Category Archives: Other Regions

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

Death rituals in Bali

            While many parts of the world might deem the death rituals carried out by the Balinese to be strange or unorthodox, these rituals are deeply rooted in the beliefs of Hinduism and play a central role in completing what is known as samsara, or the cycling of rebirth (see Hooykaas 22). In Hindu tradition, it is believed that the spirit of a deceased person, known as preta, becomes trapped in the realm of the living, roaming freely to haunt people until it is freed from this realm and allowed to enter the spirit realm (Hooykaas 22). In order to release the soul from the realm of the living so it may transcend to the spirit realm, certain rituals must be completed. Pitra Yadnya, or the rituals for the ancestors, are a common practice in Balinese tradition in order to allow the soul to transcend this reality (Hooykaas 22). In Balinese tradition, it is believed that once the spirit is liberated from the body through an elaborate series of rites, the soul then becomes fused with the collective ancestors who are worshipped in the village temples (Warren 43). Not only do the death rituals practiced in Bali serve to free the spirit from the body and allow it to pass into the ascendant realm, but they are also crucial as they protect the family and community from the dangers associated with the passage between realms (Warren 43). In comparison to Western death traditions, Balinese death rituals are more of a celebration of the rebirth of life rather than mourning for the loss of life, as a result of the contrast in beliefs of the Balinese.

            Pitra Yadnya, also known as ngaben, is comprised of many different elaborate rituals which contribute to the release of the soul from the living realm to the realm of the ancestors. Ngaben, referring to a cremation ritual, is considered to be the most critical death ritual in the Balinese tradition (Gupta 254). Before ngaben is performed, the corpse is washed, and the patulangun, a form of a cremation bier which typically depicts an animal, is prepared for the ceremony (Warren 44). Preparation for the ritual is often a community effort as the fellow people of the village often help to construct the bier and make a large number of ritual offerings required to prepare the spirit for its journey to the soul realm (Stephen 441). It is not uncommon for the body of the deceased to be buried for some time while the bier is prepared, and the family makes ritual offerings (Warren 44). Historically, burial before the cremation has been looked upon negatively as it has been associated with the lower classes as it is typically the result of not having the funds or resources to perform a quick ngaben; however, prior burial has become more positively accepted in Bali (Warren 44). This positive perspective on burial prior to ngaben could be the result of the belief that the deceased should be allowed to rest with the earth mother-goddess before the cremation; however, the body should not be left for more than a year (Warren 44). Once the family has accumulated the wealth and resources for the ritual, the ngaben can then begin.

A recently buried woman’s corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a Balinese village burial rite.

The family will then consult a brahmin, or Hindu priest, in order to select an auspicious day for the ngaben to occur on (Williams 2016). It is especially important to select an auspicious day for the ritual in order to help guide the spirit to the best rebirth possible (Stephen 427). Once the day of the ngaben has arrived, the family will go to the gravesite and perform a ritual known as ngawagen, meaning the awakening, in order to recall the spirit of the deceased person to inherit a symbolic body, known as the pangawak (Stephen 440). After the spirit has been recalled into the symbolic vessel, it is carried home where it is welcomed as though the deceased person has returned from a long absence, which is known as penyapa, meaning ‘greeting’ (Stephen 440). Relatives of the deceased then come to the house to make offerings of food and drink to the deceased (Stephen 440). In cases where the body is not buried prior to cremation, such as the body of a brahmin or the body of someone from a wealthy family, the ritual of ngawagen is omitted (Stephen 440). Instead, the ritual begins with recalling the soul from the pura dalem, meaning the village temple associated with the spirits of the dead, to re-inhabit the body for the ritual (Stephen 440). From this point forth, the only difference between the ritual procession for an immediate cremation and one for a person who had been buried already is the presence of a physical body in the immediate cremation instead of the use of a symbolic body.

After the spirit has been recalled, the bier and tower in which the corpse is to be carried to the cemetery are placed on the main road in front of the house (Stephen 442). The body is then washed with holy water and decorated with jewelry and flowers before being wrapped in white cloth by male relatives and placed in a plain wooden box (Stephen 442). The box containing the body is then placed in the bier with other rituals objects which symbolize the different aspects of the spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical aspects of the deceased (Stephen 443). A ritual known as ngaskara is then performed in order to reunite the body and the spirit of the deceased individual, which is believed to bring the person back to life for a brief period (Stephen 443). This is symbolized by the pedanda, or priest, lighting a lamp at the conclusion of the ngaskara ritual to show that the deceased has come to life again (Stephen 443). During this ritual, the gamelan orchestra provides musical entertainment for those present (Bakan 1999:9). Once the lamp is lit, the family will wait in anticipation for the lamp to go out, symbolizing that the soul has departed on its journey to the spirit realm (Stephen 443). Once the spirit has begun its journey to the spirit realm, it is time for the body to begin its journey to the cemetery.

The tower holding the corpse is carried to the cemetery for cremation in this royal funerary rite in Bali, Indonesia.

The procession to the cemetery is known as pengutangan, in which multiple strong men carry the tower and animal sarcophagus through the town to the cemetery for cremation (Stephen 443). This event is known to be quite public and particularly energetic (Stephen 443). The gamelan orchestra is once again providing entertainment, this time playing rousing music to keep the mood of the ceremony upbeat (Bakan 1999:11). Throughout the procession to the cemetery, the men carrying the tower are frequently spinning the sarcophagus, which is suspected of confusing the evil residents of the lower realm so that they may not drag the soul of the deceased down with them (Stephen 444). In order to prevent the body from falling out of the casket, a family member typically rides atop of the tower as well (Stephen 444). Once the corpse arrives at the cemetery, the coverings are cut open to reveal the face, and the body is washed with copious amounts of holy water (Stephen 444). The body is then wrapped in many layers of fresh cloth, and the symbols of the deceased physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional aspects are placed in the casket with the body, and the funeral pyre is lit beneath the sarcophagus (Stephen 444). While the corpse burns, the gamelan orchestra plays the beleganjur, which is a Balinese battle song believed to ward off evil spirits and help guide the soul to the spirit realm (See Bakan 2011 for more) (Bakan 1999:71). While the cremation has now taken place, this does not mark the conclusion of ngaben.

The corpse is set ablaze in this public royal cremation in Bali, Indonesia.

Once the fire has burned down, the ashes are collected, and any remaining bones or pieces of symbolic items are ground up into a fine paste (Stephen 445). More offerings of food are then made to the departed before the ashes are carried to the ocean for the ritual of nganyut, meaning to cast away into water (Stephen 445). The ashes of the deceased are then cast into the ocean so that they may become one with the elements once again (Stephen 445). Once the family returns to the village, two final rituals are completed to close ngaben. The first is known as mapegat, which is a ceremony where the family severs their ties to the deceased (Stephen 445). The second is called caru, which is a ritual in which the area used for ngaben is cleansed in order to eliminate any negative forces (Stephen 445). At the conclusion of ngaben, the family will continue to make ritual sacrifices in order to regain their ritual purity as death within the family is considered to be ritually polluting (Hooykaas 22).

After having analyzed the Balinese death rituals, it can be seen that there are some differences present between Balinese rituals and orthodox Hindu traditions. One difference between Hindu death practices and Balinese death practices is that if the cremation cannot be performed within two days of death in Hindu traditions, the body may be placed on ice (Gupta 254). In contrast, it is common practice to bury the body for some time in Balinese traditions (Warren 44). Another difference between the Hindu traditions and Balinese is that in Hindu traditions the family is not supposed to severe ties with the deceased until one year has passed, as it is believed that after one year the soul has moved on into another form (Gupta 256). In contrast, the Balinese severe ties at the closing of ngaben in the ritual known as mapegat (Stephen 445). While some differences may be present between the Balinese and Hindu death rituals, both have a powerful influence on Hindu traditions and culture.

In Hindu cultures, the colour white is closely associated with death (Gupta 256). As a result, it is common practice to wrap the body in white cloth, and newly widowed women are expected to wear white clothing during the period of mourning (Gupta 258). Widowed women are also expected to wear a white sari, no makeup, and no jewelry for the remainder of their life to symbolize their mourning (Gupta 258). This understanding can also explain why it is considered to be inappropriate to present a newly wedded couple with an article of white clothing as a gift, as this is seen as an inauspicious action (Gupta 256). In Hindu culture, regular offerings are also made to the deceased person to soothe the soul, which is especially important if the cremation ritual cannot be performed immediately (Warren 43). These offerings to the soul, as well as the gifts presented to the mourning family by other members of the community, highlight the high level of interdependence present in Hindu culture and the secure connections between the living and the dead (Warren 46). Death rituals in Hindu tradition also serve as a way of remembering the deceased, as tradition mandates that any negative feelings towards the person will be disregarded after their passing as the deceased is to be valued no matter what (Gupta 256). In summary, the death rituals practiced in both Balinese tradition and other Hindu traditions are an essential part of the completion of samsara, which is a central value in Hinduism as it shapes many of their beliefs and aspects of their culture (Stephen 427).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bakan, Michael B. (1999) Music of Death and New Creation: Experiences in the World of Balinese Gamelan Beleganjur. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bakan, Michael B. (2011) “Preventive Care for the Dead: Music, Community, and the Protection of Souls in Balinese Cremation Ceremonies.” In The Oxford Handbook of Medical Ethnomusicology,Edited by Benjamin D. Koen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, Rashmi (2011) “Death Beliefs and Practices from an Asian Indian American Hindu Perspective.” Death Studies 35:244-266. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1080/07481187.2010.518420

Hooykaas, Christiaan (1973) Religion in Bali. Leiden: Brill.

Stephen, Michele (2010) “The yogic art of dying, Kundalinī yoga, and the Balinese ‘pitra yadnya’.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 166:426-474.

Warren Carol (1993) “Disrupted death ceremonies: popular culture and the ethnography of Bali.” Oceania 64:36-56. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1993.tb02446.x

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Samsara

Gamelan orchestra

Pancha Mahabhutas

Preta

Pitr

Pitr-loka

Beleganjur

Patulangun

Dewi Pertiwi

Lembu

Wadah

Pitra Yadnya

Pengutangan

Ngaskara

Pura dalem

Ngawagen

Pangawak

Penyapa

Nganyut

Mapegat

Caru

Hindu wedding rituals

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngaben

https://theculturetrip.com/asia/indonesia/articles/a-festive-cremation-balis-ngaben-and-the-celebration-of-death/

http://factsanddetails.com/indonesia/Minorities_and_Regions/sub6_3h/entry-4025.html

https://www.frazerconsultants.com/2017/05/cultural-spotlight-balinese-funeral-traditions/

https://www.funeralguide.co.uk/blog/death-around-the-world-bali

Article written by: Kieran Meadows (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

BALINESE DEATH RITUALS

            Ngaben, also known as pitra yadnya and pelebon, which translates to “turn to ashes,” is a cremation ceremony practiced on the island of Bali in Indonesia. The ceremony is not a mourning ceremony because the dead are not viewed as deceased; instead it is believed that they are asleep and will be reincarnated (Williams 193). Death rituals are central events in the village community and family that often go on for years, from burial to the final “purification” of the deceased. As of recently rituals are usually collective and condensed in order to save expenses, which are extensive, with over a hundred corpses being cremated at the same time (Hobart 2014, np). Because of the economic costs of the rituals, some families bury the deceased while they wait to gain the economic stability to perform the ritual. However, families should not wait longer than a year to perform the ritual (Williams 194). A Brahmin must decide the most auspicious day for the event to take place. The family of the deceased will make a coffin that will be used to transport the corpse, as well as a replica coffin. These replicas are contemporary vehicles for the dead and can take the form of lions, winged elephant fish or bulls (Hobart 2014, np). The replicas are made out of bamboo, wood and paper.

The night before the ceremony a large wooden drum, a kul-kul, is struck to inform people that they should assemble at the house of the deceased (Williams 194). The ceremony begins with the descendants performing a small rite at the household gate, requesting the spirit to leave. If the body was buried and unearthed, it is vital that the remaining bones, corpse or effigy of it is arranged in a special pavilion in the household. Two temporary bamboo altars, which are dedicated to Surya and Brahma are set up next to the pavilion. The corpse is washed and cleansed to ensure the deceased will be reincarnated in an intact and beautiful body. The accompanying mantra ngereka is recited by a Brahmin to reinforce the act of washing and rejecting any separation of body and mind. An anthropomorphic figure made of Chinese coins is laid to the side or on top of the body or its substitute to ensure that the bones are well proportioned. A vessel of palm leaves with a banana sprout is placed nearby to symbolize the concept of rebirth. A magical cloth, known as a kudrang, with sacred syllables is laid over the body so the deceased is appropriately clothed for their journey to the afterlife. After the cleansing rite a coconut-oil lamp is hung in front of the entrance of the house and is lit every night to show the roaming spirit its home and to beckon it onwards (Hobart 2014, np).

The actual cremation takes place in the graveyard and requires one or more Brahmin to make holy water (Hobart 2014, np). The deceased is transferred to the replica coffin while the Brahmin recites prayers and mantras(Williams 195). During cremation, the visible body and the social role grafted on it are disintegrated by the fire sacrifice, and it is believed that the bodies five primary elements water, earth, fire, wind and space are returned to mother Earth, Ibu Pertiwi. The ashes of the body remains are subsequently collected and stored in a coconut shell, and typically 12 days later they are brought to the river or sea, which is considered sacred, and released into the water (Williams 195). This final step of the ritual is the final form of purification of the soul.

Ngaben rituals differ from different regions and communities in Bali, however there are a lot of similarities. In some communities burying the dead is sometimes interpreted as “impure.” However, in other regions it is also believed that the body should not be cremated too early or else the soul will feel the burning of the flames. It is widely believed that upper varnas frequently die before their time because they practiced cremation without prior burial (Warren 44). In the past it is believed that all but priests and kings were buried initially, however according to the Parisada Hindu Dharma, the faster the process, the better, so the idea of immediate cremation was made preferable as times changed (Warren 45). Some traditionalists still believe that it is important to return to the Ibu Pertiwi before being cremated. It is also widely believed that Brahmins must never be buried and should be cremated immediately. This immediate cremation practice is because it is believed that Brahmins have already died once upon their entry into priesthood; this process is known as mati raga (Warren 44). 

Drawatik (185-188) studied the Pacung village in Bali. The Pacung villagers carry out a primary burial, mepegat, followed by the secondary symbolic burial ritual, metuun. The primary burial is carried out directly after death, and the second ceremony is conducted 42 days after the first one. In Pacung, if someone dies during the day, the corpse should be buried before the sun sets and if they die during the night, the community should wait for the following day. The mepegat ceremony does not have to be carried out on an auspicious day as is done in other communities. In the event that the relatives live far away and cannot reach their home village within a day, the corpse cannot be kept at home for more than three days. For the actual burial, a bamboo litter is made, on which the corpse is placed for the mepegat ceremony. The goal of this ceremony is to cut off the relationship between the deceased and their relatives. This separation is symbolized by white strings of cotton that are cut through by using a small piece of resin that has been set on fire. The dead person is provided by the relatives with 11 Chinese coins symbolizing the means of payment for the piece of ground in which the corpse will rest. On top of the corpse the relatives put personal belongings of the deceased as a token of their affection. The corpse is laid out with the head pointed to the north-east and the feet to the south-west. A male corpse is arranged with the face downward and a female corpse with the face upward. Such positions refer to the belief that the male symbolizes the sky and the female symbolizes the earth. The difference in the orientation of the corpse at Pacung to those in the other regions possibly relates to the Sambu sect. In the Sambu sect, death is associated with the north-east where the God Sambu, who is identical to death, resides. Eleven days after the burial ceremony a permanent grave made of cement is built to avoid a possible further digging up of the ground for another burial. The metuun ceremony is a kind of second burial ritual in which the soul of the deceased is invoked to return because it needs to be purified before returning to embang, the eternal world where the souls of those who are dead reside. In case the family needs more time, than the advised 42 days, to accumulate wealth for the ceremony, they are given one year to conduct a ceremony and the date is set by the village. If they are still unable to perform the ceremony after this year, it is the village’s obligation to do so. At the beginning of the ritual Bhatara Ratu Gede Dalem is asked to grant holy water, tirta, so that the deceased’s soul can be purified. A small manikin, jejeneng, which symbolises the deceased, is ritually cleansed and then dressed in white at a site dedicated to the dead, merajapati. The soul of the deceased is then called to enter the jejeneng, which is  carried home and put on the bed of the deceased where a purification ritual is carried out.

A newly-buried corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a village ceremony in Bali.

Stephen (441-444) discusses her first hand experience of the nine important rituals she witnessed during a Ngaben in 2008. The first step, mandak ke pura dalem, occurred at eight thirty in the morning, with the family going to the Pura Dalem, the temple of death, to collect the spirit of the deceased. The second ritual, melaspas petualangan, occurs around an hour afterwards. The Brahmin prepares holy water, while the casket and the replica are placed in the main road. The men, who were preparing to carry the casket, prayed in front of the Brahmin and received the holy water when it was ready. Mandusan, the third step which is performed by a Brahmin, is the cleansing and decorating of the corpse. The body is cleaned with holy water, finger and toenails are cleaned, hair is washed, oiled, scented and combed. The body is then decorated with jewelry and flowers, while members of the family then place money and gifts on the body. The body is then wrapped in a white cloth and placed in a plain wooden box. Natab, ngaskara, pemerasan was the fourth step. The plain wooden box was decorated with ritual objects symbolizing different components of physical, mental, emotional and spiritual aspects of the deceased. Ngaskara was performed by a pedanda buda, with the goal of the ritual to reunite the body and soul of the deceased. It was believed that the deceased was brought back to life for a few minutes and this was symbolized by the lighting of a lamp. When the soul of the deceased had reached the other world, the lamp would go out. Ngaskarahad the pedanda make holy water while the gamelan orchestra played various songs; there was a wayang lemah, a shadow puppet performance, and topeng, masked dances. Pemerasanwas a prayer between the grandchildren or descendants that took place while waiting for the spirit to depart. The fifth step, kesetra/pengutangan, which took place at two in the afternoon. This step is the most available to public scrutiny as it is the carrying of the deceased and replica to the cemetery. The gamelan orchestra continues to play music while there are many offerings of meat required to prevent the chthonic forces from ruining the parade. The men carrying the casket and replica are in such a trance that it is believed they are possessed by these forces and are being pushed, shoved and twirled by them. Once at the cemetery the sixth step, ngenargiang tirta ring setra, takes place. The corpse is placed in the animal shaped replica with the coverings cut open to reveal the face of the deceased. The body is treated with more holy water and the vessels used to pour the holy water must be broken immediately after use. The body is then covered with more layers of new cloth. Finally the piranti, the various symbols of the physical and spiritual components of the deceased that were placed on the body, are put underneath the replica. The eldest son of the deceased then lights the funeral pyre. After the cremation fire burned down the seventh step took place, nuduk galih lan ngreka. The remaining bone fragments were retrieved from the ashes and arranged in the form of a human body. Some of the bone is then grounded up into a paste inside of a special earthenware container. The paste is then placed in a container referred to as a suku tunggal. Stephen (445) discusses the penultimate step known as pamraline and the final step, nganyut. Pamraline begins with the pedanda buda beginning his ritual to make more holy water. When ready, the holy water is sprinkled on the paste inside of the suku tunggal, which is held by a female relative. The suku tunggal is then circumambulated three times in a clockwise direction around a pile of offerings and the temporary altar dedicated to Surya. The procession then proceeds to the mrajapati temple where the family placed food on dapdap leaves, offering it to the departing spirit. Nganyut takes place at the sea, where the suku tunggal, along with the ashes, are cast into the ocean. Two final rituals take place at the village, mapegat whichcuts ties with the deceased, and caru which cleanses the area used during ngaben to rid them of negative forces.

Public Cremation in Bali

The fate of the soul is symbolically tied to the fate of the body (Warren 43). Death rituals affect the transformation and placement of the soul, and the protection of the family and community from the dangers associated with its passage. In Balinese death rituals the elaborate set of rites that are performed break the soul from its material bonds and allows it to become fused with the ancient ancestors worshipped in temples and houses. The essence of the soul is then reincarnated back into its own community and descent group (Warren 43).

References and recommended readings

Drawatik, Marini (2008) “The Burial System at Pacung.” Burials, Texts and Rituals Göttinger Beiträge Zur Ethnologie, 185-188.

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese temple: artistry, imagination and history in a peasant village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Hobart, Angela(2014) “Retrieving the Tragic Dead in Bali,” Indonesia & the Malay World. Vol. 42 Issue 124, 307-336.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Toronto and Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Stephen, Michele (2010)  “The Yogic Art of Dying, Kundalinī Yoga, and the Balinese “pitra Yadnya”.” Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 441-445.Brill.

Warren, Carol (1993) Disrupted death ceremonies: Popular culture and the ethnography of bali. Sydney: Oceania.

Williams, Victoria (2016) Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: from Baby Showers to Funerals [3 Volumes], 193-196. Westport.

Related topics

Antyesti

Indian Ngaben

Pitru Paksha

Raj Ghat

Rasam Pagri

Zoroastrian Funerals

Websites

www.baligoldentour.com/ngaben.php

www.scattering-ashes.co.uk/different-cultures/balinese-ceremony-ngaben/.

https://latitudes.nu/%E2%80%9Cngaben%E2%80%9D-the-balinese-cremation-ceremony-of-the-empress-of-ubud/

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2396549/Sixty-bodies-burned-mass-cremation-Bali.html

Article written by: Michael McTighe (February 2020) who is solely responsible for this content

c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Indonesian Temples, Other Regions, Temple Worship

Pura Besakih and Gunung (Mount) Agung

Gunung (Mount) Agung is the largest and most active volcano in Bali, Indonesia. Standing at 3000 feet, it is the highest peak on the island (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). Surrounding this mountain, are many little villages composed mainly of Balinese Hindus. At the base of Gunung Agung lies a group of sacred Hindu temples known as Pura Besakih. This refers to a complex of sacred temples located in the adat village of Besakih on the island, as opposed to one singular temple (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2).

Pura Besakih contains the most sacred and influential Hindu temples known to Balinese Hinduism, the most influential being Pura Pentaron Agung (Stuart-Fox 79). The origin of the development of Pura Besakih is not concrete. However, it is believed to have been built sometime in the 11th century, before the construction of both the Sukuh and Cetho temples which were built in the 15th century. It is a very popular tourist attraction for individuals around the world, known for hosting some of the religion’s largest religious rituals critical to Balinese Hinduism (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 26). Each temple is built on a separate mountain ridge on the great volcano, constructed in the form of punden berundak (terraces). This particular design represents a belief that past inhabitants of the region possessed. They had believed that each terrace increased in holiness as it increased in height (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 27). For example, if a particular temple had four terraces, the highest (fourth) would be the one that was considered closest to the spiritual realm, therefore, the holiest. In contrast to other Hindu temples located in Asia, these temples belonging to Pura Besakih are like no other. The temples have a structure similar to that of a courtyard, with no walls. They contain a row of shrines and altars to several gods located at the “upstream” or “mountainwards” (kaja) corner of the innermost courtyard. This is unique to other Hindu temples in Asia as most are built to honor a singular god and are typically structured as buildings (Lansing 66). The specific temple structure on the island of Bali reflects the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism as it is a combination of both Hinduism and Buddhism, this particular religion is widely practiced throughout Bali but is not common in many other regions of Asia, that practice more orthodox Hinduism, as well as Indonesia where many identify as Muslims (Rodrigues 347).

            There are many villages on the island of Bali, and like their temples, they are unique. As explained by David Stuart-Fox (2002), no village is independent of another as their rituals and economy influence the other villages, similar to a food web (54). Each customary or traditional (adat) village contains different temples that are primarily responsible for, whether it be for aesthetic reasons or preparations for future rituals. Within the obligations of an adat village, certain groups and families are also responsible for the maintenance and rituals of certain temples and may have different relationships with each temple (54). There are two different types of relationships between the temples and villagers of Besakih as well as the rest of Bali. These relationships are known as pangamong and maturan relationships. ‘Support’ or pangamon relationships entails full responsibility for the enactment of ritual (55). In other words, those who have a pangamon relationship with a temple are responsible for the organization and carrying-out of rituals. This may include providing manual labor to maintain the condition of the temple or paying dues (uran) in order to pay for future rituals. The other type of relationship, maturan, is voluntary in nature. Compared to pangamon relationships, they are not obligatory and instead of providing means for a ritual, they are offerings given to specific gods or ancestors of a family on an individual basis (55). Both cases of these relationships are seen throughout the sacred temples of Besakih.

There are specific rituals practiced in specific temples, determined by different factors. One factor that contributes to the type of rituals that are performed is determined by a hierarchical organization of the temples within the Pura Besakih. These may influence the type of relationship that villagers have with a temple in Bali. The sacredness of each temple is systematically classified based on a number of aspects. These include the regional location of the said temple, agriculture and irrigation surrounding it, and descent (Stuart-Fox 53). Descent refers to the group or family that the temple belongs to, some hold a greater social status than others and the placement of a temple on the hierarchical system of Bali resonates with that.

 In the case of Besakih, the most sacred temple is Pura Pentaron Agung and also the largest. Stuart-Fox describes the temple as being located in the center of Pura Besakih (70). Pura Pentaron Agung is considered to be a ‘general public temple’. This means that it is non-specific to Balinese Hinduism as it is also visited by many other Hindus in Indonesia, as well as many tourists. It is not privately supported, in fact, it is maintained by Parisada Hindu Dharma Pusat, the official national Hindu organization of Indonesia (71). Not only is Pura Pentaron Agung the most sacred and largest temple in Besakih, but it is also the only temple within the complex to contain a shrine known as the Triple Padmasana or lotus seat. This shrine in its uniqueness is the most influential one located in Pura Besakih and is the only lotus seat (padmasana) shrine in the area (79). The shrine sits atop a raised foundation with several engravings etched into the sides, on top of the foundation, are three identical statues lined in a row constructed in the shape of a small throne, at the base of these statues is Bedawange Nala, the cosmic turtle which is supporting these seats (80). The reasoning for constructing this specific shrine is not known, some scholars have theorized that it is to commemorate Sanghyang Widdhi Wasa, a highly regarded god in Bali Hinduism (81).

            The great mountain, Mount Agung is the highest peak on Bali, making it the most sacred mountain (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). It is surrounded by streams and two major rivers that run north and south of the mountain. Exotic vegetation grows all throughout the island encompassing the volcano creating a unique beauty and ecosystem. Despite its sacredness, no temples or shrines reside at the peak. This is partly due to the fact that it is an active volcano, but also has to do with the long and treacherous hike involved in reaching the peak of the summit. The fact that it is an active volcano can come with complications and previous eruptions have been difficult to predict (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2). This comes with ongoing risk for the civilians living on the island of Bali, yet many still reside in the area. A lot of climbers and/or tourists/climbers have gone missing, lost, fallen, and even died while doing the trekking/climbing (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). This climb, however, is viewed as being extremely spiritually purifying to Balinese Hindus and is often done by older practitioners of the religion. Climbing to the peak is considered to be very cleansing and a rather freeing experience to those that are able to conquer it. In an ancient Balinese myth, it is said that Gunung Agung is a broken-off piece of Mount Mahameru, metaphorically implying that the god of Mount Agung is the son of the god Mount Mahameru, the high god Pasupati (Stuart-Fox 2).

Besakih Temple Complex at the foot of Gunung Agung (Rodrigues 1978)

            Both Gunung Agung and Pura Besakih are extremely influential to the island of Bali both in the past and present. They have helped to shape the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism that encompasses both a mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism. This unique religion has attracted tourists and religious scholars worldwide to this beautiful destination whether it be for curiosity or research. It provides a means for maintaining economic stability on the island and has also become an important factor for helping to provide future rituals, ceremonies, and festivals in order to maintain the unique culture of this sacred island.

                                                References and Further Readings

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese Temple: artistry, imagination, and history in a peasant village. Hawaii: University of Hawai’i Press.

Ardhana I Ketut, Seitwan I Ketut, Sulandjari Sulandjari (2018) “The Temple of Besakih, Sukuh and Cetho: The Dynamics of Cultural Heritage in the Context of Sustainable Tourism Development in Bali.” Indonesia: E-Journal of Cultural Studies 26-30.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Fortworth: Hartcourt Brace College Publishers.

I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari (2008) “Local Community Entrepreneurship in Mount Agung Trekking.” Journal of Physics Conference Series 953(1):012107. Accessed February 28, 2019. doi: 10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012107.

Stuart-Fox, David J. (2002) Pura Besakih: temple, religion and society in Bali. Leiden: KITLV

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism – The eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Adat villages of Bali

Banten Sane Munggah

Balinese culture

Balinese water temples

Bedawang Nala

Besakih Padmasana

Besakih Pedana

Besakih Pemangku

Bhatura Turun Kabeh

Bhuta yadna

Buddhism

Cetho Temple

Dewa Yadna

Lunar cycles

Maturan relationships

Mawinten

Pangamong relationships

Pasupati

Siva Raditya

Sukuh Temple

Village life of Bali

Yadna

Related Websites

http://www.besakihbali.com/

https://www.bali.com/temple_Karangasem_Pura-Besakih_83.html

https://www.cnn.com/2017/11/26/asia/mount-agung-eruption-bali-indonesia/index.html

https://www.volcanodiscovery.com/agung/news/66181/Gunung-Agung-volcano-Bali-Indonesia-eruption-has-begun.html

Agung again: the eruption of 1963

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Besakih_Temple

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mount_Agung

Article written by: Anna Blackmore (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for this content.

Ancient Hindu Kingdoms, b. Hinduism in Southeast Asia, Other Regions, P. Hinduism Beyond India

Kingdom of Champa (Historical Development)

This article will be focusing on the early historical development of the Kingdom of Champa up to the peak of its power which ended in 1000 CE and the Hindu traditions that they inherited through Indianization. The article will start at the beginning of the kingdoms history and what started the initial spread of Hinduism in Champa. This is followed by a brief section on some of the practices that the Cham people adopted from India. It will then turn to a brief history of the earliest Hindu dynasties in Champa and the position of Siva in their society. A history of the Gangaraja dynasty is given along with the place of the caste system in Champa society. Finally, there is a brief history of the Bhrgu Dynasty noting only a handful of members from each dynasty leading up to the point where Champa’s power declined.

The region of modern day Vietnam in 214 BCE was conquered by the Chinese Tsin Dynasty (Majumdar 13). It was not until 192 CE that the local Cham named Kiu-Lien killed the local Chinese official and named himself king of Lin-yi, which laid the foundations for the future Kingdom of Champa (Majumdar 18). It was also by the end of the second century that the Kingdom of Champa had become a highly Indianized state in the region. Before the emergence of Champa, traders from India had travelled through Southeast Asia and Europe. Most Indian trade went to the Roman Empire exchanging exotic products for gold. However, by 79 CE Indian trade to Europe declined dramatically due to the ever growing amount of conflict in the Roman Empire. For this reason Indian trade had been slowly going towards Southeast Asia (Cady 25-28). It is due to this ever growing amount of trade to the region that Indianization occurred in Champa. Unlike the previous period a new development occurred in Indian trade patterns, as traders were then being accompanied by “educated elements capable of spreading the religions and arts of India, and the Sanskrit language” (Coedes 15) for the first time (Coedes 15). The traders brought with them Indian colonists which changed the structure of the society through the intermarriage of Indian and Cham peoples. The Cham adopted the new culture, religion and language that the colonists brought, which resulted in a cultural fusion of the Indians and the Chams (Majumdar 21). It should be noted that it was mostly the societal elite of the Chams that took in the new teaching and used the Hindu ceremonies to legitimize their rule (Mabbett 144).

It is clear from this point onward that certain Hindu traditions and cultural practices were used in Champa throughout its history. As in India the cow is considered a sacred animal and beef was not eaten in the Kingdom of Champa (Cady 107). It also appears that the Indian epic called the Ramayana was well known in Champa and in other Indianized states in the region (Marrison 46). Marriage to the Chams is considered a sacred ceremony as it was the foundation of the family. People were also only supposed to marry within their own clan, however, there were no restrictions on marrying into another caste. There is also evidence that when the husband of a high family died the wife joined him in the funeral pyre; this practice is known as sati (Majumdar 226-227). They studied all branches of Sanskrit literature and used the Hindu calendar to determine the dates of special feasts and celebration (Cady 107-108).

The first Hindu dynasty of the Kingdom of the Cham’s was the royal family of Sri Mara which was discovered by translating the Sanskrit Vo-Chanh Rock inscription. The Sri Mara royal family ruled over the Kauthara region located in modern south Vietnam in the second or third century CE. Very little information exists on the early Hindu kings of Champa, save the information provided by Chinese historians (Majumdar 21).  In the late second century, a king of the Sri Mara royal family, and those after him, raided and conquered territory belonging to the Chinese Han Dynasty. Kings of Champa moved further into modern Central Vietnam taking control of Quang-nam (Cady 59). In 380 CE, King Dharma-maharaja Sri Bhadravarman ascended to the throne of Champa and is regarded as the important king of early Champa. He ruled over the provinces of Amaravati, Vijaya and Panduranga provinces, which comprise central and south Vietnam (Majumdar 26-28). It is through King Bhadravarman’s efforts that Champa was fully indianized by the early fourth century (Cady 59-60). Bhadravarman constructed the first sanctuary of Siva called Bhadresvara in Myson, which is named to commemorate the founder. Sanskrit inscriptions of Bhadravarman are the first documentation of the religious origins of the Champa. The inscriptions showed that the cult of Siva-Uma along with the other two gods associated with the Trimurti were dominant in Champa (Coedes 47-49). Siva for a vast majority of Champa’s history has been regarded as the supreme god to which all others submit. This was emphasized by the Puranic literature brought from India. However, there were still several temples and shrines that were erected to worship Brahma, Visnu and other deities associated with Siva (Majumdar 168-172). In the period between 380 and 520 CE the “Cham alphabet” (Hartmann 11), based off Sanskrit, became its own distinctive writing style called akhar patau hayap script (Phan 106).

In 529 CE, after the rise and fall of several Hindu dynasties, the Dynasty of Gangaraja emerged with Sri Rudravarman as its head. This is the first recorded distinction of the Hindu caste system, as an inscription at Myson declares Rudravarman a son of a Brahmin and his “mother’s mother was a daughter of Manorathavarman” (Majumdar 35). This meant his father was of the Brahmin class and his mother was of the Ksatriya class. This started a Brahmin- Ksatriya caste in Champa society, however, in Champa it was considered a subdivision of the Ksatriya class. It is also determined that society was theoretically divided into the four classes, but in practice the Brahmin and Ksatriya were the only classes to existed in society only rarely mentioning the Vaisya or Sudra classes (Majumdar 214-216). It is also clear that the Brahmin in Cham society were not regarded as being of higher status then the king and the state as they were in India (Majumdar 216). During Rudravarman’s reign that the temple of Bhadresvara was destroyed in a great fire (Majumdar 36). It is also in the reign of Rudravarman that the Theravada Buddhism that was known for using Sanskrit language began to spread in Champa (Coedes 59-60). Rudravarman’s successor Sambhuvarman once again continued to raid Chinese territory in the north and the Chinese army retaliated and sacked the northern part of the Kingdom of Champa. In his reign he rebuilt the temple of Bhadresvara and gave it the new name Sambhubhadresvara. (Coedes 70-71). In 653 CE, several kings after Sambhuvarman, King Vikrantavarman took the throne of Champa and began to erect multiple religious buildings in Myson, Tra-kieu, and in areas of Quang-nam. Many of the buildings constructed in southern Champa during his reign were connect to the cult of Visnu, which was popular in the region at the time (Coedes 71 – 72).

In 757 CE the Dynasty of Gangaraja is replaced by the Panduranga Dynasty which was plagued by war and raids from the Javanese (Majumdar 49-55). In 875 CE, Indravarman II who was highly praised, was the founder of the new Bhrgu Dynasty. The dynasty was based in the city of Champapura, which was renamed to Indrapura by Indravarman II (Coedes 122-123). Indravarman constructed the Buddhist temple and monastery to the “Mahayana Buddha” (Coedes 123) called Laksmindralokesvara, which has been identified as the ruins of Dong Duong (Coedes 122-123). At this point the Kingdom of Champa is considered to have been a regional power due to its trade routes that run the length of its shores (Lawler 28). The next notable king of the dynasty was Indravarman III who in 918 CE had a golden statue of the goddess Bhagavati at Po Nagar in the Southern region of Champa (Coedes 124). Indravarman III in several Inscriptions found in Po Nagar is described as being a great scholar, knowing Brahmanical philosophy, Panini’s grammar along with the commentary of Kasika, and the Uttarakalpa of the Saivites (Majumdar 65). After the death of Indravarman III, the history of Champa is very limited as it enters a state of anarchy and war due to external threats. This was mainly due to the rise of the Dai Co Viet directly north of Champa, and the Cambodian kingdoms to the west. The history of Champa is one of decline from 1000 CE to 1471 CE as their territory is conquered by foreign powers (Coedes 124-125).

 

Bibliography

Cady, John F. (1964) Southeast Asia: Its Historical Development. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Book  Company.

Coedès, George (1968) The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. Translated by Susan Brown Cowing. Honolulu: East-West Center Press.

Hartmann, John F. (1986) “The Spread of the South Indic Scripts in Southeast Asia.” Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 3:6 – 20. Accessed February 7, 2016. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4080228.

Lawler, Andrew (2013) “Inside Hanoi’s Forbidden City.” Archaeology 66:24 – 30. Accessed February 6, 2016. doi:142.244.11.244.

Mabbett, I.W. (1977) “The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Reflections on the Historical Sources.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 8:143-161. Accessed February 28, 2016.  http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.alu.talonline.ca/stable/pdf/20070221.pdf.

Majumdar, R.C. (2008) Champa: History and Culture of an Indian Colonial Kingdom in the Far  East 2nd – 16th Century A.D.. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House.

Marrison, G. E. (1985) “The Chams and the Literature.” Journal of Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 58:45-70. Accessed February 27, 2016.      http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.alu.talonline.ca/stable/pdf/41493017.pdf.

Phan, Hao N. (2015) “Cham Manuscripts, the Endangered Cultural Heritage from a Lost Kingdom.” Restaurator 36:101 – 120. Accessed February 7, 2016. doi: 10.1515/res-2014-0019.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

A Broader look at the Indianization of Southeast Asia

Ramayana

Sati

Siva

Visnu

Brahma

The Caste System

Puranas

Trimurti

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Champa

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Champa

 

Article written by: Griffin Brown (March 2016) who is solely responsible for its content.

Ancient Hindu Kingdoms, Other Regions, P. Hinduism Beyond India

The Majapahit Dynasty

            The Majapahit Dynasty of the Nusantara archipelago was a predominately Hindu empire which arose in approximately 1293 CE and lasted until around 1500 CE (Hunter 28). This empire was a continuation of a previous empire called the Singhasari (Keat Gin 1208). Much of the information surrounding the establishment of this empire is found in the Pararaton, which describes the origins of the first Singhasari ruler Ken Angrok (Johns 92). Ken’s ascension to the throne is depicted as somewhat divine. Ken, in a prior life, is said to have “offered himself as a human sacrifice to Yamadipati, the Javanese door god, in order to save another being from death. . . [and promised] to return to Visnu’s heaven and thereafter be born as a superior being” (Johns 92). The fact that a dynasty is built upon this myth clearly indicates the centrality of Hinduism in Majapahit culture. Furthermore, Visnu’s role in the story prefigures the importance of Visnu worship in Majapahit Hinduism.

The role of Siva in Majapahit religious practice should also be noted. In his next life, Ken was a semi-divine figure— Visnu incarnate. Additionally, he was declared the son of Siva “in order to bring stability and power to Java” (Johns 93). This stability is fundamental to Hinduism and is known as rta. Rta is upheld by dharma (Hindu law) (Koller 133) and yajna (the rituals and rites which maintain and uphold the universe) (Koller 134) [for a detailed explanation on this, see Koller’s article]. Through Siva, Ken Angrok is able to bring balance to his empire. As Visnu incarnate, Ken’s very existence was seen as upholding rta and dharma, even though his behaviour was often undharmic [for an explanation on this behaviour see Hunter 27]. Ultimately Ken Angrok’s monarchy results in the prosperity of the Singhasari and Majapahit Dynasties. In return, the people of these empires worshipped the gods Visnu and Siva so that the dynasty’s prosperity would continue.

Initially, the dynasty was named the Singhasari and was in power until approximately 1292 CE. The Singhasari dynasty ended with the death of Krtanagara after internal political conflict (Hunter 27). Krtangara, the last king of the Singhasari, was a very important figure in regards to Singhasari-Majapahit religion. Krtangara was said to have been both Siva and Buddha incarnate (Hunter 28). This demonstrates the conflation of both orthodox and Buddhist streams of the Hindu religion in the Majapahit kingdom. This reconciliation of Buddhism and Hinduism is clearly seen in the funerary rites of Krtanagara who was deified “in the form of a ‘Siva-Buddha’” (Dowling 120). Furthermore, in practice, the Majapahit recognized the oneness of Siva and Buddha. Dowling’s article includes a poem which aptly demonstrates this by saying “there is no difference between god Buddha and god Si[v]a, the king of gods” (Dowling 120). This veneration of Siva-Buddha would heavily influence later Majapahit religion in the same way that Vaisnavism would.

The fact that Buddha and Siva were conflated in Majapahit Hinduism, reflects the notion that in Hindu thought, though there are many gods, these many gods together form one god—Prajapati creator of the universe. This combining of gods was also done with Visnu and Siva. For instance, in some cases, statues that were half Siva and half Visnu (known as Hari-Hara) would be worshipped as the supreme god (Dowling 121). This is supported by the idea that the first emperor of the Singhasari was Visnu incarnate and the last emperor of the Singhasari was Siva incarnate. Likewise, this amalgamation of gods could also be symbolic of the unity of the Singhasari-Majapahit Empire.

Two years had passed until the dynasty formally became the Majapahit Dynasty. In 1294 CE, Majapahit became the capital city of the former Singhasari Dynasty. The empire itself was restored by Raden Wijaya who assumed the role of king. Wijaya became king of the Majapahit Empire by tricking the Kublai Khan into attacking the city of Jayakatwang. Once the city was conquered and the Kublai Khan was celebrating its victory, Wijaya caught them off guard and “destroyed them” (Hunter 28).

One of the more important literary genres from the time of Raden Wijaya was the Kakawin. The Kakawin genre can be described as containing epic tales with religious themes written in a particular metre (Creese 45). These tales often “draw on the great Indian epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata, as well as the rules to prosody and ideals of literary form” (Creese 46). This period, also known as the Kadiri or pre-Islamic period, is noted for its three major sects as referred to in Kakawin literature. These sects were composed of Saivite, Buddhist, and Resi sects, also known as the “Tripaksa” (Hunter 33). Furthermore, each of these religions was supported by each other as if they were one. In his article, Hunter quotes the Kunjarakarma-Dharmakathana which says “the Buddhist monk will surely fail, if he does not know . . . the path to Si[v]a-ness” and that the “master sage who follows the yoga of Si[v]a-ness, will fail if he does not know the highest reality of Jina-ness” (Hunter 33). It almost appears that these three religious sects form a ‘trinity’ of religious practice within the Majapahit Dynasty. Although each one is distinct, they rely and co-depend on each other indicating that the divide between orthodoxy and heterodoxy in the Nusantara archipelago was not as great as that of India.

Political unity appears to have been very important to the early Majapahit (although political unity was not always a reality) as proven by the Tripaksa. Religious compromise, in theory, should prevent disunity and it is conceivable that the early rulers of the Majapahit kept political unity through their efforts to maintain religious unity. By saying that Buddha and Siva were one, the early Majapahit were able to maintain ambiguity about the identity of the state’s religion. Because of the Tripaksa, people could ideally live in harmony because of religion’s unity in the empire.

It was in the 14th century that the Majapahit Dynasty reached the height of its power. This golden age occurred under the monarch Hayam Wuruk, who was monarch from 1350-1389 CE (Noorduyn 207). This golden age was characterized by an influx of art, literature, and Indonesian culture. Furthermore, the king— Hayam Wuruk, was seen by his people as somewhat divine and was worshipped in the same way that the general population worshipped the gods. In one part of the Nagarakrtagama [see Weatherbee 415 for more information on this Majapahit text], Wuruk is compared to the many gods of the Hindu pantheon (Weatherbee 415). As Krom describes Wuruk, he was “vergoddelijkten toestand, eerst bij zijn leven” (that he was in a deified state throughout his life) (Krom 25). Furthermore, it appears that the king’s authority or claim to rule was directly given to him by the Hindu pantheon. In return, the king was to emulate the qualities of these gods. These qualities were known in Java as the astabrata or the eight royal virtues (Weatherbee 414). This notion of astabrata is also emulated in the Ramayana where Rama reminds “Vibhisana that the eight gods are incorporated into that body of the king” and that he should “follow astabrata, pointing out . . . appropriate behaviour of the king” (Weatherbee 414). What this demonstrates is that although there were significant changes and differences between Indian Hinduism and Majapahit Hinduism, there were also many similarities.

Although the intent of political unity by means of religious solidarity was desired by early Majapahit kings, it was not an easily attained goal. The empire declined in the early part of the 15th century because of many different factors. One of the primary factors was a civil war which occurred between the western and eastern parts of the empire (Noorduyn 208). Interestingly enough, it was at this time that Islam began to have a heavy influence on the western coast. From a Hindu perspective, this disunity in the political sphere perhaps led to disunity in the religious world, or vice-versa. Moreover, the undharmic actions of Majapahit kings may have also contributed to the imbalance in rta and thus causing the empire to fall. With this being said, it is important to note that Hindu religious rites and ceremonies continued to endure beyond the decline and fall of the Majapahit. For example, “great Sraddha festivals were still held in 1465 and 1486” (Noorduyn 255), thus demonstrating that though Indonesian Hinduism was central to the Majapahit, it did not die with the empire.

The Majapahit were successful in bringing Hinduism to Indonesia and ensuring its survival for over two hundred years. Although the region is now predominantly Islamic, pockets of Hinduism still exist, particularly in Bali. Much of what is known about the Majapahit reflects its strong Hindu identity. This identity is reflected in both Majapahit literature and art. Furthermore, the deification and veneration of kings as gods or demi-gods reflects the Majapahit practice of conflating political office and the religious sphere. Moreover, the existence of the Majapahit and their strong Hindu identity reflect the reality that Hinduism is not a religion which is confined to the Indian subcontinent. In conclusion, the Majapahit are a sometimes forgotten component to Hinduism; learning from their example helps one understand the totality and scope of the Hindu tradition.

 

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Creese, Helen (1999) “The Balinese Kakawin Tradition, a Preliminary Description and     Inventory.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Volume 155 No 1, 45-96.

Dowling, Nancy (1992) “The Javanization of Indian Art.” Indonesia, No.54 (October), 117-138.

Hunter, Thomas M (2007) “The Body of the King: Reappraising Singhasari Period Syncretism.” Journal of South East Asian Studies, Volume 38 No. 1(February), 27-53.

Johns, Anthony H. (1964) “The Role of Structural Organisation and Myth in Javanese     Historiography.” The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (November), 91-99.

Keat Gin, Ooi (2004) Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East            Timor. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO.

Koller, John M (1972) “Dharma: An Expression of Universal Order.” Philosophy East and West,
Volume 22, No.2 (April), 131-144.

Krom, N.J, and Krom, N.G (1919) “De Begraafplaats van Hayam Wuruk” Bijdragen tot de Taal  Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 75 1ste/2e Aflevering, 25-27.

Noorduyn, J (1978) “Majapahit in the Fifteenth Century.” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en         Volkenkunde, Deel 134 2e en 3e Aflevering, 207-274.

Weatherbee, D.E (1994) “The Aṣṭabrata, Saptadewawṛtti, and Nāgarakṛtāgama VII:1-2.”
            Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 150 2de Aflevering, 414-416.*
Related Topics for Further Investigation
Astabrata
Bali
Buddha
Dharma
Hari-Hara
Java (island)
Kakawin
Ken Angrok
Krtangara
Kublai Khan
Majapahit (city)
Nagarakrtagama
Raden Wijaya
Rama
Ramayana
Rta
Saivism
Siva
The Pararaton
The Singhasari Dynasty
Tripaksa
Vaisnavism
Visnu

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/358901/Majapahit-empire
http://www.indo.com/indonesia/history.html
http://www.indonesianhistory.info/map/majapahit.html
http://www.lonelyplanet.com/indonesia/history#150733
http://vedicempire.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=94&Itemid=1

Article written by: Jordan Born (April 2013) who is solely responsible for its content.

Ancient Hindu Kingdoms, c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions, P. Hinduism Beyond India

The Sanjaya Dynasty

The Sanjaya Dynasty was a Hinduism-based dynasty which existed in the central region of the modern day Island of Java, Indonesia (Kartaksuma 407). According to the Canggal Inscription, which was found on the slopes of Merbabu Mountain, the Sanjaya Dynasty was founded by King Sanjaya, Lord of Mataram, in approximately 732 CE (Kartaksuma 407-408). According to the inscription, Sanjaya came to power in central Java following the death of the previous king, Sanna, which left the region in a state of confusion (Van Der Muelen 30).  Sanajaya was able to restore order, and encouraged the worshipping of Hinduism in the region. The Cangall inscription contained King Sanjaya’s lingga, which was a representation of the Hindu god Siva, as well as praises of the deities Brahma and Visnu (Van der Muelen 18). This inscription showed that King Sanjaya was an active Hindu, and promoted the religion’s worship during the dynasty’s era. Following the death of King Sanjaya, there were 5 more kings who ruled in the Sanjaya Dynasty: Panangkaran, Rakai Warak, Rakai Garing, Rakai Pikatan, and lastly, Balitung, who died in 910 CE (Van der Muelen 30). The dynasty came to an end largely due to a migration out of central Java towards eastern Java, and it has been speculated that a major earthquake, which caused the eruption of a volcano in the area, led to this migration (Royo 138).

It was likely upon leaving Mataram and entering Eastern Java that those who were once ruled by the Sanjaya Dynasty were integrated into whichever kingdom they settled in, thus effectively ending the dynasty. It is also fair to assume that the Dynasty’s rule was likely weakened prior to this migration, thus not allowing it to take over the region migrated to, nor keep its lower-class under its rule. Lord Sanjaya himself had moved his palace several times and was able to move his Kraton (ruling city) during his rule and still maintain power, thus showing that a strong ruling class might have prevented the dynasty from ending (Van der Muelen 19).

Important to the development of this dynasty was the development of another, the Sailendra Dynasty, which followed Mahayana Buddhist principles. It appears as though these two dynasties competitive rivals, whose competing interests in the region which evidently led to conflict (Kartaksuma, 410). These two dynasties had family ties, specifically King Sanjaya, who had relations to members of the rival dynasty (Van der Muelen, 18). However, these relations eventually came to blows on 856 CE, when the Sanjayas defeated the Saliendras in a battle on the Ratubaka Plateau (Hall 354). During the time then, it would be fair to assume that this rivalry headed the spread of both Hinduism and Buddhism in Java. Interestingly, this rivalry between the two distinct dynasties represented two religions that, in current Indonesia, reflect less than five percent of the population. This rivalry also produced two of Indonesia’s most well-known and recognizable architectural structures: The Hindu Prambanan temple, and the Buddhist Borobudur.

The Prambanan temple was constructed during the rule of the Sanjaya Dynasty, and is a one of the only representations of the Sanjaya Dynasty which can still be seen today. Built approximately during the eighth to ninth century, the complex had over 200 temples within it strictly devoted to Hindu deities (Royo 137-138). Specifically, the Sanskrit epic, The Ramayana, was depicted throughout the complex, but representations were “given their own life and form in classical Indonesia” (Poortenaar 55). This temple was built about a half century after another major religious monument, Borobudur, was constructed by the rival Sailendra Dynasty (Poortenaar, 55). This rivalry can perhaps be used to explain why central Java has the highest concentration of Hindu and Buddhist temples on the Island. The temple itself was largely abandoned towards the end of the Sanjaya Dynasty in the mid-tenth century when the kingdom moved east (Royo 137-138). The complex also faced major damage in the 16th century when it was struck by another earthquake, and remained largely abandoned until it was rediscovered by Sir Stanford Raffles in the 19th century, leading to restoration attempts and eventually mass reconstruction of some of the temples, thus giving it a look which is believed to be fairly historically accurate (Poortenaar 55). It is considered to be one of the most eccentric and obvious symbols of Hinduism in Java, representing a time when Hinduism was hugely important to the region. This can be contrasted with today, where Hinduism is largely an isolated religion to the area, concentrated on the Island of Bali (Poortenaar 56).

It would seem then, that the Prambanan complex, which was designated a UNESCO world heritage site in 1991, is more acknowledged for its historical significance, rather than for its significance to the current religious landscape in Indonesia. According to a 2001 census, Muslims form the dominant religious group in Indonesia at 86.1%, followed by Protestants, Roman Catholics, unspecified groups, and Hinduism at 1.8% (CIA World Factbook). By these statistics, it can be seen that Hinduism only has a small minority of followers in the country. However, political conflict and tension in the 1960’s led the Indonesian government to declare five religions as officially state recognized: Islam, Catholicism, Protestant Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism (Hefner 97). This official state recognition, along with conversions in the Java region, have helped Hinduism grow in regions which previously had no history of Hindu tradition and worship (Hefner 93). This is important, if only to show that while Hinduism does not have the significant following it had during the Sanjaya dynasty, it does receive state recognition and even funding despite the fact that it only has a fairly small following when compared with other religions in Indonesia.

The Sanjaya Dynasty then, can be seen as a specific era during which Hinduism was openly worshipped and practiced. Indonesia today is known for its massive Islamic population, but perhaps the Sanjaya dynasty and specifically, the Prambanan complex temples which it left behind, can serve as a reminder of the once thriving Hindu culture that dominated the Island of Java in the eighth to tenth century.

Sources

C.I.A World Factbook (2011) Indonesia. Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/id.html.

Hall, D. G. E. (1965) “Problems in Indonesian Historiography.” Pacific Affairs 39(3/4) 339-348.

Hefner, Robert W (2004) “Hindu Reform in an Islamizing Java: Pluralism and Peril.” In Ramstedt, Martin (Ed) (2004) Hinduism in Modern Indonesia: A Minority Religion between Local, National, and Global Interests. New York: Routledge-Curzon.

Kartakusuma, Richadiana (2006) “The Influence of Hindu-Buddhism on Javanese Culture and Society: Some Historical Notes from Selected Sources.” In Truman Simanjuntak (Ed) Archaeology: Indonesian Perspective. Jakarta: LIPI Press.

Poortenaar, Jane (2009) “Viewing the Borobudur. In Hellwig, Tineke & Tagliacozzo, Eric (Eds)  (2009) The Indonesian Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Durham: Duke University Press.

Royo, Alessandra Y Lopez (2003) “Dance in the 19th Century Java: A Methodology for the  Analysis and Reconstitution of Dance. The American School of Oriental Research, 66(3)   137-139.

Van der Muelen (1979) “King Sanjaya and His Successors.” Indonesia, 28(Oct), 17-54.

Additional Readings

Briggs, Lawrence Palmer (1950) “The Origin of the Sailendra Dynasty: Present Status in Question.” Journal of American Oriental Society, 70(2), 76-89.

Briggs, Lawrence Palmer (1950) “The Origin of the Sailendra Dynasty: Additional Note.” Journal of American Oriental Society, 72(1), 37-39.

Hall, D.E.G (1966) “ Recent Tendencies in the Study of Early Modern History of South-East Asia.” Pacific Affairs, 39(3/4), 339-348.

Hefner, Robert W (1985) Hindu Javanese: Tengger Tradition and Islam. Princeton New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Soekmono, R (1967) “A Geographical Reconstruction of Northeastern Central Java and the Location of Medang.” Indonesia 4(Oct), 1-7.

Related Subjects

Sailendra Dynasty

Prambanan

The Canggal Inscription

Carita Parahyangan

Kakawin Ramayana

Candi of Indonesia

Noteworthy Websites Related to Topic

http://indonesia-portal.co.uk/history-indonesia-2.html

http://www.indianetzone.com/35/king_sanjaya_founder_sanjaya_dynasty.htm

http://www.indo.com/indonesia/history.html

http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/642

http://heritages.wordpress.com/tag/sanjaya-dynasty/\

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2748.htm

Article written by Brad Robertson (Spring 2012), who is solely responsible for its content.