with holy water, and blessed jewelry being placed on the infant. Lastly, there was disagreement on when the child first touches the ground, most sources saying during that it occurs during the nyabutan ceremony, while a few stated it occurred on the first birthday, oton.

The next major ritual in a child’s life is their first birthday known as oton (Howe 59). It is celebrated when the child is six months old or, more precisely, two-hundred and ten days old (Lansing 36). The ritual nyambutan, the three-month ritual, is repeated every six months until the child is six years old (Howe 59). Thereafter, the child is considered an autonomous human being, able to distinguish right from wrong and thus morally accountable for its actions, whereas before the child was criticized little, as it was still considered partially divine (Howe 59). These otons are repeated in order to cleanse the soul from a variety of ritually polluting sources with an offering known as bia kaon (Howe 59).

Though the oton ceremony very closely imitates the nyambutin ritual, there are many novel aspects (Lansing 36). In the child’s first oton, the infant is given its first hair cut and its first “real name” (Lansing 36-37). The child’s real name is given by the priest, who, through divination, chooses a name for the child (Lansing 37). There are numerous ways that a priest may divine the child’s name (Lansing 37). In some cases, this divination is done by writing names on several pieces of a palm leaf, which are then set on fire (Lansing 37). Whichever leaf segment burns the least or takes the longest to burn is the child’s name (Lansing 37). Wealthy families may engage in more elaborate ceremonies (Lansing 37). For instance, a chicken may be introduced into the ritual that will symbolically remove all dirt and grime from the child’s mouth (Lansing 37). Additionally, the jar introduced in the nyambutin ritual may reappear at which time the child may place a fish in the jar in return for a small article of gold jewelry (Lansing 37). Cakes are sometimes given to symbolize the quality of generosity (Lansing 37). It is also traditional in families that can afford it to hold a shadow puppet performance (Lansing 37).

The final primary childhood ritual is tooth-filing (metatah). It is traditionally done when a child, girl or boy, reaches sexual maturity (Lansing 37). The ritual does not have to be completed at the time of puberty, often being postponed until just before marriage (Boon 213). Most families postpone the ritual because it is very costly (Howe 59). Some Balinese Hindus may even postpone tooth-filing indefinitely (Boon 213). However, very few forfeit the practice of tooth-filing (Fischer 1998, np). This could be in part because tooth-filing must be done before cremation, where people pay homage to their dead (Boon 213). More so than the other childhood rituals, tooth filing is symbolic of a family’s status because it is a very public display of extravagance in ceremonial dress, food and offerings (Howe 59). Delaying tooth-filing is seen as a sign of poverty (Howe 59).

The purpose of the tooth-filing ceremony is to symbolically remove physical signs of the child’s animalistic desires and pursuits, thus eradicating the primal vices in the child (Barth 39). This ceremony frees the child from animalistic and selfish desires: greed, anger, selfishness, drunkenness, envy, and disobedience (Barth 39). These traits are weaknesses in Balinese character, and therefore are to be eliminated (Fischer 1998, np). The filing of the tips of the incisors and canines is also considered a symbol of beauty, making one more attractive to the opposite sex (Lansing 37). The change in physical appearance also signifies the calm disposition of a person filled with integrity and responsibility, desired qualities in Balinese-Hindu culture (Fischer 1998, np). This ceremony is the most festive of all the childhood rituals, taking the most money, time, and preparation. There are two sections to the ceremony, the actual filing and the celebration that follows.

The actual tooth-filing takes about an hour and is private with only a few familial witnesses. The family members help hold down the feet of the child, keeping them calmly in place. A piece of sugar cane is frequently used to keep the mouth open for the procedure. The three tools involved in the ceremony, the hammer, chisel, and file are each used for their specific purposes in removing the points from the incisors and the upper canines, six teeth in all (Fischer 1998, np, Lansing 37). The fragments of these teeth are placed in a coconut that will be buried later in proximity to the household shrine of the ancestors, as these fragments of teeth are seen as part of the ancestor reincarnated into the child (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998, np) This is also done to prevent the release of evil spirits which the teeth represent (Fischer 1998, np). The evil spirits are sadness (ripu), anger (krodha), greed (loba), conceit (mada), lust (kama), drunkenness(moha), and jealousy (matsarya) (Lansing 37). The tooth-filing is done by a ritual specialist or a priest known as a sangging, meaning ‘painter’ or ‘sculptor’ (Lansing 37). The god of beauty, Snag Hyang Semara-Raith; male and female gods of love, which are treated as a single deity during the ceremony, are represented by a cloth which is placed on the lap of the child after the filing of the teeth (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998,np). This highlights physical beauty as a significant part of the tooth-filing (Lansing 37). After the ceremony, the whole family is cleansed and blessed with holy water by the priest (Lansing 37).

The second part of the ceremony is the celebration (Fischer 1998, np). The child is dressed in fine and elegant ceremonial dress (Lansing 37). The celebratory feast includes many invited guests, gifts, and copious amounts of food (Fischer 1998, np). In some instances, speeches are given to explain the significance of tooth-filing and shadow puppet displays entertain the guests (Fischer 1998, np). Many offerings of differing quantities and qualities are offered at the temples all day throughout the village by the family, villagers, and their guests (Howe 60). In the days following the ceremony, the child will receive visitors and open gifts (Fischer 1998, np). During the last three days, the child will go to the priest and thank them for performing the ritual (Fischer 1998, np). This time is seen as dangerous, because the child is still weak from the tooth-filing and is thus susceptible to bad spirits (Fischer 1998, np).

The Balinese Hindus are known for their unique and vibrant religious practices for good reason. Though this article reviewed only three of the major childhood rituals, there are many more to delve into, each with their own practices and purposes. The three-month rite introduces a previously regarded god-like infant into its earthly presence. The birthday ceremonies maintain ritual purity and spiritual protection over the child, until the child is realized as an autonomous individual no longer divine in nature, but morally responsible for their actions. The third significant ritual of the Hindu life cycle, manusa yadnya, is metatah, the expelling of one’s base characteristics and vices that accompany our animalistic nature, freeing a person to be a realized, calm, responsible, and wise individual, ready for the last manusa yadnya, marriage. Each of these rituals mark an important stage or transition in an individual’s life, as they grow in maturity, spirituality, and responsibility, preparing them for the final stage in the Hindu life cycle, cremation (ngaben) (Jenson 21). After reincarnation, the life cycle comes full circle, bringing one back to the Balinese childhood rituals all over again.

Bibliography and Related Readings

Barth, Fredrik. 1993. Balinese Worlds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Belo, Jane. 1970. Traditional Balinese Culture: Essays. New York: Columbia University Press.

Boon, James A. 1977. The Anthropological Romance of Bali, 1597-1972: Dynamic Perspectives in Marriage and Caste, Politics, and Religion. Vol. 1. Cambridge;New York;: Cambridge University Press.

Fischer, Clare B, and Luh Estiti Andarawati. 1998. “Tooth-Filing in Bali: One Woman’s Experience.” Journal of Ritual Studies 12 (1): 39–46. http://search.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000919826&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

Geertz, Hildred. 2004. The Life of a Balinese Temple: Artistry, Imagination, and History

Peasant Village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Howe, Leo and MyiLibrary. 2005; 2006;. The Changing World of Bali: Religion, Society and Tourism. New York; Oxon;: Routledge.

Jensen, Gordon D. and Luh Ketut Suryani. 1992. The Balinese People: A Reinvestigation of Character. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press.

Lansing, John Stephen. 1995. The Balinese. Toronto; Fort Worth, Tex;: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Lim, Robin. 1997. “Growing Up in the Sea of Milk…Bali’s Ritual for Babies.” The Journal of Perinatal Education 6 (1) (Mar 31): 49-57. https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/docview/203562417?accountid=12063.

Peacock, James L. 1973. Indonesia: An Anthropological Perspective. Pacific Palisades, Calif: Goodyear Pub. Co.

Williams, Victoria and Inc ebrary. 2017; 2016;. Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: From Baby Showers to Funerals. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO.

Further Areas of Study:

Marriage

Ngaben

Manusa Yadnya

Separation and burial of placenta ritual

Seven-day ritual

One-month ritual

Month and seven-day ritual

Sibling spirits

Brahmin priests

Shadow puppet displays

bia kaon

Snag Hyang Semara-Raith

Related Articles for more info:

https://www.balispirit.com/community/ceremony-family

https://www.candidasanetwork.com/traditions-in-bali/childhood-ceremonies

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/18/world/asia/bali-indonesia-babies-nyambutin.html

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4757062/Indonesian-teenagers-teeth-filed-village-ritual.html

The secrets of Balinese parenting

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balinese_Hinduism

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Article written by Mackenzie Kure (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

Death rituals in Bali

May 23, 2020 hrodrigues

While many parts of the world might deem the death rituals carried out by the Balinese to be strange or unorthodox, these rituals are deeply rooted in the beliefs of Hinduism and play a central role in completing what is known as samsara, or the cycling of rebirth (see Hooykaas 22). In Hindu tradition, it is believed that the spirit of a deceased person, known as preta, becomes trapped in the realm of the living, roaming freely to haunt people until it is freed from this realm and allowed to enter the spirit realm (Hooykaas 22). In order to release the soul from the realm of the living so it may transcend to the spirit realm, certain rituals must be completed. Pitra Yadnya, or the rituals for the ancestors, are a common practice in Balinese tradition in order to allow the soul to transcend this reality (Hooykaas 22). In Balinese tradition, it is believed that once the spirit is liberated from the body through an elaborate series of rites, the soul then becomes fused with the collective ancestors who are worshipped in the village temples (Warren 43). Not only do the death rituals practiced in Bali serve to free the spirit from the body and allow it to pass into the ascendant realm, but they are also crucial as they protect the family and community from the dangers associated with the passage between realms (Warren 43). In comparison to Western death traditions, Balinese death rituals are more of a celebration of the rebirth of life rather than mourning for the loss of life, as a result of the contrast in beliefs of the Balinese.

Pitra Yadnya, also known as ngaben, is comprised of many different elaborate rituals which contribute to the release of the soul from the living realm to the realm of the ancestors. Ngaben, referring to a cremation ritual, is considered to be the most critical death ritual in the Balinese tradition (Gupta 254). Before ngaben is performed, the corpse is washed, and the patulangun, a form of a cremation bier which typically depicts an animal, is prepared for the ceremony (Warren 44). Preparation for the ritual is often a community effort as the fellow people of the village often help to construct the bier and make a large number of ritual offerings required to prepare the spirit for its journey to the soul realm (Stephen 441). It is not uncommon for the body of the deceased to be buried for some time while the bier is prepared, and the family makes ritual offerings (Warren 44). Historically, burial before the cremation has been looked upon negatively as it has been associated with the lower classes as it is typically the result of not having the funds or resources to perform a quick ngaben; however, prior burial has become more positively accepted in Bali (Warren 44). This positive perspective on burial prior to ngaben could be the result of the belief that the deceased should be allowed to rest with the earth mother-goddess before the cremation; however, the body should not be left for more than a year (Warren 44). Once the family has accumulated the wealth and resources for the ritual, the ngaben can then begin.

A recently buried woman’s corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a Balinese village burial rite.

The family will then consult a brahmin, or Hindu priest, in order to select an auspicious day for the ngaben to occur on (Williams 2016). It is especially important to select an auspicious day for the ritual in order to help guide the spirit to the best rebirth possible (Stephen 427). Once the day of the ngaben has arrived, the family will go to the gravesite and perform a ritual known as ngawagen, meaning the awakening, in order to recall the spirit of the deceased person to inherit a symbolic body, known as the pangawak (Stephen 440). After the spirit has been recalled into the symbolic vessel, it is carried home where it is welcomed as though the deceased person has returned from a long absence, which is known as penyapa, meaning ‘greeting’ (Stephen 440). Relatives of the deceased then come to the house to make offerings of food and drink to the deceased (Stephen 440). In cases where the body is not buried prior to cremation, such as the body of a brahmin or the body of someone from a wealthy family, the ritual of ngawagen is omitted (Stephen 440). Instead, the ritual begins with recalling the soul from the pura dalem, meaning the village temple associated with the spirits of the dead, to re-inhabit the body for the ritual (Stephen 440). From this point forth, the only difference between the ritual procession for an immediate cremation and one for a person who had been buried already is the presence of a physical body in the immediate cremation instead of the use of a symbolic body.

After the spirit has been recalled, the bier and tower in which the corpse is to be carried to the cemetery are placed on the main road in front of the house (Stephen 442). The body is then washed with holy water and decorated with jewelry and flowers before being wrapped in white cloth by male relatives and placed in a plain wooden box (Stephen 442). The box containing the body is then placed in the bier with other rituals objects which symbolize the different aspects of the spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical aspects of the deceased (Stephen 443). A ritual known as ngaskara is then performed in order to reunite the body and the spirit of the deceased individual, which is believed to bring the person back to life for a brief period (Stephen 443). This is symbolized by the pedanda, or priest, lighting a lamp at the conclusion of the ngaskara ritual to show that the deceased has come to life again (Stephen 443). During this ritual, the gamelan orchestra provides musical entertainment for those present (Bakan 1999:9). Once the lamp is lit, the family will wait in anticipation for the lamp to go out, symbolizing that the soul has departed on its journey to the spirit realm (Stephen 443). Once the spirit has begun its journey to the spirit realm, it is time for the body to begin its journey to the cemetery.

The tower holding the corpse is carried to the cemetery for cremation in this royal funerary rite in Bali, Indonesia.

The procession to the cemetery is known as pengutangan, in which multiple strong men carry the tower and animal sarcophagus through the town to the cemetery for cremation (Stephen 443). This event is known to be quite public and particularly energetic (Stephen 443). The gamelan orchestra is once again providing entertainment, this time playing rousing music to keep the mood of the ceremony upbeat (Bakan 1999:11). Throughout the procession to the cemetery, the men carrying the tower are frequently spinning the sarcophagus, which is suspected of confusing the evil residents of the lower realm so that they may not drag the soul of the deceased down with them (Stephen 444). In order to prevent the body from falling out of the casket, a family member typically rides atop of the tower as well (Stephen 444). Once the corpse arrives at the cemetery, the coverings are cut open to reveal the face, and the body is washed with copious amounts of holy water (Stephen 444). The body is then wrapped in many layers of fresh cloth, and the symbols of the deceased physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional aspects are placed in the casket with the body, and the funeral pyre is lit beneath the sarcophagus (Stephen 444). While the corpse burns, the gamelan orchestra plays the beleganjur, which is a Balinese battle song believed to ward off evil spirits and help guide the soul to the spirit realm (See Bakan 2011 for more) (Bakan 1999:71). While the cremation has now taken place, this does not mark the conclusion of ngaben.

The corpse is set ablaze in this public royal cremation in Bali, Indonesia.

Once the fire has burned down, the ashes are collected, and any remaining bones or pieces of symbolic items are ground up into a fine paste (Stephen 445). More offerings of food are then made to the departed before the ashes are carried to the ocean for the ritual of nganyut, meaning to cast away into water (Stephen 445). The ashes of the deceased are then cast into the ocean so that they may become one with the elements once again (Stephen 445). Once the family returns to the village, two final rituals are completed to close ngaben. The first is known as mapegat, which is a ceremony where the family severs their ties to the deceased (Stephen 445). The second is called caru, which is a ritual in which the area used for ngaben is cleansed in order to eliminate any negative forces (Stephen 445). At the conclusion of ngaben, the family will continue to make ritual sacrifices in order to regain their ritual purity as death within the family is considered to be ritually polluting (Hooykaas 22).

After having analyzed the Balinese death rituals, it can be seen that there are some differences present between Balinese rituals and orthodox Hindu traditions. One difference between Hindu death practices and Balinese death practices is that if the cremation cannot be performed within two days of death in Hindu traditions, the body may be placed on ice (Gupta 254). In contrast, it is common practice to bury the body for some time in Balinese traditions (Warren 44). Another difference between the Hindu traditions and Balinese is that in Hindu traditions the family is not supposed to severe ties with the deceased until one year has passed, as it is believed that after one year the soul has moved on into another form (Gupta 256). In contrast, the Balinese severe ties at the closing of ngaben in the ritual known as mapegat (Stephen 445). While some differences may be present between the Balinese and Hindu death rituals, both have a powerful influence on Hindu traditions and culture.

In Hindu cultures, the colour white is closely associated with death (Gupta 256). As a result, it is common practice to wrap the body in white cloth, and newly widowed women are expected to wear white clothing during the period of mourning (Gupta 258). Widowed women are also expected to wear a white sari, no makeup, and no jewelry for the remainder of their life to symbolize their mourning (Gupta 258). This understanding can also explain why it is considered to be inappropriate to present a newly wedded couple with an article of white clothing as a gift, as this is seen as an inauspicious action (Gupta 256). In Hindu culture, regular offerings are also made to the deceased person to soothe the soul, which is especially important if the cremation ritual cannot be performed immediately (Warren 43). These offerings to the soul, as well as the gifts presented to the mourning family by other members of the community, highlight the high level of interdependence present in Hindu culture and the secure connections between the living and the dead (Warren 46). Death rituals in Hindu tradition also serve as a way of remembering the deceased, as tradition mandates that any negative feelings towards the person will be disregarded after their passing as the deceased is to be valued no matter what (Gupta 256). In summary, the death rituals practiced in both Balinese tradition and other Hindu traditions are an essential part of the completion of samsara, which is a central value in Hinduism as it shapes many of their beliefs and aspects of their culture (Stephen 427).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bakan, Michael B. (1999) Music of Death and New Creation: Experiences in the World of Balinese Gamelan Beleganjur. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bakan, Michael B. (2011) “Preventive Care for the Dead: Music, Community, and the Protection of Souls in Balinese Cremation Ceremonies.” In The Oxford Handbook of Medical Ethnomusicology,Edited by Benjamin D. Koen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, Rashmi (2011) “Death Beliefs and Practices from an Asian Indian American Hindu Perspective.” Death Studies 35:244-266. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1080/07481187.2010.518420

Hooykaas, Christiaan (1973) Religion in Bali. Leiden: Brill.

Stephen, Michele (2010) “The yogic art of dying, Kundalinī yoga, and the Balinese ‘pitra yadnya’.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 166:426-474.

Warren Carol (1993) “Disrupted death ceremonies: popular culture and the ethnography of Bali.” Oceania 64:36-56. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1993.tb02446.x

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Samsara

Gamelan orchestra

Pancha Mahabhutas

Preta

Pitr

Pitr-loka

Beleganjur

Patulangun

Dewi Pertiwi

Lembu

Wadah

Pitra Yadnya

Pengutangan

Ngaskara

Pura dalem

Ngawagen

Pangawak

Penyapa

Nganyut

Mapegat

Caru

Hindu wedding rituals

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngaben

https://theculturetrip.com/asia/indonesia/articles/a-festive-cremation-balis-ngaben-and-the-celebration-of-death/

http://factsanddetails.com/indonesia/Minorities_and_Regions/sub6_3h/entry-4025.html

https://www.frazerconsultants.com/2017/05/cultural-spotlight-balinese-funeral-traditions/

https://www.funeralguide.co.uk/blog/death-around-the-world-bali

Article written by: Kieran Meadows (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

BALINESE DEATH RITUALS

May 23, 2020 hrodrigues

Ngaben, also known as pitra yadnya and pelebon, which translates to “turn to ashes,” is a cremation ceremony practiced on the island of Bali in Indonesia. The ceremony is not a mourning ceremony because the dead are not viewed as deceased; instead it is believed that they are asleep and will be reincarnated (Williams 193). Death rituals are central events in the village community and family that often go on for years, from burial to the final “purification” of the deceased. As of recently rituals are usually collective and condensed in order to save expenses, which are extensive, with over a hundred corpses being cremated at the same time (Hobart 2014, np). Because of the economic costs of the rituals, some families bury the deceased while they wait to gain the economic stability to perform the ritual. However, families should not wait longer than a year to perform the ritual (Williams 194). A Brahmin must decide the most auspicious day for the event to take place. The family of the deceased will make a coffin that will be used to transport the corpse, as well as a replica coffin. These replicas are contemporary vehicles for the dead and can take the form of lions, winged elephant fish or bulls (Hobart 2014, np). The replicas are made out of bamboo, wood and paper.

The night before the ceremony a large wooden drum, a kul-kul, is struck to inform people that they should assemble at the house of the deceased (Williams 194). The ceremony begins with the descendants performing a small rite at the household gate, requesting the spirit to leave. If the body was buried and unearthed, it is vital that the remaining bones, corpse or effigy of it is arranged in a special pavilion in the household. Two temporary bamboo altars, which are dedicated to Surya and Brahma are set up next to the pavilion. The corpse is washed and cleansed to ensure the deceased will be reincarnated in an intact and beautiful body. The accompanying mantra ngereka is recited by a Brahmin to reinforce the act of washing and rejecting any separation of body and mind. An anthropomorphic figure made of Chinese coins is laid to the side or on top of the body or its substitute to ensure that the bones are well proportioned. A vessel of palm leaves with a banana sprout is placed nearby to symbolize the concept of rebirth. A magical cloth, known as a kudrang, with sacred syllables is laid over the body so the deceased is appropriately clothed for their journey to the afterlife. After the cleansing rite a coconut-oil lamp is hung in front of the entrance of the house and is lit every night to show the roaming spirit its home and to beckon it onwards (Hobart 2014, np).

The actual cremation takes place in the graveyard and requires one or more Brahmin to make holy water (Hobart 2014, np). The deceased is transferred to the replica coffin while the Brahmin recites prayers and mantras(Williams 195). During cremation, the visible body and the social role grafted on it are disintegrated by the fire sacrifice, and it is believed that the bodies five primary elements water, earth, fire, wind and space are returned to mother Earth, Ibu Pertiwi. The ashes of the body remains are subsequently collected and stored in a coconut shell, and typically 12 days later they are brought to the river or sea, which is considered sacred, and released into the water (Williams 195). This final step of the ritual is the final form of purification of the soul.

Ngaben rituals differ from different regions and communities in Bali, however there are a lot of similarities. In some communities burying the dead is sometimes interpreted as “impure.” However, in other regions it is also believed that the body should not be cremated too early or else the soul will feel the burning of the flames. It is widely believed that upper varnas frequently die before their time because they practiced cremation without prior burial (Warren 44). In the past it is believed that all but priests and kings were buried initially, however according to the Parisada Hindu Dharma, the faster the process, the better, so the idea of immediate cremation was made preferable as times changed (Warren 45). Some traditionalists still believe that it is important to return to the Ibu Pertiwi before being cremated. It is also widely believed that Brahmins must never be buried and should be cremated immediately. This immediate cremation practice is because it is believed that Brahmins have already died once upon their entry into priesthood; this process is known as mati raga (Warren 44).

Drawatik (185-188) studied the Pacung village in Bali. The Pacung villagers carry out a primary burial, mepegat, followed by the secondary symbolic burial ritual, metuun. The primary burial is carried out directly after death, and the second ceremony is conducted 42 days after the first one. In Pacung, if someone dies during the day, the corpse should be buried before the sun sets and if they die during the night, the community should wait for the following day. The mepegat ceremony does not have to be carried out on an auspicious day as is done in other communities. In the event that the relatives live far away and cannot reach their home village within a day, the corpse cannot be kept at home for more than three days. For the actual burial, a bamboo litter is made, on which the corpse is placed for the mepegat ceremony. The goal of this ceremony is to cut off the relationship between the deceased and their relatives. This separation is symbolized by white strings of cotton that are cut through by using a small piece of resin that has been set on fire. The dead person is provided by the relatives with 11 Chinese coins symbolizing the means of payment for the piece of ground in which the corpse will rest. On top of the corpse the relatives put personal belongings of the deceased as a token of their affection. The corpse is laid out with the head pointed to the north-east and the feet to the south-west. A male corpse is arranged with the face downward and a female corpse with the face upward. Such positions refer to the belief that the male symbolizes the sky and the female symbolizes the earth. The difference in the orientation of the corpse at Pacung to those in the other regions possibly relates to the Sambu sect. In the Sambu sect, death is associated with the north-east where the God Sambu, who is identical to death, resides. Eleven days after the burial ceremony a permanent grave made of cement is built to avoid a possible further digging up of the ground for another burial. The metuun ceremony is a kind of second burial ritual in which the soul of the deceased is invoked to return because it needs to be purified before returning to embang, the eternal world where the souls of those who are dead reside. In case the family needs more time, than the advised 42 days, to accumulate wealth for the ceremony, they are given one year to conduct a ceremony and the date is set by the village. If they are still unable to perform the ceremony after this year, it is the village’s obligation to do so. At the beginning of the ritual Bhatara Ratu Gede Dalem is asked to grant holy water, tirta, so that the deceased’s soul can be purified. A small manikin, jejeneng, which symbolises the deceased, is ritually cleansed and then dressed in white at a site dedicated to the dead, merajapati. The soul of the deceased is then called to enter the jejeneng, which is carried home and put on the bed of the deceased where a purification ritual is carried out.

A newly-buried corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a village ceremony in Bali.

Stephen (441-444) discusses her first hand experience of the nine important rituals she witnessed during a Ngaben in 2008. The first step, mandak ke pura dalem, occurred at eight thirty in the morning, with the family going to the Pura Dalem, the temple of death, to collect the spirit of the deceased. The second ritual, melaspas petualangan, occurs around an hour afterwards. The Brahmin prepares holy water, while the casket and the replica are placed in the main road. The men, who were preparing to carry the casket, prayed in front of the Brahmin and received the holy water when it was ready. Mandusan, the third step which is performed by a Brahmin, is the cleansing and decorating of the corpse. The body is cleaned with holy water, finger and toenails are cleaned, hair is washed, oiled, scented and combed. The body is then decorated with jewelry and flowers, while members of the family then place money and gifts on the body. The body is then wrapped in a white cloth and placed in a plain wooden box. Natab, ngaskara, pemerasan was the fourth step. The plain wooden box was decorated with ritual objects symbolizing different components of physical, mental, emotional and spiritual aspects of the deceased. Ngaskara was performed by a pedanda buda, with the goal of the ritual to reunite the body and soul of the deceased. It was believed that the deceased was brought back to life for a few minutes and this was symbolized by the lighting of a lamp. When the soul of the deceased had reached the other world, the lamp would go out. Ngaskarahad the pedanda make holy water while the gamelan orchestra played various songs; there was a wayang lemah, a shadow puppet performance, and topeng, masked dances. Pemerasanwas a prayer between the grandchildren or descendants that took place while waiting for the spirit to depart. The fifth step, kesetra/pengutangan, which took place at two in the afternoon. This step is the most available to public scrutiny as it is the carrying of the deceased and replica to the cemetery. The gamelan orchestra continues to play music while there are many offerings of meat required to prevent the chthonic forces from ruining the parade. The men carrying the casket and replica are in such a trance that it is believed they are possessed by these forces and are being pushed, shoved and twirled by them. Once at the cemetery the sixth step, ngenargiang tirta ring setra, takes place. The corpse is placed in the animal shaped replica with the coverings cut open to reveal the face of the deceased. The body is treated with more holy water and the vessels used to pour the holy water must be broken immediately after use. The body is then covered with more layers of new cloth. Finally the piranti, the various symbols of the physical and spiritual components of the deceased that were placed on the body, are put underneath the replica. The eldest son of the deceased then lights the funeral pyre. After the cremation fire burned down the seventh step took place, nuduk galih lan ngreka. The remaining bone fragments were retrieved from the ashes and arranged in the form of a human body. Some of the bone is then grounded up into a paste inside of a special earthenware container. The paste is then placed in a container referred to as a suku tunggal. Stephen (445) discusses the penultimate step known as pamraline and the final step, nganyut. Pamraline begins with the pedanda buda beginning his ritual to make more holy water. When ready, the holy water is sprinkled on the paste inside of the suku tunggal, which is held by a female relative. The suku tunggal is then circumambulated three times in a clockwise direction around a pile of offerings and the temporary altar dedicated to Surya. The procession then proceeds to the mrajapati temple where the family placed food on dapdap leaves, offering it to the departing spirit. Nganyut takes place at the sea, where the suku tunggal, along with the ashes, are cast into the ocean. Two final rituals take place at the village, mapegat whichcuts ties with the deceased, and caru which cleanses the area used during ngaben to rid them of negative forces.

The fate of the soul is symbolically tied to the fate of the body (Warren 43). Death rituals affect the transformation and placement of the soul, and the protection of the family and community from the dangers associated with its passage. In Balinese death rituals the elaborate set of rites that are performed break the soul from its material bonds and allows it to become fused with the ancient ancestors worshipped in temples and houses. The essence of the soul is then reincarnated back into its own community and descent group (Warren 43).

References and recommended readings

Drawatik, Marini (2008) “The Burial System at Pacung.” Burials, Texts and Rituals Göttinger Beiträge Zur Ethnologie, 185-188.

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese temple: artistry, imagination and history in a peasant village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Hobart, Angela(2014) “Retrieving the Tragic Dead in Bali,” Indonesia & the Malay World. Vol. 42 Issue 124, 307-336.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Toronto and Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Stephen, Michele (2010) “The Yogic Art of Dying, Kundalinī Yoga, and the Balinese “pitra Yadnya”.” Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 441-445.Brill.

Warren, Carol (1993) Disrupted death ceremonies: Popular culture and the ethnography of bali. Sydney: Oceania.

Williams, Victoria (2016) Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: from Baby Showers to Funerals [3 Volumes], 193-196. Westport.

Indian Hindu Childhood Rituals

May 4, 2020 hrodrigues

The Indian Hindu childhood rituals are a set of rites of passage that children in the Hindu religion must experience through their adolescent years. There are a total of four rituals intended for the early years of a person’s life called samskaras, from the smrticandrika section of the Devanabhatta (Michaels 14). The four rites of passage for children are jatakarma (the birth ritual),namakarana (name-giving ceremony), niskramana (the first outing), and annaprasana (where the child is given their first solid food) (Michaels 6). Samskaras are intended for the all-round development of a person, and they give people the ability to face life. Each ritual is performed at a different stage in the child’s life, and they lead them towards a better, healthier way of life (Prasoon 20).

Samskaras, or rites de passage, as coined by Arnold van Gennep in 1909, are universally observed ceremonies to ritually identify changes in life (Michaels 1). Samskaras were shaped during the Vedic period, starting around 500 BCE, where they were formed from the concept of diksa. Diksa was then more of a ritual preparation for the instructor of the sacrifice than a life-cycle ritual, but the two eventually formed into samskaras. The link between life cycle rituals and the social status of individuals brought about the basis of the Hindu caste system (Michaels 5). The Hindu tradition recognizes up to forty samskaras (along with the four childhood samskaras), and sixteen of those have achieved almost a canonical status in the religion, as they are found in the nibhanhas (Michaels 4). It is in the grhyasutras that the detailed descriptions of the main bodily samskaras may be found. The dharmasastras list the samskaras of right conduct (acara) focusing more on marriage and initiation. The four main childhood samskaras can be found in the smrticandrika section of the Devanabhatta (Michaels 4).

Samskaras are equal parts physical, spiritual and psychological for an individual, and they help an individual achieve perfection in purifying ideas and actions. The main goal of practicing samskaras is to achieve inner purification, the cultivation of higher thoughts and doing greater deeds for the betterment of all (Prasoon 21). The practice of these rites of passage creates an environment of physical, spiritual and psychological balance, parallel to the laws of nature (Prasoon 20). Similar to reconciliation in Christianity, samskaras rid the body of sins, dirt, faults, and deformities, in turn allowing that individual to achieve spirituality (Prasoon 21). However, samskaras are not solely meant for the lives of the religious, but are essential for life in general, as these rituals have scientific aspects to them (Prasoon 23). They have more in depth psychological aspects and are deeply related to our unknown self. Without these qualities within the individual, they become lifeless skeletons which lack the flow of life that makes a man human and different from animals and beasts (Prasoon 23).

Before one can practice a rite of passage, there are preliminaries that must be established before an individual or group can proceed with the ritual. One shared aspect in all samskaras is that one has to feed brahmanas learned in the Vedas (Kane 212). Every rite begins with a cleanse (acamana) by the performer as well as breathing exercises (pranayama), then references to the place (desa), time (kala) and the ritual which they are performing (samkalpa) are made. In all auspicious rites, the individual must take a bath, tie his topknot, and use a place on the ground which is lined with coloured materials. Two auspicious jars (kalasas) are filled with water and placed on this piece of ground with pots covering the openings (Kane 212). All items necessary for the ritual are then placed north of this piece of ground, and two low wooden stools are placed west of the area (Kane 213). The performer sits on one stool facing east, with his wife to the right of him and a son, if included in the ritual, next to his wife. All Samskaras and other auspicious rites are performed at designated auspicious times only, unless the ritual is to be performed on a fixed day (Kane 213).

Prasoon states that the best samskaras should be given during childhood, as children are very impressionable and whatever is imprinted in their mind remains forever (2009). This gives the samskaras the power to distinguish between good and bad for the individual (Prasoon 71). Kane also states that the samskaras from jatakarma to cudakarma were only to be performed for twice born males (1941). The first samskara performed is the jatakarman (birth ritual) (Michaels 8). This consists of cutting the umbilical cord of the infant, feeding honey (medhajanana), and blessing the child (asusya) and the mother (matrabhimantrana), or touching the shoulders of the child (amsabhimarsana). Eleven days after this ritual is performed and the tension of the childbirth is over, the namakarana (name-giving) ritual is performed (Michaels 8). The name of the child is astrologically determined and whispered by the house priest into the left ear of the child. This name is mostly kept secret and only used for ritual purposes. The third samskara is the niskramana (the first outing) (Michaels 8). This ritual is performed on an auspicious day within the first 3 months of the child’s life. The child is taken out of the house and shown to the sun (adityadarsana), and this marks the end of the impure period. After six months, the last childhood ritual, annaprasana, is performed. This ritual consists of giving the child its first solid food; usually a sweet rice preparation (Michaels 8). By accomplishing these rituals, the accumulated taints due to seed, blood and womb are removed from the child and purity arises within. These samskaras have been treated as necessary for unfolding the capacities of development and inner change within humans (Kane 192).

To this day, almost all traditional Hindu families observe at least three samskaras (initiation, marriage, and death ritual). Most other rituals have fallen out of practice and thought, and are either hardly ever performed, or have been drastically shortened (Michaels 2). For the first of the three major samskaras still practiced, the males participate in the Sacred Thread Ceremony (upanayana) as their initiation into the vedas (Michaels 9). In this ceremony, the boy is given the holy cord and is then taught the gayatri hymn by the priest. Through this process, the males are ritually born into the vedas, and become known as ‘twice born’ (Michaels 9). For the women, their initiation ceremony is the wedding (vivaha, panigrahana) (Michaels 10). The parents of the woman select (gunapariksa) the bridegroom for their daughter. During the marriage procession (vadhugrhagamana), the bestowal of the bride to the groom by her father (kanyadana) takes place, as well as the exchange of garlands between the bride and groom, and the lighting and circumambulation of the sacred fire (agnipradaksina, parikramana, parinayana). For the grhyasutras, a man becomes complete and fit to sacrifice when he is married (Michaels 10). The final major ritual that is still practiced today is the death ritual (antyesti) (Michaels 11). This ritual can also be seen as the third birth, as it is the ritual that takes the deceased and leads them from the underworld to heaven, alongside the other ancestors. Through this ritual, the body is wrapped and brought to the place of cremation. The eldest son or other male relative lights the pyre alongside the priest, then the ashes are usually thrown into a river (Michaels 11).

There are numerous benefits from samskaras. The greatest gifts from performing these rituals are mental and physical health, and enabling individuals to concentrate and to work harder and more effectively (Prasoon 64). Another benefit is the individual receives necessary oxygen and energy for their body through the performance of these rituals. It can rejuvenate and revitalize the soul as well as refine and all-round better an individual’s life (Prasoon 64). It frees people from the poisons of life and leaves them with a feeling of accomplishment and satisfaction (Prasoon 65). One can only receive the best if they do their best, and this is the mentality of the Hindu religion regarding samskaras, making them a vital part of a person’s life (Prasoon 65). Childhood rituals in particular are essential for the growth and prosperity of an individual, as it establishes a sense of what is expected of them in life and how to become an outstanding individual in their religion.

References and Further Recommended Reading

Kane, Pandurang Vaman (1941) History of Dharmasastra Vol II Part I. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

Michaels, Axel (2017) “Rites of Passage” In The Oxford History of Hinduism: Hindu Law: A New History of Dharmaśāstra. Edited by Patrick Olivelle and Ronald R. Davis.Oxford Scholarship Online: Oxford University Press.

Michaels, Axel (2017) “Ritual” In The Oxford History of Hinduism: Hindu Law: A New History of Dharmaśāstra. Edited by Patrick Olivelle and Ronald R. Davis. Oxford Scholarship Online: Oxford University Press.

Prasoon, Shrikant (2009) 16 Hindu Samskaras. New Delhi: Pustak Mahal.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Devanabhatta

Diksa

Grhyasutras

Gayatri hymn

Jatakarma

Namakarana

Niskramana

Annaprasana

Upanayana

Vivaha

Panigrahana

Antyesti

Vratabandhana

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samskara_(Indian_philosophy)

http://sivanandaonline.org/public_html/?cmd=displaysection&section_id=871

https://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/hinduism/ritesrituals/baby.shtml

https://www.hindujagruti.org/hinduism/knowledge/article/why-are-specific-sanskars-performed-after-birth-of-a-child.html

https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195399318/obo-9780195399318-0215.xml

Article written by: Meghan Tkachuk (Spring 2020) who is entirely responsible for this content.

1. Dharma

Dharma

December 28, 2019 hrodrigues

In Hinduism, the word Dharma, although difficult to pinpoint exactly, refers to the general reverential attitudes and interactions with the orders of life. The concept can be thought of as a code of conduct, one that permeates the cultural community of the Aryans. Dharma in the Hindu world is synonymous with varnasramadharma, meaning the Dharma of Hindu castes and the life stages prescribed to these castes. The Dharma texts distinguishes both the four caste recognized in Hinduism, those being brahmins, ksatriyas, vaisyas, and sudras, as well as their respective duties and special class specific dharma (Hacker 481-483)

The concept of Dharma is also geographically defined in some dharmasastras, such as The Laws of Manu (or the Manusmrti). The location is specified as the land between the two sacred rivers Sarasvati and Drsadvati, therefore the idea of Dharma in Hinduism is meant to be mapped onto a very specific group of people (Klostermaier 31). Dharma is also recognized as one of the four life goals worthy of pursual, Dharma being the goal of righteousness, or the religious life (Hacker 484) The idea of Dharma has bled into so many different parts of Hinduism and is integral to the religions existence. What can be concluded about the definition of Dharma is that it is an inseparable component of the Hindu religion.

Dharma is written about extensively and thoroughly in Dharmasastra, (legal treaties that deal with Dharma). This genre is possibly the largest in the entirety of Indian literature due to the importance of the subject and the inherent difficulty of applying its principles to real life situations (Klostermaier 32).

According to Alf Hiltebeitel, the Dharma texts can be described as texts that have dharma as the central topic and the text could not exist or be imagined without the concept. (Hiltebetiel 36).

Kolstermaier breaks the text down into the useful catagories or major and minor dharmasastras, and they are also separated into chronologically ordered clusters. The major classical Dharma texts contain a first cluster (early Maurya) that includes The Asokan Edicts, Apastamba Dharmasutra, and the Buddhist Nikayas. The second cluster (later Maurya) includes Buddhist Abhidharma, Buddhist Vinaya, Gautama Dharmasutra, and Baudhayana Dharmasutra, the third cluster (Sunga-Kanva or slightly later) which includes the Mahabharata, the Ramayana, the Manu Smrti (The Laws of Manu) and the fourth cluster (post-Kanva to early Kusana) which includes Vasistha Dharmasutra and Asvaghosa’s Buddhacarita. The minor classical Dharma texts include Yuga Purana and the Prophecy of Katyayana (Klostermaier 8).

The first of the dharmasastras that could be clearly defined are Asoka’s Inscriptions/Edicts. Asoka was an emperor who converted to Buddhism and used his dharma edicts to broadcast his imperial program to his subjects (Hiltebeitel 36). It is important to note that within his edicts one notes that Asoka was aware of the historical Brahmanical implications of dharma, despite identifying as a Buddhist. Through the lens of the edicts it can be observed that even in the very beginning the concept of dharma was multifaceted and spanned many diverse categories. Asoka’s inscriptions described dharma in both the personal and family spheres, to the imperial and even cosmological realm (Hiltebeitel 36-45).

Another dharmasastra of pivotal importance is The Laws of Manu (Manusmsmrti). In Hindu tradition Manu is the mythical ancestor of all humans; his ordinances are therefore the law of human kind, or natural religion (Klostermaier 32). The Laws of Manu are widely acknowledged as the most comprehensive and authoritative treaties on dharma and were composed at the turn of the first millennium when India was facing rampant political and social change (Glucklich 165). The Laws of Manu are presented as if they are treaties from the creator god himself, which leaves no room for debate or a scholarly give and take, something that is possible with some of the other dharmasastras (Hiltebitel 208-209).

Within the Manusmrti a distinction is made between two types of dharma, these types being pravrtti and nivrtti dharma. Manu explains that, pravrtti dharma secures the cultivation of happiness (sukha) and can be described as an “advancing act”; conversly nivrtti dharma produces the supreme good (sreyas) and can be described as an “arresting act” (Glucklich 167). Manu also structures his explanation of dharma with a wide arrangement of rewards and punishments. The rewards include things such as wealth, health, and happiness, while the punishments include things such as lowly rebirths, painful hells, and social ostracism (Glucklich 171).

Some Sanskrit epics can also be categorized as Dhramasastras due to their explicit and implicit engagement with the concept. Mahabharata is one such epic that contains many ideas on dharma. In the epic Mahabharata, a serpent named Sesa separates himself from the other serpents because he finds that they are too hostile. Sesa then goes on too preform austerities (tapas) until the creator God, Brahma, notices him and bestows the serpent with the idea of Dharma. After Brahma puts the idea of Dharma into Sesa’s head he makes Sesa the God of Dharma and entrust the serpent too uphold the earth. Sesa, with the mindset of Dharma does not only uphold the earth in space, but also in time in order to show the continuity of Dharma through the yugas (Hiltebeitel 261). This story in the Mahabharata serves to express how Dharma is a necessary competent of an orderly world.

Dharma also appears in other narratives within the Mahabharata. One of these narratives opens with the cosmological sequence in which Brahman is not considered to be fully complete until dharma has been created (Hiltebeitel 261). Another narrative involves dharma being depicted in human form, known as Lord Dharma; he is birthed forth from the right nipple of Brahma and brings much happiness into the world (Hiltebeitel 262).

Hiltebeitel also mentions a minor category of dharmasastras that includes the text known as the Yoga Purana (Hiltebeitel 274). The Yoga Purana is a short dharma text, of only one hundred and fifteen verses that prophesizes the degradation of dharma at the end of the kali yuga. The Yuga Purana has one main goal embedded into its verses: to produce an account and outline of the important principles and peoples of the four ages to express what will happen in time as Dharma degenerates through time (Hiltebeitel 274)

Dharma also functions as a type of law in Hindu society by giving instructions on legal procedures, contracts, corporations, and partnerships (Davis 241). Dharmasastras can be seen as a type of rhetoric, with dharma being its rhetorical tool; law. Law in Hindu religion is mediated through the pivotal theological idea of dharma. The legal influence of dharma can be observed in the Hindu community’s strong emphasis on legal/ethical disputes and norms (Davis 258). Things such as issues of caste, property, purity, marriage and adoption have religious ties that are of a legal nature. It can also be observed that the centrality of Dharmic rules, found in all of the different stages of Hindu life, is a norm in Hindu religion. The stage that has holds the most importance is that of the householder stage which can be concluded by observing how many Hindu texts highlight the ethos and Dharma of that particular stage (Davis 259), so one of the ways that religious meaning is made possible in Hinduism is by means of legal touchstone found in the householder prescriptions supplied by dharmasastras (Davis 258-259).

As mentioned before, dharma is considered to be one of the four worthy pursuits in the life of a Hindu. The four worthy pursuits are dharma, which is the righteous life, artha which is the life of wealth and the attainment of materials, kama which is the goal of sensual love and the artistic life, and moksa, which is the life of spiritual freedom. While the life goals of wealth and happiness are considered legitimate life pursuits in Hinduism, they must be gained in the ways of dharma if they are ever to lead a person to the ultimate goal of moksa (Kumar and Ram 83).

The dharmic path is the path that is in conformity with the truth of all things and the path that is opposite it is adharma, or disharmony with the truth. In order to for a Hindu to reach spiritual liberation they must not act in adharma and stay on the noble dharmic path. Hindu dharma says that a person must live by his life of spirit (Kumar and Ram 84), meaning that within acts of dharma the end result of moksa should be the main focus. The three appropriate dharmic pathways to moksa are, jnana, meaning wisdom, bhakti meaning devotion, and karma meaning service. The three pathways are not exclusive but bhakti is the most popular of the three (Kumar and Ram 84).

Dharma is clearly a ritually important part of Hinduism, as it has roots in just about every part of Hindu life and it supplies the rules and regulations by which Hindus are expected to live. Simply acknowledging the multitude and vastness of the dharmasastras collection in Hindu literature gives one and idea of how intrinsic it is to the religion and through the exploration of the different texts in this genre a bolder and more tangible sense of dharma emerges. The Hindu concept of dharma is so important and specific that it is said that it is better to do ones own dharma poorly, then to do the dharma of another perfectly (Klostermaier 34). With ties also in the world of law and the world of spiritual liberation, it can be said that the concept of dharma reaches all folds of Hindu life, and must not be looked over in any conversation about the religion.

References

Davis, Donald R. (2007) “Hinduism as a Legal Tradition.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 75:241-67. Accessed October 8, 2018. doi:http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.uleth.ca/stable/40006370

Glucklich, Ariel (2011) “Virtue and Happiness in the Law Book of Manu.” International Journal of Hindu Studies 2:165-90. Accessed October 9, 2018. doi:/10.1007/s11407-011-9102-y

Hacker, Paul (2006) “Dharma in Hinduism.” Journal of Indian Philosophy 34:479-96. Accessed October 4, 2018. doi:10.1007/s10781-006-9002-4.

Hiltebeitel, Alf (2011) Dharma: Its Early History in Law, Religion, and Narrative. New York: Oxford University Press.

Klostermaier, Klaus K. (2007) A Survey of Hinduism. New York: State University of New York Press, Albany, N.Y.:

Kumar, R. and S. Ram (2008) Hinduism: Religion and Philosophy. New Delhi: Crescent Publishing Corporation.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Dharmasastras

The Laws of Manu

Rta

Adharma

Varnasramadharma

Asoka

Artha

Karma

Moksa

Yuga Pruana

Mahabharata

Noteworthy Websites Related to this Topic

https://www.thoughtco.com/what-is-dharma-1770048

http://learningindia.in/dharma/

http://pluralism.org/religions/hinduism/introduction-to-hinduism/dharma-the-social-order/

https://blog.sivanaspirit.com/hd-gn-rules-dharma-lifes-purpose/

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Manu-smriti

http://www.duhaime.org/LawMuseum/LawArticle-297/200-BC–Laws-of-Manu.aspx

https://www.hinduwebsite.com/sacredscripts/hinduism/dharma/dharma_index.asp

Article written by: Jamie Bennett (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. The Renouncer, a. Asceticism and Renunciation, e. Other Sects, Related Topics in Yoga, Sacred Specialists

The Kanphata Yogis

December 28, 2019 hrodrigues

The Kanphata Yogis refers to a monastic order of Hindu renouncers, found predominantly throughout India and Nepal, who worship the god Siva. They are also known as the Darsanis, Gorakhnathi or Natha Yogis. The name Kanphata refers to the split through the hollow of their ears and Darsani refer to the large earrings they wear through these holes, their most distinctive feature. Gorakhnathi or Nath refers instead to their supposed founder, Gorakhnath, who is also credited as the founder of Hatha Yoga. Though he is said to be the author of a large number of books it is more likely that he authored only a few and other followers of his have since added to the collection. (Bouillier 2018:18-26).

Gorakhnath takes on both the roles of founder and deity in the Kanphata Yogi order. On the one hand he is a Guru praised for his purity and asceticism, and on the other he is said to be a being born through the miraculous power of Siva and is also a form of Siva (Bouillier 2018:14). The mythology surrounding Gorakhnath’s upbringing is extensive and not all of the stories agree on all points. One popular story is that a barren woman was given ashes from Siva to eat. Instead she threw them into a heap of cow dung and 12 years later upon searching the heap of dung, a 12 year old boy was found within it. The boy was then accepted as a pupil by the mighty guru, Matsyendranath, who named the child Gorakhnath meaning filth or lord of cattle (Briggs 182). His relationship to his Guru was complicated as he acted at times as a pupil and at times as an instructor or even savior of his master, saving his master from temptations of the flesh and other worldly influences (Bhattacharyya 285). In these ways the followers of Gorakhnath through legend and mythology deify him and simultaneously establish his teachings as being directly from the Gods. Actual historical data surrounding his birth, life, and death are however largely hypothetical and many scholars disagree on the date and location of his birth (Bouillier 2013:158). In the books accredited to his authorship, he appears to have borrowed inspiration from Jainism and from Vajrayana Buddhism, both in the strong focus on the obtainment of supernatural powers, through Yogic meditation, and on the incorporation of tantric doctrines into their core ideals (Bhattacharyya 285, Briggs 259, 274-276). Examples of this focus are found in the Gorakh-bani (Sayings of Gorakh), in which their quest for superhuman powers and immortality or divinity is explained (Bouillier 2013:161). Supernatural powers are considered a gratuity, rather than the actual end goal of Hatha Yoga, which is to reach mukti or enlightenment. The ordered discipline of yoga serves as a vehicle to assist or aid the Yogi as he or she endeavors in this quest (Briggs 2, 262-265).

Kanphata Yogis take their heritage from the Himalayan foothills and share common ancestry with the Siddhas in Tibetan Buddhism, as Gorakhnath is identified as Luipada by the Buddhist texts (Bhattacharyya 284-285). A rift in the teachings between the followers of Gorakhnath and the Siddhas is illustrated in the account of Gorakhnath saving his master from lust and sensual pleasures, and so doing, changing the guidelines for his followers from the overtly sexual tantric practices of his predecessors to a chaste focus in the internal development of oneself (Bouillier 2018:16-17). There is however a large focus on the maintenance of one’s body physically and spiritually, sexual practice of any kind is forbidden (Bouillier 2018:301-302). Many members of the tradition try to keep as far away from women as possible (Bhattacharyya 287-288), though some women, mostly widows, do join the order (Briggs 4-5).

Heavy focus is also placed upon the large earrings that they wear through the hollows of their ears. Some explain that the split through the cartilage of the ear is done in such a place as to cut through a mystical channel, thus assisting the bearer in their path to enlightenment (Briggs 6). Strict care is placed on the Yogi to protect their ears after the split has been made. There are some indications that, in the past, if one of the Yogis had the earring pulled out or their ear was mutilated in some other way that they would either be killed outright or be buried alive, though more recently banishment is a more common punishment (Briggs 8-9). These earrings, or mudra, are traditionally made of clay, but as these are easily broken they can be substituted for rings made of antler, horn, wood, precious metals, or shells. Kanphata Yogis also differ from orthodox Hindus also in their death rituals, namely that they bury their dead rather than cremate them. This practice is substantiated by the legendary dispute between Muslims and Hindus over who were masters of the earth. In response to this dispute Gorakhnath sat on the ground and called on it to yield to him, the earth then opened up and he sank below the surface (Briggs 39-40).

Kanphata Yogis and their supernatural powers have also played a part in the development of various kingdoms in the areas of Northern and Western India as well as Nepal. In Nepal in particular, a powerful Yogi is credited with using supernatural powers to assist the king of a small nation to unify the Nepalese area under one crown (Bouillier 1991:154-156). Similar stories can be found throughout India, and each Nath Monastery will generally have its own myths about the supernatural powers of the founding Yogi. These supernatural powers include controlling the weather, changing the physical size of the Yogi, exorcism, healing, the power of flight, necromantic powers, and psychic or telekinetic abilities to name a few (Briggs 271). These stories of supernatural powers gave the yogis a certain notoriety among both commoners and nobility, causing them to be warily honored lest they curse the public just as in the story of Gorakhnath’s visit to Kathmandu when he caused a drought to befall the people as punishment for receiving him poorly (Bouillier 2018:16).

Modern Day Kanphata Yogis exist largely in monasteries throughout India and South-East Asia or very occasionally as wandering ascetics and renouncers. Disciples known as Aughars rather than Yogis are inducted into the order of monastics through several stages of discipleship (Briggs 7-11). Contrary to what their name may suggest many Kanphata Yogis do not actively practice yoga (Briggs 251). They possess no official cannon of texts but instead cite a mishmash of books with varied and dubious authorship, including many texts that are nearly identical but with different titles or authors (Bouillier 2018:18-26, Briggs 252-257). Exact knowledge of the contents of these texts are also not largely stressed, but focus seems to be more on an oral tradition of legends and secret techniques which are passed down from Guru to Aughar (Briggs 7-10,251). That is not to say that the Kanphata Yogis are without modernization as they have formed the Pan-Indian Nath Yogi Association, and in some ways attempted to organize themselves by the 12 panths or branches of their order. There are currently more than 12 branches in existence but this number likely refers to an original division rather than a current one (Bouillier 2018:54-56).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath (1982) History of the Tantric Religion. New Delhi: Manohar Publications.

Bouillier, Véronique (1991) “Growth and decay of a Kanphata Yogi monastery in south-west Nepal” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 28,2: 151-170

Bouillier, Véronique (2013) “A Survey of Current Researches on India’s Nath Yogis” Religion Compass Vol 7 #5 (May): 157-168

Bouillier, Véronique (2018) Monastic Wanderers: Nath Yogi Ascetics in Modern South Asia. New York: Routledge.

Briggs, George W. (1938) Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Jacobsen, K.A. (2012) Yoga Powers. Extraordinary Capacities Attained through Meditation and Concentration. Leiden: Brill.

White, D.G. (1996) The Alchemical Body. Siddha tradition in Medieval India. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

This article was written by Christopher J Boehmer (Fall 2018), who is entirely responsible for its content.

3. Kama, Kama and Kama Sutras and Shastras

Kamasutra Book 3: Virgins

December 29, 2017 hrodrigues

The Kamasutra is an ancient Hindu text composed by Vatsyayana. The Kamasutra is believed to be a manual of sexual intercourse positions by most western societies, but the Kamasutra is a guide that helps people to achieve moral and noble lifestyles. The text discusses the nature of love, family lifestyles, forms of marriage, duties of a wife, behavior a man and woman should exhibit, traits to consider when choosing a partner and ways to develop physical attraction (Doniger 2007:66).

Marriage is the union of two people as partners in a legal relationship recognized by law. According to Rig Veda, marriage is the union of a male to a female virgin of the same class system. When a female is married to a male of equal class, the Dharma and Artha are satisfied based on the holy writing. They will be blessed with offspring and everlasting love. A man must become responsible and find a girl who comes from a noble and respected family, whose parents are alive, and is two or three years younger than himself. The female virgin must come from wealth, well connected, have stable and firm relationships with relatives and friends, good health and all her overall self must be beautiful. The man should, of course, also possess these qualities that the female virgin has (Doniger 2007).

Book three of the Kamasutra text, named Virgins, emphasizes exclusively on marriage, how to create confidence in a girl, on courtship and the display of the feelings by gesture and signs, things to be done only by the man on the acquisition of the girl, what a girl should do to win over a man and make him subject to her and forms of marriage (Doniger and Sudhir 2002).

There are five chapters in the text, Virgins, which focuses on the aspects of marriage. These five chapters are: (1) Courting the girl, (2) Winning a virgin’s trust, (3) Making advances to a young girl, (4) Advances a man makes on his own, (5) Devious devices for weddings.

Courting the Girl

When a man decides to court a beautiful girl from a respectable, well-connected and wealthy family with lucky marks on her body who is in good health., he has acquired both Dharma and Artha (Doniger and Sudhir 75). His parents and friends helps him court the girl especially the mutual friends of both his parents. The male friends tend to point out faults about the girl’s other suitors, and boost their friend’s good qualities to please the girl’s parents especially the girl’s mother. His friends dress like a fortune teller, and declare the future good fortune and wealth of the couple by showing the existence of all the lucky omens and signs, the good influence of planets, the auspicious entrance of the sun into a sign of the Zodiac, propitious stars and fortunate marks on his body (Doniger and Sudhir 75). However, girls who are pregnant, have a disgusting name like the name of one of the twenty-seven stars, or the name of a tree, or of a river, and whose name ends in ‘r’ or ‘l (Doniger and Sudhir 76)., are sick, betrothed to another, sweat a lot and are pimply should be avoided. The girl’s family dresses her up elegantly to events during the time of courtship. The girl’s family receive the man’s family who has come to court her (Doniger and Sudhir 77). Both family come to decision on how long they will wait to test the working of fate from the gods before giving her away. A man must marry by a wedding in the way of Brahma.

Winning a Virgin’s Trust

The Kamasutra prescribes that after the first three nights of the marriage, the couple should sleep on the floor, refrain from any sexual union and not eat any food that has salt or spices. The next seven days, they bathe with musical instrument playing, dress well, eat together, go to events together and visit their relatives. This is required to persons of all class systems. On the tenth night, the husband can begin gentle advances towards his wife when they are alone at night, thereby creating confidence in the girl. Babhravya followers say that when the husband does not initiate talk for three days with her, she assumes he is spiritless like pillar and begins to despise him (Doniger and Sudhir 78). Vatsyayana advices that the husband should slowly seduce her to win her trust and create confidence in his wife, by not forcing her but by gentle persuasion (Doniger and Sudhir 78-79). The husband should use tactics which she would like and become more confident with him. These tactics are as follows (Doniger and Sudhir 79):

He should embrace her the way she likes but not make it last a long time.

He should start by embracing her with the upper part of his body because it easier. He can embrace in the light if she is older and they are familiar with one another, but embrace in the dark if she younger.

When his wife accepts the embrace, the man should put a betel leaf in her mouth and if she does not accept it, he should use appeasing words, promises, and kneeling at her feet to seduce her. He should then begin by giving her some soft kisses, without making a sound. He should then encourage her to talk and ask him questions, which he will pretend to not know or answer with a few words (Doniger and Sudhir 79). He should not scare her if she does not talk but keep asking her if she has any questions over again and over again in a sweet manner, and he should urge her to talk if she does not after that. When she pestered again, she should reply by shaking her head.

When he asks her if she wants him or not, she should remain silent for a long time and when at last importuned to reply, should give him a promising answer by a nod of her head. He could call in the favor of a female friend, who they both trust, to continue the conversation (Doniger and Sudhir 79). When she engages in putting in scented oil near him or ties it in his upper cloth after becoming accustomed to him without talking, the man should touch her young breasts. If she prevents him from doing this, he should tell to her, I will not do it again if you will embrace me (Doniger and Sudhir 80)., thereby causing her to embrace him. While embracing, he should caress her whole body tenderly to gain her consent and when she does not give consent, he can scare her by saying, I shall impress marks of my teeth and nails on your lips and breasts, and then make similar marks on my own body, and shall tell my friends that you did them. What will you say then (Doniger and Sudhir 80). By doing this, he seduces her to gain her trust. On the second and third night, there is increase with confidence and she begins to trust him more, he can then begin to engage more sexual intercourse with his wife. He demonstrates his love to her by promising to be faithful to her in the future, and that she should dismiss all her fears with respect to any rival women (Doniger and Sudhir 81). He then begins to enjoy her in a way that does not scare her.

Making Advances to a Young Girl

A man with no money, no opportunity, a neighbor, dependent on his family, seen as a child or a guest, should not court a virgin. He can court a virgin if she falls in love with him from childhood (Doniger and Sudhir 82). Only men living with their uncle’s can try to gain over uncle daughter or some other girl, even if she is promised to another. When a man has decided the girl, he wants to court, he begins by spending time with her and her friends. He pleases her by playing various games with her, buying her flowers, cooking meals for her and playing six pebbles. He must become kind to the daughter of the girl’s nurse to gain her trust because she can affect the union between him and the girl he loves. The daughter can also talk about his good qualities to the girl’s parents and relatives. He should work hard to grant the girl’s wishes and buy gifts for her, so she sees him as someone who would do anything for her in the future. These gifts can be given privately or publicly. His reason for giving her gifts in private, is the fear that parents of both of them might be displeased (Doniger and Sudhir 84). When her love for him grows, he should amaze her with magic tricks, storytelling, music, moonlight festival and gifts like jewelry. To inform the girl of his sexual experience, he teaches the daughter of the girl’s nurse the sixty-four means of pleasure practiced by men. He finds out if she has sensual feelings for him by observing her gestures and signals like: She never looks the man in the face and becomes embarrassed when she is looked at by him, show some parts of her body to him, speaks to her attendants in an unusual way to gain his attention when she is far away from him, talks to her lover’s friends, shows gentleness to his servants and being sad when any other suitor is mentioned by her parents (Doniger and Sudhir 85).

Advances a Man Makes on His Own

After gestures and signals have been displayed, the man should gain various ways to make advances towards her like:

He should initiate hand holding whenever they are playing a game, engage in touching embrace, and giving her pair of human being couples cut out of a leaf a tree (Doniger and Sudhir 86).

He should dive close to her when playing water sports and tell her about his beautiful dream about her, but using other women’s names.

He sits near her during events and caress her foot and whenever he gives anything to her or takes anything from her, he should show her by his gesture how much he loves her (Doniger and Sudhir 87).

When he comes to know the depth of her feelings for him, he should pretend to be ill and invite her to his house to talk, and tell her that only she can make the medicine for him and nobody else. This pretense must last three days and three nights during which whenever she comes to visit, they should have long discussions. After the girl if finally won over, he may begin to enjoy her fully. The daughter of the girl’s nurse, or a female friend in which she trusts, comes handy when the man does not know how make advances to the girl.

When a girl makes advances towards a man she loves, she does so visiting him regularly with her friends or the daughter of her nurse. She offers him flowers and perfumes, talk to him about his hobbies, she should take care of him and engage in talks about ways to win a girl love. When a girl offer herself because of love, she loses her self-respect and is rejected. She should only be kind to a man who wishes to court her, and she may change her demeanor towards him but oppose when he tries to kiss her or ask for sexual union. If he agrees to not urge her, it proves her lover is devoted to her and she tells him to marry her soon, so that she would give herself to him. She should tell friends that she trusts when she loses her virginity.

Devious devices for weddings

When a girl’s love is won over, the man should cause fire to be brought from the house of a Brahman and spread the kusha grass upon the ground and make an offering of oblations to the fire, then he can marry her according to the guidelines the religious law (Doniger and Sudhir 92). After doing this ritual, he can inform his parents and her parents. The relatives both the girl and man should become familiar of the affair and the girl relatives should be told in a way that allows the marriage, and they should be offered gifts. A man should marry the girl according Gandharva form of marriage (Doniger and Sudhir 92). When the girl cannot make up her mind to marry him, he must come up with ways to make her marry him. The following ways are:

Using her female friends who he trusts and her family trusts, ask them to bring the girl to his house surprisingly, and he would then bring fire from the house of a Brahmin, and proceed as before described.

When the marriage of the girl to another suitor is drawing close, the man should mock the suitor’s future to the mother of the girl, and then have the girl to come to see him, with her mother’s consent, in a neighboring house, he would bring fire from the house of a Brahmin, and proceed as above.

The man should form a bond with the girl’s brother and ask for his help and bribe him with gifts. He tells the brother about his love for his sister and since young men will do anything for a fellow man with the same age, the brother finds a way to bring his sister to some secure place, and the man will bring fire from the house of a Brahmin and proceed as before.

The man can give the daughter of the girl’s nurse, an alcoholic substance to give the girl, and then she will be brought under pretense to a secure place for business, and before she recovers from her woozy state, the man should bring fire from the house of a Brahmin, and proceed as before.

The man should, with the help of the daughter of the nurse, take the girl away from her house while she is asleep, before she recovers from her sleep, the man should bring fire from the house of a Brahmin, and proceed as before.

When the girl visit some village in the neighborhood, the man should, with his friends, scare away her guards and forcibly carry her off, and proceed as before.

Bibliography

Doniger, Wendy (2002) “On the Kamasutra.” Daedalus 131:126-29.

Doniger, Wendy (2007) “Reading the “Kamasutra”: The Strange & the Familiar.” Daedalus

Sharma, Shailja (2002) “Kamasutra.” Counterpoints 169:103-07

Vatsyayana (2002) Kamasutra. Translated by Doniger Wendy and Sudhir Kakar. New York: Oxford University Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Artha

Dharma

Ghandharva

Confidence

Caste system

Ghotakamukha

Babhravya

Vatsyayana

Game of six pebbles

Betel leaves

Brahman

Kusha grass

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.sacred-texts.com/sex/kama/kama201.htm

http://www.novelguide.com/kama-sutra/summaries/part3-4

http://www.sacred-texts.com/sex/kama/kama301.htm

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kama_Sutra

Article written by: Trust In God Odudu (March 2017) who is solely responsible for its content.

b. The Mahabharata, f. Puranic Mythology and Other Hindu Deities, g. Sati and the Status of Widows

The Savitri and Satyavat Myth

December 29, 2017 hrodrigues

The myth of Savitri and Satyavat is the fictional love story of a Hindu wife following her husband through death and saving him with her great dharmic wisdom. The origin of the story dates back to the Mahabharata. The sage Vyasa had written the Mahabharata with the help of the god Ganesa to give to the world as a gift. Within Vyasa’s telling of the Mahabharata the ideology of dharmic character is clarified and expanded on through side stories such at Savitri and Satyavat. The Mahabharata tells the epic story of the Pandavas and the Kauravas were battling each other, and at one point, the Pandavas were exiled to live in the forest for 13 years. During this time, the brothers meet with the rishi Markandeya. The most dharmic brother, Yudhisthira, was lamenting the kidnapping of Draupadi, the Pandava’s wife, as she had been taken by Jaydratha (Anand 2). He asked the rishi if he had ever met a more dharmic woman than Draupadi. The rishi responded with the myth of Savitri and Satyavat, answering his question by telling of the most dharmic woman possible.

The king Asvapati of the land Mudra had no heirs. Worried that he would die before his bloodline would be carried on, he devoted himself to prayers and sacrifices, asking the gods for many sons. After eighteen years, the sun Goddess Savitri answered Asvapati’s hundred thousand hymns to her (Narayan 182). The goddess explained that although she knew he requested for many sons, she would instead bless him with a single daughter, for whom he should be grateful (Anand 3). Soon after, Asvapati’s eldest wife gave birth to a baby girl, whom he named Savitri after the goddess. When Savitri had grown up, her beauty was so astounding that suitors would not ask for her hand in marriage. When the king requested a reason, they responded she must be an incarnation of a goddess and could not be married. The princess Savitri then began a penance, as she waited for a proposal. However, none appeared. The king decided Savitri must be married, and came up with a plan for her to find a husband. Savitri was told to search for her own husband that was well suited and that was as good to her as she was to her father (Narayan 183). Savitri was unsure how to do so, but agreed to do his bidding. The king sent an assembly of his men to accompany his daughter who were under the order not to interfere with her decision.

A year later, she returned to her father who was with the heavenly sage Narada. Narada did not understand why she did not have a husband yet, but the king was ready to receive her answer. Savitri reported that she named Satyavat her husband [often called Satyavan]. Narada strongly advised against her decision. He explained that although Satyavat was perfectly suitable, he was cursed to die in exactly one year from that day. Asvapati tried to persuade his daughter to find another husband, but Savitri refused. Satyavat was her first and only choice for husband, and she would not choose again.

Satyavat was son of the exiled, blind king Dyumatsena, and he took care of him and his mother in their forest hermitage. Before the wedding, Asvapati asked the exiled king for his blessing on the marriage (Nadkarni 2012:np). Dyumatsena was hesitant but agreed. Once the blessing was given, Savitri married Satyavat and joined him in his forest home. Savitri was the ideal wife and daughter in-law, and brought joy to the household (Narayan 185). However, she always remembered the curse and silently counted down the days. When four days were left before the cursed day, Savitri began a triratra vow, a severe penance of fasting, praying, and standing, for three days and nights. Her parents in-law were worried for her and insisted she end this penance, but Savitri refused. On the fourth day, when Satyavat was to begin his daily journey into the forest, Savitri begged him to allow her to join him. Satyavat was hesitant but agreed only if Savitri gained approval from her in-laws. Asking her parents in-law, they granted her wish as Dyumatsena knew she had never asked for anything before (Narayan 186). Travelling deep into the forest, Satyavat was unaware of his fate, but Savitri could not focus on anything else (Narayan 186). As Satyavat was swinging the axe to cut trees, he suddenly felt fatigued. Savitri went to his aid and brought him to rest his head in her lap. She realized this must be the hour that Narada had foretold. Satyavat soon fell into a deep sleep. Savitri continued to hold him when a figure came to hover over them. As Savitri focused on this figure, she saw that it was the God of Death, Yama, coming to take Satyavat’s soul. Savitri rested Satyavat’s head on the ground, and rose to address the God of Death. Savitri asked the God why he himself had come (Dutt 423). Yama answered that because Satyavat was such a distinguished person, he wanted to honour Satyavat in his death by bringing him to death’s halls himself. Yama recognized Savitri as an auspicious wife with a rare gift of being extraordinarily sensitive. But unwavering, Yama continued to take Satyavat’s soul to his kingdom against Savitri’s requests.

However, Savitri had begun to follow him to the land of death, a place where she could not go. Yama tried to persuade her to turn back, but Savitri was refused, knowing that where her husband went, she went, as it was her dharmic duty as a wife to accompany her husband through life and death. Impressed by her knowledge of dharma, Yama told her to ask for any boon other than the life of her husband and he shall grant it (Nadkarni 2012:np). Savitri asked for the return of her father in-law’s sight. They continued their conversation and Yama is repeatedly impressed, granting 3 more boons. Savitri asked for Dyumatsena’s kingdom to be restored, her father to have a hundred noble sons and for a hundred sons for herself and Satyavat. Yama granted these, but then realized too late that for the final boon to be granted Satyavat must be returned to earth. Yama kept his word and gave his blessing and Satyavat’s soul back to Savitri to return to his body (Nadkarni 2012:np).

Restoring his soul to his body, Savitri and Satyavat hurried home to his parents’ hermitage as they were late to return. Dyumatsena, with his sight recently restored, and his wife were worried when Satyavat and Savitri had not returned at their normal time. Neighbours had come to comfort them. When Savitri and Satyavat finally arrived, a celebration was thrown in their honour. Questioned on their reason for such a late arrival, Savitri began her story of all the transpired events, beginning with Narada’s prophecy up until their return home. She explained in detail her interactions with Yama, the God of Death, and the boons he had granted her (Dutt 429). The next day, Dyumatsena was informed his enemy, who had seized the throne, had been killed by the hands of one of his own ministers. Dyumatsena was once again declared king of the Shalwa kingdom. Savitri and Satyavat had their 100 sons who were brave, noble, and never fled from war (Dutt 430). Asvapati was also blessed with 100 sons who kept his bloodline and lineage strong for generations.

Savitri is used as the example of the ideal Hindu wife; a woman who is willing to follow her husband through death and back. Savitri symbolizes the dharmic wisdom that overcomes death (Anand 2). The perfect wife is to maintain her position beside her husband for all of time. In each dharmic marriage the man has the responsibility to take care of his family in all the physical aspects of life, while the wife “embodies the power to sustain their existence” (Rodrigues 125). She must maintain this power by being as auspicious as possible, and by being loyal by following orders from her husband. This enhances her personal spiritual power, or sakti. Her whole family depends on this spiritual power for their survival. By having this power, she is responsible to take part in sati, the ritual where the wife is required to lie on her deceased husband’s pyre, showing that she is willing to die with him and to use her sakti to cleanse his soul in a spiritual sense (Pitchman 26). Savitri is the ideal wife because when she completed sati she brought Satyavat back to life with her, proving she was purely dharmic. Her higher understanding of the dharmic teaching and her commitment to Satyavat is what brought her husband back to life (Verma 67). As they are two parts of a whole, both the husband and wife rely on each other to live a dharmic life. Their devotion to each other, especially Savitri’s, deems her the ideal wife in Hindu culture.

REFERENCES AND RECOMMENDED READING

Anand, Subhash (1988) Savitri and Satyavat: A Contemporary Reading. Pune: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Dutt, Manmatha Nath (1895) A Prose English Translation of the Mahabharata: (translated Literally from the Original Sanskrit Text). H.C. Dass.

Nadkarni, Mangesh V. (2012) Savitri-The Golden Bridge, The Wonderful Fire: An introduction to Sri Aurobindo’s epic. Auroville: Savitri Bhavan

Narayan, R. K. (1964) Gods, Demons, and Others. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press

Pintchman, Tracy (2011) Woman and Goddess in Hinduism: Reinterpretations and Re-envisionings. New York: Palgrave Macmillan

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism–The e-Book. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Verma, K.D. (1977) Myth and Symbol in Aurobindo’s “Savitri”: A Revaluation. Michigan: Asian Studies Center, Michigan State University

Related Topics for Further Investigation

dharma

Draupadi

Ganesa

Kauravas

Mahabharata

Markandeya

Narada

Pandavas

sakti

sati

Sati

Vyasa

Yama

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Savitri_and_Satyavan

http://www.hindupedia.com/en/Aśvapati

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narada

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m03/index.htm

https://books.google.ca/books?id=wFtXBGNn0aUC&redir_esc=y

http://www.rsvidyapeetha.ac.in/mahabharatha/summary/eng/3.pdf

http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/vyasa/page10.htm

Article written by: Abby Neudorf (Spring 2017) who is solely responsible for its content.

b. The Mahabharata, f. Puranic Mythology and Other Hindu Deities, g. Sati and the Status of Widows

Savitri and Satyavan

December 29, 2017 hrodrigues

The Hindu myth of Savitri and Satyavan, found in the Mahabharata, is a tale of the love and devotion a Hindu wife was expected to have for her husband. In the Hindu tradition women are expected to show this devotion to their husbands above all else, and the tale of Savitri’s devotion is one of the most poignant and significant examples of this.

The story begins with Aswapati, a king, who was virtuous and lived what could be considered a perfect dharmic lifestyle. Despite this, Aswapati could not conceive a male heir; as he grew older this became more and more of a concern. After 18 years of a perfect dharmic lifestyle, including performing ten thousand oblations daily and reciting Mantras in honour of Savitri, Aswapati was visited by the goddess Savitri herself, who is also called Gayatri. Savitri could not grant him a son, but instead granted him a daughter, who the king named Savitri after the goddess. In some versions Savitri did not grant him the child herself, but informed Aswapati that Brahma was granting him a child (Sarma 329). Savitri grew up to become a beautiful woman, compared by the people to a goddess, and because of her intimidating beauty none would marry her. Aswapati sent her off in search of a husband, as none in his land would marry her. (Ganguli 570-571)

When she returned, she tells her father of another king, Dyumatsena. Dyumatsena was a wise, virtuous kshatriya king. Dyumatsena grew blind, and thus his kingdom was overthrown by an old enemy, ousting Dyumatsena and his family and forcing them into a hermitage. Dyumatsena’s only son, Satyavan, grew up in this state of hermitage. Savitri met the adult Satyavan, and chose him as the one she would marry. She praised his virtues to her father, listing his energy, wisdom, bravery, and forgiveness. She compared his noble attributes to those of various gods, to further emphasize just how perfect a match Satyavan was. Her father’s counselors, who accompanied Savitri on this journey supported her statements. The king asked his trusted advisor if this seemingly perfect youth had any defects, and it is revealed that Satyavan was to die exactly one year from this meeting. Aswapati urged Savitri to choose another, but she had already made up her mind and refused to change it, stating that she had already selected Satyavan and will not select again. The king relented on seeing the full extent of her devotion, and the two were wed. (Ganguli 572-574)

As the day of Satyavan’s death approached, Savitri offered prayers and ascetic observances for the three days prior to Satyavan’s preordained demise. Savitri and Satyavan went out in the woods on the day in question to pick fruits and cut down tree branches. Satyavan began to feel weak, and Savitri laid him on the ground with his head in her lap. The next moment, Yama, the god of death, appeared to Savitri. He had come to personally take Satyavan’s soul. He did so and departed, but Savitri proceeded to follow him out of her devotion to her husband. She spoke to Yama of Satyavan’s virtues, and he was impressed by her words and her devotion and granted her a boon, anything she wanted except Satyavan’s life. She requested that her father-in-law, Dyumatsena, regain his eyesight and his strength. Yama granted this, and continued on his way. Savitri followed him still, telling Yama more of Satyavan. Yama granted her a second boon, and she asked for Dyumatsena to regain his kingdom. She continued to follow him, this time speaking of mercy, and Yama granted her a third boon. She asked to beget children to continue her father’s line, and Yama granted her that she may have a hundred sons. She proceeded to speak about justice. Yama had heretofore been very impressed with Savitri’s devotion and extensive wisdom, and he granted her a fourth boon. She asked for a century of sons, begat by her and Satyavan, and Yama granted this before realizing the implication. He realized Savitri had tricked him and, impressed with her cunning, granted Satyavan’s life back, as she could not father sons with him if he was dead. This differs, as in some versions it is not by Savitri’s cunning, but by her continued devotion that she convinced Yama to give Satyavan back (Sarma 334). When Savitri and Satyavan returned, they found Dyumatsena’s eyesight and strength had returned, and he ascended once again to his rightful place at the head of his kingdom. Savitri and Satyavan had many children, and all was well (Ganguli 576-585).

Savitri’s devotion to her husband is the key theme of this myth. Even before they are married, she is unshakeable in her conviction to stand by Satyavan despite his impending death, and this devotion is what impresses her father so much that he allows the two to be wed. This is especially significant due to the inauspicious status of widows in the Hindu tradition, and the prohibition of remarriage (Rodrigues 127-128). She also shows devotion towards her husband’s family, who in the Hindu tradition essentially becomes her new primary family. Her requests of Yama to return her father-in-law’s sight, strength, and kingdom exemplify this ideal. Lastly, her devotion to Satyavan even in death is impressive. She follows Yama, death himself, and he grants her multiple divine boons, eventually even giving her Satyavan back. It is interesting to note however, that Savitri is not a helpless damsel following Yama because she is incapable of anything without her husband. If anything, after Satyavan’s death she shows her many other impressive characteristics in convincing Yama to bring Satyavan back.

The ideal of pativrata is described by Rodrigues as “ascetic dedication to [the woman’s] husband” (Rodrigues 124). It is the highest vrata, or ascetic observance, that Hindu women follow. The pativrata is closely related to sakti, spiritual power, and the husband was dependent on this spiritual power for his survival and strength. The story of Savitri exemplifies this, as Savitri’s devotion is very closely tied to her husband’s strength and survival, literally bringing him back from death. Savitri initially tries to prevent his death, performing vrata for three days just prior to the promised time. When this fails, she follows Yama, an extraordinary display of ascetic devotion, and her spirituality is a key factor in convincing Yama to bring Satyavan back.

Some scholars explore the similarities and differences between Savitri and Draupadi. Indeed, the entire reason this myth was told in the Mahabharata was in response to Yudhisthira asking if there had ever been a woman whose devotion matched Draupadi’s (Ganguli 570). Weiss looks at Savitri’s marriage as a sort of inversion of Draupadi’s. Savitri is an ascetic wife, while Draupadi is married to five men, both deviations from the Hindu norm. As Weiss states: “Savitri lowers her social status by an act that creates social discontinuity (ascetic practices terminate social lineage), and Draupadi limits the natural capacities of her husbands by marrying all of them.” (Weiss 268-269). The feminist scholar Lohia gently criticizes Savitri in comparison to Draupadi, stating that loyalty was important, but only as a single aspect of a woman’s personality (Yadav 110). Ultimately, both women represent distinct aspects of the Hindu ideal.

The story of Savitri and Satyavan exemplifies Hindu ideals of a wife’s devotion to her husband. Savitri marries the man she chooses regardless of his impending death, and refuses to let him go. When he does die, it is her devotion and strength of character that brings him back to life. In my opinion, she epitomizes the ideal of pativrata, and is an example of how the Hindu epics teach how one should live through tales with simple moral principles.

Bibliography

Ganguli, Kisari Mohan (1990) The Mahabharata of Krishna-Dwaipayana Vyasa Vol.III (5^th Edition). New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism – The eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Sarma, Bharadvaja (2008) Vyasa’s Mahabaratam. Academic Publishers.

Weiss, Brad (1985) “Mediations in the Myth of Savitri.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion Vol. 53, No. 2: 259-270. www.jstor.org/stable/1464922

Yadav, Kumkum (2010) “Draupadi or Savitri: Lohia’s Feminist Reading Of Mythology.” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 45, No. 48: 107–112. www.jstor.org/stable/25764190

Related Research Topics

pativrata

sakti

sati

Aswapati

Dyumatsena

Yama

Gayatri (goddess)

Brahma

Yudhisthira

Draupadi

Mahabharata

kshatriya

Related Websites

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Savitri_and_Satyavan

http://www.apamnapat.com/entities/Savitri.html

http://www.aaronshep.com/stories/006.html

http://www.kidsgen.com/fables_and_fairytales/indian_mythology_stories/satyavan_and_savitri.htm

This article was written by Thomas Hill (Spring 2017), who is entirely responsible for its content.

3. Kama, Kama and Kama Sutras and Shastras

A Summary of Book 6 of the Kama Sutra

December 29, 2017 hrodrigues

The Kamasutra is an ancient Hindu text on the art of attainting kama, or pleasure, one of the three prescribed goals for twice born males in the Hindu tradition (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana XI). It was composed by Vatsyayana Mallanaga, possibly in the third century CE and has since been the subject of commentaries, criticisms, and translations. Vatsyayana drew on many scholars before him, and this text is certainly not the only of its kind. In the west, the book is often perceived as a catalogue of sex positions. For Hindus, it is a unique and elaborate text containing several books on topics such as finding and pleasing a wife, and the use of drugs and other substances to enhance kama.

For many years, the translation by Sir Richard Burton, published in the 19^th century stood as the western world’s best understanding of the erotic Kamasutra (Burton and Vatsyayana, 1981). However, a more recent translation by Wendy Doniger and Sudhir Kakar provides a fresh insight into the discussions of the Kamasutra, its nature, its function as a religious text, and the argument of whether it is to be a descriptive versus prescriptive text. Of course, in ancient India and even today, the reader should decide with discretion. The 2002 translation by Doniger and Kakar was used for this summary.

An important aspect of the Kamasutra is that its audience was most likely male, but according to Wendy Doniger in her book, Redeeming the Kamasutra, the Kamasutra can be useful to women (Doniger 93). In Doniger and Kakar’s translation, Vatsyayana suggests nuns and courtesans are the only women in Hindu society who are truly [socially] free (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana XIV); Book 6 of the Kamasutra is dedicated entirely to the courtesan (a high class entertainer for men), which exposes an attitude towards courtesan’s that is very different from the popular opinion in the west. Vatsyayana’s text suggests that courtesans have long played an important role in the Hindu social order. What sets Book 6 apart from the other books of the Kamasutra is that it appears to be written by the courtesan, for the courtesan. She appears to be faithful and affectionate towards her lover at all times, yet she is often involved with more than one man. The courtesan’s main concern is profit, although she makes it appear to her lover that he is her top priority (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 137).

Chapter one of book six explores how the courtesan “decides on a friend, an eligible lover, and an ineligible lover” (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 131-136). Men trust women who are driven by desire, sex, and passion, and this is how the courtesan poses herself. Vatsyayana suggests that every woman possesses these traits to an extent, and because the courtesan’s main goal is to make money, she is a natural born tradesperson. She exhibits no greed as she displays herself as goods for purchase, always beautiful but secretive (Doniger, Kakar, and Vatsyayana 131). The courtesan may choose the men with whom it is appropriate to keep company, particularly what kind of company, as she has the whole community at her disposal. Policemen and powerful individuals may offer protection, “ward off loses” and “get money” for her. These men should be considered friends; men who sell goods that aid in the seduction of lovers could also be considered friends because they can ultimately bring her greater wealth and more lovers with their services and connections (Doniger, Kakar, and Vatsyayana 131). Even when choosing a lover, there are certain guidelines that deem whether or not a man is suitable: some lovers are good only for money (jealous, greedy, or impotent men), while other men possess good qualities (knowledgeable, poetic, generous men) and are, therefore, considered the prescribed lovers (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 133-135). The courtesan should stay away from sick men, old men, and men who are devoted to their wives.

Hindu social norms dictate a woman should be intelligent, honest, of sound mind and body; she should only speak when spoken too, and be knowledgeable enough in the Kamasutra to please her man. Additionally, a courtesan must be all these things, as well as being beautiful, young, versed in the arts, and of course, have a sexual nature (Doniger, Kakar, and Vatsyayana 133-134). These traits will make her a suitable lover.

There are various reasons for taking a lover that Vatsyayana’s predecessors suggested, including passion, fear, gain, religion, and future prospects. Vatsyayana suggests, for the courtesan, that “gain, warding off loses, and love” are reasons she may take a lover; however, gain should come first for her, as her goal is to make money, but she should use her judgement and consider other reasons as well (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 135).

Before a courtesan engages a lover, she must get his attention and learn about him. Even if he has propositioned her, the courtesan remembers that men want most what is difficult to attain. A courtesan may utilize her friendships to send gifts to her potential lover, in an attempt to mediate the beginnings of the relationship. After this, the courtesan may meet with her prospective lover, and attempt to seduce him (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana, 135-136).

The second chapter of the Kamasutra discusses how the courtesan properly entertains her lover by giving him what he desires (Doniger, Karkar, and Vatsyayana 137-142). She may act as a wife does, infatuated with him, inquiring about his interests and behaving as if he is the centre of her life, suggesting that she may even become ill if he does not make love to her. Of course, this is all a façade, as the courtesan must act attached even though she is not (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 137 lies). If questions of infidelity arise, the courtesan may refuse to eat in order to show that she is upset and remains dedicated to her lover. At the same time, she is known to be deceptive—such as inventing a demanding mother to whom the courtesan is obligated or devoted—when she is to meet with another man.

The traditional Hindu wife, as depicted in the Kamasutra via the perspective of Vatsyayana and the courtesan, is that of a devoted, infatuated woman, who speaks only of things her husband knows and prays for him while he is away, even taking up ritual responsibilities in order to honour him. She affirms his intelligence and proclaims a love that will last beyond life itself. A courtesan may actually engage in some or all of these practices, but she most definitely portrays herself as a loving devotee to her man—as Vatsyayana comments at the end, however, this is the nature of the courtesan, as she is really just playing a part.

Of course, as previously mentioned, the courtesan has a goal, which is to make money. According to chapter three of Book 6 in the Kamasutra, there are natural and contrived ways in which a courtesan may be able to extort money from her lover (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 142-147). Vatsyayana disagrees with previous scholars when he says that the courtesan can heavily increase her profits if she uses contrived means. She may create debts to creditors, or even terrible scenarios, such as being robbed of her jewellery, or a fire that burned down her home and all of her belongings, in order to gain sympathy and ‘reimbursement’ from her lover (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 142-143). She may even pretend to need money in order to bring gifts to him, or help friends of his/hers that are in need. The courtesan may also then express to her lover how much his kindness has helped her and made her happy. The lover often obliges and gives the woman money or gifts, as it is implied throughout Book 6 of the Kamasutra that this is how a man shows attachment, or at least this is his understanding of showing attachment.

Occasionally, her lover may shows signs that his passion is fading or that he is no longer interested, and the courtesan is a master at picking up on these signs (Doniger, Karkar, and Vatsyayana 145). He may portray his receding desire through his body language or his actions, by giving her too much or too little money, sleeping elsewhere, or breaking his promises. A courtesan knows that a devoted man does not act in this way, and because her affection is only manufactured for profit, she’ll make one final attempt to hustle what remains of his money from him, and then she will get rid of him. In Doniger’s commentary text, she suggests that this may reflect the courtesan’s attitudes and point of view (Doniger 105).

There is an entire section of chapter three dedicated to getting rid of a lover (Doniger, Karkar, and Vatsyayana 145-147). The courtesan needs very few reasons to abandon her lover; if he is depleted of funds to give her, if he desires another woman, or if his passion diminishes, she will leave. In Redeeming the Kamasutra, Doniger suggests that the courtesan “employs…passive-aggressive behavior to indicate that it is time to [end the affair]” (Doniger 105). This includes refusing to sleep with him, showing contempt for his interests, making herself seem unattractive and uninterested in him. This will often result in the ending of the relationship. At the end of this section, Vatsyayana includes a verse that summarizes the job of the courtesan: she is to enchant man, take his money, and then release him (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 147).

A courtesan may, after careful consideration, get back together with an ex-lover. There are conditions, of course, she must consider, which are outlined in chapter four of the sixth book of the Kamasutra (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 147-151). In fact, there are six different scenarios that the courtesan should consider, and then there are suggestions as to how to deal with these different scenarios. Essentially, the courtesan should only get back together with her ex-lover if he still has money or has made more money, if he is still interested in/attached to her, and/or can continue to provide the courtesan with a source of income. She should reject him if he is fickle or ungenerous. If the relationship rekindles, a courtesan will begin courting her lover again. She may bring back her demanding mother to make her lover believe that it was the mother who was keeping them apart all along. A messenger may suggest to her man that even though she has a new lover, she is not in love, and only desires this one man. At the end of the chapter, Vatsyayana once again disagrees with his predecessors when he suggests that, between a new lover and an old one, a new lover is more aligned with her goals. He then comments that this can be dependent on the nature of the man (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 150).

In the fifth chapter, Vatsyayana discusses how the courtesan may weigh or prioritize her profits, posing it as a discussion between himself and past scholars. A courtesan should not limit herself to one lover if she feels she can make more money this way, but there are scenarios to consider. In the choice between lovers, Vatsyayana suggests that the one who gives gold is preferable to the one who gives her what she wants, because gold is most valuable and can give her the greatest monetary return. Vatsyayana elaborates on other scenarios, but the answer is always the same. However, he does suggest that there are certain situations in which avoiding conflicts or losses can be more beneficial to the courtesan than monetary profit.

The sixth chapter in the Kamasutra’s sixth book contains methodological approaches to calculating gains and losses, consequences, and doubts (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 155-159). Losses are the result of fate, or of some fault of character or decision making. These losses may have terrible consequences and should therefore be carefully avoided. As a business person, a courtesan should focus on gains. Vatsyayana says that there are three losses: money, religious merit, and hatred; and three gains: money, religious merit, and pleasure (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 155). Vatsyayana suggests a formula that considers doubt as either pure or mixed, and consequences as having one sided, two sided, or group results. This formula can help the courtesan control her losses. The discussion that follows is one of contemplation, and suggests that gains and losses of the three types can occur depending on the level of doubt that is present. Essentially, because the courtesan wants to maximize gains and minimize losses, she should consider these arguments for the purpose of her business.

The last chapter of book six, entitled “Types of courtesans” (Doniger, Kakar and Vatsyayana 159-160) suggests that there are certain women more suited to this profession than others. In contrast to women who are virgins, courtesans may be women known for dancing, artistry, or simply for being an intelligent member of an upper class. These women may be more inclined to money than passion (as opposed to virgins and wives), and could therefore be considered for this particular kind of work.

Ultimately, Book 6 of the Kamasutra depicts courtesans as intelligent, masters of deceit and feminine sexuality. They are not portrayed as shameful women who are degraded in society; instead, they are respectable business women who play a major role in cultivating a Hindu man’s sexual experience. They reverse the conventional gender norms that Doniger discusses in her commentary; instead of being passive and innocent, she is active and powerful (Doniger 109). The Kamasutra and the courtesan are similar in this way, neither are well known [in the west] for their religious and social functions in Hindu society. At the end of the second chapter of Book 6, Vatsyayana writes a verse that could be used to sum up the portrayal of women, mostly courtesans, in this book of the Kamasutra:

Because of the subtlety and excessive greed of women,

And the impossibility of knowing their nature,

The signs of their desire are hard to know,

Even for those who are its object.

Women desire and they become indifferent,

They arouse love and they abandon,

Even when they are extracting all the money,

They are not really known (Doniger, Karkar, and Vatsyayana 142).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Burton, R. and Vatsyayana (1981) The Kama Sutra: The Richard Burton Classic Translation. London: Unwin Paperbacks.

Doniger, Wendy (2016) Redeeming the Kamasutra. New York: Oxford University Press.

Doniger, W., Sudhir Kakar, and Vatsyayana (2002) Kamasutra: Oxford world’s classics. New York: Oxford University Press Inc.

Related Readings & Websites

Doniger, Wendy (2002) “On the Kamasutra.” Daedalus 131: 126-129.

Doniger, Wendy (2007) “Reading the ‘Kamasutra’: the strange & the familiar.” Daedalus 136: 66-78

Courtesans: https://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255-s01/courtesans/defining-the-courtesan.htm

Courtesans, Kamasutra: http://www.indianetzone.com/37/part_vi__about_courtesans_kama_sutra.htm

Kamasutra Summary: http://www.gradesaver.com/kama-sutra/study-guide/summary

This article was written by: Jessica Freehill (Spring 2017), who is entirely responsible for its content.

Mahavidya

Category Archives: E. Dharma and the Individual

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A Summary of Book 6 of the Kama Sutra

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