Category Archives: N. Transnational Hinduism in Asia

a. Hindu Rites of Passage (Samskara), c. Hinduism in Indonesia

Balinese Hindu Childhood Rituals

Bali is an island located in Indonesia renowned for its beauty, vibrant culture and religious practices (Peacock 102). Hinduism is the most prominent of all the religions in Bali (Peacock 102).  Balinese Hinduism can be traced to its origin in mainland India (Peacock 102). However, the Balinese practice their faith in many ways unique from mainline Hinduism with sacred rituals and ceremonies distinct from all other Hindu sects (Howe 57). They have been able to preserve their unique cultural practices and traditions because they are isolated primarily in rural Bali, away from outside influences of Islam and the West (Peacock 102). Some of these distinctive religious practices are related to childhood rituals, as part of the Hindu life cycle (manusa yadnya) (Jenson 21). Additional rituals are observed beginning with the day of birth, centering around the separation and burial of the placenta (Jenson 21). This is followed by rituals at 7 days after birth, at one month, at one month and seven days, and at six months (Jenson 21). Many childhood Hindu rituals function as rites of passage such as the naming ceremony, puberty, birthdays, and tooth-filing (Howe 58).   The three rituals given prominence are the three-month ritual, the first birthday, and tooth-filing (Lansing 35 – 37). Since these three rituals mark significant rites of passage in the life of a Balinese Hindu, they will be the focus of this article.

The three-month ritual, known as the nyabutanor tiga bulan ceremony, is practiced to bring the infant into earthly human existence (Barth 39 Williams 254).  For the first one hundred and five days of an infant’s life, it is viewed as divine in nature, the incarnate form of one of the father’s ancestors re-born (Lim 1997, np). The infant is bathed twice a day; once in the morning and once in the evening (Jenson 65). Since the baby is considered to be divine, the bath water is deemed sacred (Lim 1997, np). During this period, the child is not allowed to touch the ground, to prevent ritual pollution (Barth 39). Families along with their extended relatives go to great lengths to prevent uncleanliness and ritual pollution, ensuring that the infant is carried everywhere for its first three months of life (Williams 253-254). The ritual contains broader elements beyond solely introducing the child into earthly life. The secondary purpose is transforming the baby’s spirit through taming and purification, while simultaneously ensuring health and strength (Lansing 35). Offerings are made to the Sun god and the five great elements, five spirits of the outer world, represented by earth, air, fire, water and ether witness the offerings and respect given to them through the child (Lansing 35).

The process of performing the three-month ritual is the responsibility of a religious leader, either a Brahmin priest or a ritual specialist, depending on the family’s income (Lansing 35). Wealthy families can afford a Brahmin priest, while others turn to a ritual specialist instead (Lansing 35). The ceremony typically takes place in the family temple and the infant is usually dressed in white and yellow (Williams 254). The priest begins by dedicating an offering to the sun god and the five elemental spirits, also commonly referred to as demons (Lansing 35). Symbolically, the child is composed of its own spirit, as well as the four sibling spirits, whose names change as the child grows into adulthood (Lansing, 35). These four sibling-spirits, guide and determine the infant’s fate as it grows into adulthood (Lansing 34).  In the next step of the process, the priest purifies the parents of the infant through prayers and the sprinkling of holy water (Lansing 36). Afterwards, the parents carry their baby clockwise around a jar of holy water three times to signify the life cycle (manusa yadnya) of birth, life, and death (Lansing 36). A representation of the infant is created using various kinds of fruit or vegetables, most commonly either a banana or a coconut (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). This effigy is blessed by the priest with holy water and for a time is treated as though it is the actual infant, whether by being placed in the cradle or near the built shrines, or treated as the child by the mother (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36). This effigy is later taken away and destroyed (Lansing 36, Williams 254). This is done to trick and mislead any malevolent demons, allowing the baby to grow up in peace (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36, Williams 254). Various forms of jewelry, such as an amulet filled with lucky stones, a piece of the infant’s umbilical cord, or in the past a tooth from a tiger, are blessed in holy water and placed on the infant for protection (Lansing 36, Lim 1997, np). The child is blessed with various kinds of holy water and given its first taste of food, typically rice or rice flour (Williams 254, Lim 1997, np). Finally, the mother walks with her baby across a drawing of the ultimate avatar, a turtle with the symbol for Om on its back and through some holy water, before placing the infant on the ground for the first time (Lim 1997, np, Lansing 36).

Variations may be found in the execution of this ritual. Some sources mention the priest drawing the ultimate avatar with the symbol of Om on its back, while others did not. Additionally, the inclusion of the baby eating a first meal varies from text to text. Aspects that all sources include are the creation of an effigy, the purifying with holy water, and blessed jewelry being placed on the infant.  Lastly, there was disagreement on when the child first touches the ground, most sources saying during that it occurs during the nyabutan ceremony, while a few stated it occurred on the first birthday, oton.

The next major ritual in a child’s life is their first birthday known as oton (Howe 59). It is celebrated when the child is six months old or, more precisely, two-hundred and ten days old (Lansing 36). The ritual nyambutan, the three-month ritual, is repeated every six months until the child is six years old (Howe 59). Thereafter, the child is considered an autonomous human being, able to distinguish right from wrong and thus morally accountable for its actions, whereas before the child was criticized little, as it was still considered partially divine (Howe 59). These otons are repeated in order to cleanse the soul from a variety of ritually polluting sources with an offering known as bia kaon (Howe 59).

Though the oton ceremony very closely imitates the nyambutin ritual, there are many novel aspects (Lansing 36). In the child’s first oton, the infant is given its first hair cut and its first “real name” (Lansing 36-37). The child’s real name is given by the priest, who, through divination, chooses a name for the child (Lansing 37). There are numerous ways that a priest may divine the child’s name (Lansing 37).  In some cases, this divination is done by writing names on several pieces of a palm leaf, which are then set on fire (Lansing 37). Whichever leaf segment burns the least or takes the longest to burn is the child’s name (Lansing 37). Wealthy families may engage in more elaborate ceremonies (Lansing 37). For instance, a chicken may be introduced into the ritual that will symbolically remove all dirt and grime from the child’s mouth (Lansing 37).  Additionally, the jar introduced in the nyambutin ritual may reappear at which time the child may place a fish in the jar in return for a small article of gold jewelry (Lansing 37). Cakes are sometimes given to symbolize the quality of generosity (Lansing 37). It is also traditional in families that can afford it to hold a shadow puppet performance (Lansing 37).

The final primary childhood ritual is tooth-filing (metatah). It is traditionally done when a child, girl or boy, reaches sexual maturity (Lansing 37). The ritual does not have to be completed at the time of puberty, often being postponed until just before marriage (Boon 213). Most families postpone the ritual because it is very costly (Howe 59). Some Balinese Hindus may even postpone tooth-filing indefinitely (Boon 213).  However, very few forfeit the practice of tooth-filing (Fischer 1998, np). This could be in part because tooth-filing must be done before cremation, where people pay homage to their dead (Boon 213). More so than the other childhood rituals, tooth filing is symbolic of a family’s status because it is a very public display of extravagance in ceremonial dress, food and offerings (Howe 59). Delaying tooth-filing is seen as a sign of poverty (Howe 59).

The purpose of the tooth-filing ceremony is to symbolically remove physical signs of the child’s animalistic desires and pursuits, thus eradicating the primal vices in the child (Barth 39).  This ceremony frees the child from animalistic and selfish desires: greed, anger, selfishness, drunkenness, envy, and disobedience (Barth 39). These traits are weaknesses in Balinese character, and therefore are to be eliminated (Fischer 1998, np).  The filing of the tips of the incisors and canines is also considered a symbol of beauty, making one more attractive to the opposite sex (Lansing 37). The change in physical appearance also signifies the calm disposition of a person filled with integrity and responsibility, desired qualities in Balinese-Hindu culture (Fischer 1998, np). This ceremony is the most festive of all the childhood rituals, taking the most money, time, and preparation. There are two sections to the ceremony, the actual filing and the celebration that follows.

 The actual tooth-filing takes about an hour and is private with only a few familial witnesses. The family members help hold down the feet of the child, keeping them calmly in place. A piece of sugar cane is frequently used to keep the mouth open for the procedure. The three tools involved in the ceremony, the hammer, chisel, and file are each used for their specific purposes in removing the points from the incisors and the upper canines, six teeth in all (Fischer 1998, np, Lansing 37). The fragments of these teeth are placed in a coconut that will be buried later in proximity to the household shrine of the ancestors, as these fragments of teeth are seen as part of the ancestor reincarnated into the child (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998, np) This is also done to prevent the release of evil spirits which the teeth represent (Fischer 1998, np). The evil spirits are sadness (ripu), anger (krodha), greed (loba), conceit (mada), lust (kama), drunkenness(moha), and jealousy (matsarya) (Lansing 37).  The tooth-filing is done by a ritual specialist or a priest known as a sangging, meaning ‘painter’ or ‘sculptor’ (Lansing 37). The god of beauty, Snag Hyang Semara-Raith; male and female gods of love, which are treated as a single deity during the ceremony, are represented by a cloth which is placed on the lap of the child after the filing of the teeth (Lansing 37, Fischer 1998,np). This highlights physical beauty as a significant part of the tooth-filing (Lansing 37). After the ceremony, the whole family is cleansed and blessed with holy water by the priest (Lansing 37).

The second part of the ceremony is the celebration (Fischer 1998, np). The child is dressed in fine and elegant ceremonial dress (Lansing 37). The celebratory feast includes many invited guests, gifts, and copious amounts of food (Fischer 1998, np). In some instances, speeches are given to explain the significance of tooth-filing and shadow puppet displays entertain the guests (Fischer 1998, np). Many offerings of differing quantities and qualities are offered at the temples all day throughout the village by the family, villagers, and their guests (Howe 60). In the days following the ceremony, the child will receive visitors and open gifts (Fischer 1998, np).  During the last three days, the child will go to the priest and thank them for performing the ritual (Fischer 1998, np).  This time is seen as dangerous, because the child is still weak from the tooth-filing and is thus susceptible to bad spirits (Fischer 1998, np).

The Balinese Hindus are known for their unique and vibrant religious practices for good reason. Though this article reviewed only three of the major childhood rituals, there are many more to delve into, each with their own practices and purposes. The three-month rite introduces a previously regarded god-like infant into its earthly presence. The birthday ceremonies maintain ritual purity and spiritual protection over the child, until the child is realized as an autonomous individual no longer divine in nature, but morally responsible for their actions. The third significant ritual of the Hindu life cycle, manusa yadnya, is metatah, the expelling of one’s base characteristics and vices that accompany our animalistic nature, freeing a person to be a realized, calm, responsible, and wise individual, ready for the last manusa yadnya, marriage. Each of these rituals mark an important stage or transition in an individual’s life, as they grow in maturity, spirituality, and responsibility, preparing them for the final stage in the Hindu life cycle, cremation (ngaben) (Jenson 21). After reincarnation, the life cycle comes full circle, bringing one back to the Balinese childhood rituals all over again. 

Bibliography and Related Readings

Barth, Fredrik. 1993. Balinese Worlds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Belo, Jane. 1970. Traditional Balinese Culture: Essays. New York: Columbia University Press.

Boon, James A. 1977. The Anthropological Romance of Bali, 1597-1972: Dynamic Perspectives in Marriage and Caste, Politics, and Religion. Vol. 1. Cambridge;New York;: Cambridge University Press.

Fischer, Clare B, and Luh Estiti Andarawati. 1998. “Tooth-Filing in Bali: One Woman’s Experience.” Journal of Ritual Studies 12 (1): 39–46. http://search.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/login.aspx?direct=true&db=rfh&AN=ATLA0000919826&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

Geertz, Hildred. 2004. The Life of a Balinese Temple: Artistry, Imagination, and History

Peasant Village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Howe, Leo and MyiLibrary. 2005; 2006;. The Changing World of Bali: Religion, Society and Tourism. New York; Oxon;: Routledge.

Jensen, Gordon D. and Luh Ketut Suryani. 1992. The Balinese People: A Reinvestigation of Character. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press.

Lansing, John Stephen. 1995. The Balinese. Toronto; Fort Worth, Tex;: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Lim, Robin. 1997. “Growing Up in the Sea of Milk…Bali’s Ritual for Babies.” The Journal of Perinatal Education 6 (1) (Mar 31): 49-57. https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/docview/203562417?accountid=12063.

Peacock, James L. 1973. Indonesia: An Anthropological Perspective. Pacific Palisades, Calif: Goodyear Pub. Co.

Williams, Victoria and Inc ebrary. 2017; 2016;. Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: From Baby Showers to Funerals. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO.

Further Areas of Study:

Marriage

Ngaben

Manusa Yadnya

Separation and burial of placenta ritual

Seven-day ritual

One-month ritual

Month and seven-day ritual

Sibling spirits

Brahmin priests

Shadow puppet displays

bia kaon

Snag Hyang Semara-Raith

Related Articles for more info:

https://www.balispirit.com/community/ceremony-family

https://www.candidasanetwork.com/traditions-in-bali/childhood-ceremonies

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/18/world/asia/bali-indonesia-babies-nyambutin.html

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4757062/Indonesian-teenagers-teeth-filed-village-ritual.html

The secrets of Balinese parenting

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balinese_Hinduism

Signature:

Article written by Mackenzie Kure (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Hinduism in Nepal, d. Some Noteworthy Temples

The Changu Narayan Temple

The Changu Narayan temple is a religious heritage site located in the Kathmandu Valley, historically known as the Nepa, or Nepal valley, in the province of Bhaktapur, Nepal. The country of Nepal has a very strong Hindu presence with roughly 80% of the population identifying as Hindu (Burke, 1). The temple is located on the top of a hill 12 kilometers east of Kathmandu, the capital and largest city in Nepal, and is surrounded by chimpak trees. The Changu Narayan temple is considered by most to be the oldest temple in Nepal’s history. The exact time when the temple was created is unknown, but it is said to have been created during the time of the Licchavi kingdom (400 – 750CE) (Sharma, 3). The temple pays homage to the deity Visnu and is considered the most important temple in the valley (Sharma, 1999, 8).

Kathmandu Valley from the hill upon which Changu Narayan is built, Nepal

This temple is one of four major temples in Nepal’s surrounding area dedicated to the Hindu deity Visnu. Changu Narayan is the earliest and most famous temple dedicated to Visnu, but many other temples dedicated to various other deities can be found throughout Nepal. Visnu first appears in the Rg Veda as a solar deity with a part of him representing the sun (Krishna, 7). Visnu has a wide variety of depictions across the various Hindu denominations. In early vedic religion Visnu was a minor god, but as the religion progressed he grew in strength and popularity until he was recognized as one of the most powerful gods in Hinduism (Krishna, 9).

The temple’s origin story stems from an ancient legend concerning the deity Visnu. Harsimran Kaur’s article summarizes the legend of the creation of the Changu Narayan temple and its relevance to Visnu. A gwala, or cow herder, had purchased a cow from a brahmin that was renowned for producing large quantities of milk. The gwala often took this cow to a forest of Champak trees to graze on the grass, however the cow would always go into the shade of its favourite tree where a boy would drink the cow’s milk. In the evenings, the gwala would return home to milk the cow but found that he would only get a small amount of milk from the cow. This trend continued for several days and the gwala became very sad. The gwala went back to the brahmin that sold him the cow and explained how the cow was no longer producing the large quantities of milk. The next day the brahmin and the gwala hid and observed the cow’s behaviour through the day. They noticed the little black boy drinking the cow’s milk and the two men thought that the boy must be a devil that lived in the cow’s favourite tree. The two men became furious and began to cut down the tree, but when they struck the tree they noticed human blood coming from it. The two got worried and feared that they had committed a serious crime. The Lord Visnu then emerged to the two men and explained that those events were not their fault. Visnu then told them his story of how he unintentionally killed Sudarshan’s father while hunting in the woods. Afterwards, he was cursed for his sins and wandered the earth until ending up on the Changu hill where he survived using the stolen cow’s milk. When the brahmin and the gwala cut down the tree, Visnu was decapitated and freed from his sins. After listening to Visnu’s words the two men decided to erect a temple in honour of Visnu. The temple has been considered sacred since the site was constructed (Kaur, 1).

Two-storied structure of Changu Narayan temple, before earthquake damage in 2015. Nepal

The Changu Narayan temple is a two story structure with copper and wood carvings all around it. The layout of the temple has been changed several times due to natural disasters damaging the temple. The four entrances to the temple all feature triple doorways that have been cut into the brick walls of the temple, and on the western entrance there are copper plated sheets molded over the carvings. The temple contains artworks from the fourth, ninth and thirteenth centuries, most of which are Newar art: work from the Newar people, an Indiginous Indo-Aryan group primarily from the Kathmandu Valley (Lo Bue et al., 1). Newa art is centered around Hindu and Buddhist deities, sculptures made in this art style use the lost-wax casting method (Lo Bue et al., 1). The most valued art piece is an earthquake damaged sculpture of Visnu in his universal form – Vishvarupa. Two other structures just outside of the temple are devoted to Laksmi. The centre of the temple has a mandapa, a hallway supported by pillars and a roof, that is used for public rituals. The mandapa was contributed to the temple by Jayprakash Malla, the final king of the Malla dynasty that ruled over the Kathmandu valley from 1200 – 1770 CE. Archaeologists suggest that the mandapa was the origin of the temple and that the brick walls that surround the temple were built afterwards (Sharma,  9).

Visnu in his Narasimha (Man-lion) avatara depicted in a superb sculpture at Changu Narayan Temple, Nepal.

A stone pillar stands outside of the entrance to the temple with Sanskrit writings on it referencing king Manadeva and his mother queen Rajyavati of the Licchavi dynasty (Riccardi, 611). The pillar once stood directly directly in front of the shrine, but was knocked over and damaged sometime in the eighteenth century; as a result, the pillar now sits to the side of the entrance to the temple. Part of the inscription from the pillar was buried in the ground until 1899 when permission was given to dig up the lost section of the inscription and the pillar was fully read for the first time in recent years. The inscription is carved into three sides of the pillar with the first portion that was damaged when the pillar fell now on the northward facing side. The other two sides are in almost perfect condition. The first side of the pillar describes Sankaradeva, the son of the king Bhupalendra, who was renowned for his “perfect actions” and “upholding of Dharma” (Riccardi,  617). Sankaradeva gained permission from his father to expand the kingdom and through his actions became “as pure as moonlight in mind and body”  (Riccardi,  617). The second side explains how Sankaradeva’s father dies and ascends to “the third heaven” (Riccardi,  617). Rajyavati the “true wife of the king” and Sankaradeva’s mother told him to rule in his father’s place after his passing (Riccardi, 618). The final side of the pillar explains Sankaradeva’s role as king Bhupalendra’s successor. Sankaradeva knew his devotion alone was not enough to repay his father. The boy was known for his wisdom as well as physical abilities and vowed to travel east to destroy his kingdom’s enemies. When Sankaradeva returned from the east having conquered several kings he was “pleased in spirit” and his devout mother Rajyavati should share her “happy heart” with her people (Riccardi, 618).

Bronze lintel over a doorway to Changu Narayan temple depicts Visnu. Nepal.

The Changu Narayan temple has been plagued with destruction since its creation and has been rebuilt on multiple occasions. The most recent of which was a 7.8 magnitude earthquake that affected most of Nepal and killed over nine thousand Nepalese people in April of 2015 (Mendoza, 11). A few of the main support pillars were compromised during the earthquake and a large granite slab fell from the second story laying next to a brass bell tangled in prayer flags. As the temple is upwards of thirteen hundred years old the structural integrity of the temple is not what it once was, combined with illegal mining operations at the base of the hill (Burke, 1). A British architect named John Sanday led an effort to restore the temple, but was appalled to see the state of the temple after the disaster (Mendoza, 11). Pillars and walls of the temple had been destroyed leaving large piles of rubble and debris strewn across the courtyard. The people living in the Changu village were distraught from the earthquake but offered what little they could to contribute to seeing the temple rebuilt to its former glory (Mendoza, 11).

Changu Narayan temple undergoing reconstruction in 2017 after the devastating earthquake in 2015. Nepal

The country of Nepal relies on tourism, making up approximately 10% of the country’s total GDP, so with their famous landmarks being so greatly affected it impacts their culture and the country as a whole. Many of the people around the Kathmandu area have taken issue with the government’s treatment of the sacred site and blame the destruction on corrupt officials (Burke,  1). Global efforts have been started to reconstruct the temple; for example, Germany has contributed thirty thousand dollars of the needed three hundred thousand to start repairs on the heritage site (Mendoza, 11). In Nepal many aspects of ways of life are interconnected from religious to historical to economic elements. The residents around the temple have come together under a common goal of fixing the temple, not only for personal use, but for the benefit of Nepal as a whole.

Artisans sell wood carvings to tourists en route to Changu Narayan temple.

References

Burke Jason (2015) “Nepal begins to assess its cultural losses after earthquake; Many

internationally recognised monuments preserved intact for centuries have been destroyed, but hope remains that Nepal’s shattered heritage sites can be rebuilt”. The Guardian 1:1 https://advance-lexis-com.ezproxy.uleth.ca/api/document?collection=news&id=urn:contentItem:5FWH-FCM1-JCJY-G3JX-00000-00&context=1516831.

Kaur Harsimran.  (2017). “Changu Narayan: Ancient Hindu Temple in Nepal’s History:

Historical Significance.” 1:1 Accessed February 18, 2020 https://www.newsgram.com/ancient-hindu-temple-changu-narayan-in-nepal

Krishna, Nanditha (2001) The Book of Vishnu. New York: Penguin

Lo Bue, Erberto F., Ian Alsop, Adalbert J. Gail, Eric Chazot, Theodore Riccardi jr, Mary

Shepherd Slusser, John Sanday, Gautam Vajracharya, T. P. B. Riley-Smith, Anne Vergati, Susi Dunsmore, Bronwen Bledsoe, Ken Teague, and Judith Chase (2003) “Nepal.” Grove Art Online. 1:2-38 Accessed 18 Feb. 2020. doi:10.1093/9781884446054

Mendoza Martha (2017) “Architect rebuilds ancient temple.”The Associated Press Telegraph

Herald 1:11.

Riccardi, T. (1989) “The Inscription of King Mānadeva at Changu Narayan.” Journal of the

American Oriental Society 109(4):611-620 Accessed February 19, 2020 doi:10.2307/604086

Sharma, Prayag Raj (1999) “A Fresh Look At The Origin And Forms Of Early Temples

In The Kathmandu Valley.” Nepalese Studies 26: 8-9. http://www.thlib.org/static/reprints/contributions/CNAS_26_01_01.pdf.

Related Topics For Further Investigation

Visnu

Vishvarupa

Gwala

Brahmin

Licchavi kingdom

Rg Veda

Newar People

Lost-wax Casting

Indo-Aryan / Indic people

Prayer Flags

Mandapa

Related Websites

Changu Narayan Wikipedia Page

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Changu_Narayan_Temple

General Information on The Temple

https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/changu-narayan

Pictures Documenting Damage From the Earthquake

https://rubinmuseum.org/page/then-and-now-changu-narayan

The Inscription on The Pillar Dedicated to King Manadeva

https://www.jstor.org/stable/604086?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

This article was written by: Ross Visser (Spring 2020), who is entirely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

Death rituals in Bali

            While many parts of the world might deem the death rituals carried out by the Balinese to be strange or unorthodox, these rituals are deeply rooted in the beliefs of Hinduism and play a central role in completing what is known as samsara, or the cycling of rebirth (see Hooykaas 22). In Hindu tradition, it is believed that the spirit of a deceased person, known as preta, becomes trapped in the realm of the living, roaming freely to haunt people until it is freed from this realm and allowed to enter the spirit realm (Hooykaas 22). In order to release the soul from the realm of the living so it may transcend to the spirit realm, certain rituals must be completed. Pitra Yadnya, or the rituals for the ancestors, are a common practice in Balinese tradition in order to allow the soul to transcend this reality (Hooykaas 22). In Balinese tradition, it is believed that once the spirit is liberated from the body through an elaborate series of rites, the soul then becomes fused with the collective ancestors who are worshipped in the village temples (Warren 43). Not only do the death rituals practiced in Bali serve to free the spirit from the body and allow it to pass into the ascendant realm, but they are also crucial as they protect the family and community from the dangers associated with the passage between realms (Warren 43). In comparison to Western death traditions, Balinese death rituals are more of a celebration of the rebirth of life rather than mourning for the loss of life, as a result of the contrast in beliefs of the Balinese.

            Pitra Yadnya, also known as ngaben, is comprised of many different elaborate rituals which contribute to the release of the soul from the living realm to the realm of the ancestors. Ngaben, referring to a cremation ritual, is considered to be the most critical death ritual in the Balinese tradition (Gupta 254). Before ngaben is performed, the corpse is washed, and the patulangun, a form of a cremation bier which typically depicts an animal, is prepared for the ceremony (Warren 44). Preparation for the ritual is often a community effort as the fellow people of the village often help to construct the bier and make a large number of ritual offerings required to prepare the spirit for its journey to the soul realm (Stephen 441). It is not uncommon for the body of the deceased to be buried for some time while the bier is prepared, and the family makes ritual offerings (Warren 44). Historically, burial before the cremation has been looked upon negatively as it has been associated with the lower classes as it is typically the result of not having the funds or resources to perform a quick ngaben; however, prior burial has become more positively accepted in Bali (Warren 44). This positive perspective on burial prior to ngaben could be the result of the belief that the deceased should be allowed to rest with the earth mother-goddess before the cremation; however, the body should not be left for more than a year (Warren 44). Once the family has accumulated the wealth and resources for the ritual, the ngaben can then begin.

A recently buried woman’s corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a Balinese village burial rite.

The family will then consult a brahmin, or Hindu priest, in order to select an auspicious day for the ngaben to occur on (Williams 2016). It is especially important to select an auspicious day for the ritual in order to help guide the spirit to the best rebirth possible (Stephen 427). Once the day of the ngaben has arrived, the family will go to the gravesite and perform a ritual known as ngawagen, meaning the awakening, in order to recall the spirit of the deceased person to inherit a symbolic body, known as the pangawak (Stephen 440). After the spirit has been recalled into the symbolic vessel, it is carried home where it is welcomed as though the deceased person has returned from a long absence, which is known as penyapa, meaning ‘greeting’ (Stephen 440). Relatives of the deceased then come to the house to make offerings of food and drink to the deceased (Stephen 440). In cases where the body is not buried prior to cremation, such as the body of a brahmin or the body of someone from a wealthy family, the ritual of ngawagen is omitted (Stephen 440). Instead, the ritual begins with recalling the soul from the pura dalem, meaning the village temple associated with the spirits of the dead, to re-inhabit the body for the ritual (Stephen 440). From this point forth, the only difference between the ritual procession for an immediate cremation and one for a person who had been buried already is the presence of a physical body in the immediate cremation instead of the use of a symbolic body.

After the spirit has been recalled, the bier and tower in which the corpse is to be carried to the cemetery are placed on the main road in front of the house (Stephen 442). The body is then washed with holy water and decorated with jewelry and flowers before being wrapped in white cloth by male relatives and placed in a plain wooden box (Stephen 442). The box containing the body is then placed in the bier with other rituals objects which symbolize the different aspects of the spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical aspects of the deceased (Stephen 443). A ritual known as ngaskara is then performed in order to reunite the body and the spirit of the deceased individual, which is believed to bring the person back to life for a brief period (Stephen 443). This is symbolized by the pedanda, or priest, lighting a lamp at the conclusion of the ngaskara ritual to show that the deceased has come to life again (Stephen 443). During this ritual, the gamelan orchestra provides musical entertainment for those present (Bakan 1999:9). Once the lamp is lit, the family will wait in anticipation for the lamp to go out, symbolizing that the soul has departed on its journey to the spirit realm (Stephen 443). Once the spirit has begun its journey to the spirit realm, it is time for the body to begin its journey to the cemetery.

The tower holding the corpse is carried to the cemetery for cremation in this royal funerary rite in Bali, Indonesia.

The procession to the cemetery is known as pengutangan, in which multiple strong men carry the tower and animal sarcophagus through the town to the cemetery for cremation (Stephen 443). This event is known to be quite public and particularly energetic (Stephen 443). The gamelan orchestra is once again providing entertainment, this time playing rousing music to keep the mood of the ceremony upbeat (Bakan 1999:11). Throughout the procession to the cemetery, the men carrying the tower are frequently spinning the sarcophagus, which is suspected of confusing the evil residents of the lower realm so that they may not drag the soul of the deceased down with them (Stephen 444). In order to prevent the body from falling out of the casket, a family member typically rides atop of the tower as well (Stephen 444). Once the corpse arrives at the cemetery, the coverings are cut open to reveal the face, and the body is washed with copious amounts of holy water (Stephen 444). The body is then wrapped in many layers of fresh cloth, and the symbols of the deceased physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional aspects are placed in the casket with the body, and the funeral pyre is lit beneath the sarcophagus (Stephen 444). While the corpse burns, the gamelan orchestra plays the beleganjur, which is a Balinese battle song believed to ward off evil spirits and help guide the soul to the spirit realm (See Bakan 2011 for more) (Bakan 1999:71). While the cremation has now taken place, this does not mark the conclusion of ngaben.

The corpse is set ablaze in this public royal cremation in Bali, Indonesia.

Once the fire has burned down, the ashes are collected, and any remaining bones or pieces of symbolic items are ground up into a fine paste (Stephen 445). More offerings of food are then made to the departed before the ashes are carried to the ocean for the ritual of nganyut, meaning to cast away into water (Stephen 445). The ashes of the deceased are then cast into the ocean so that they may become one with the elements once again (Stephen 445). Once the family returns to the village, two final rituals are completed to close ngaben. The first is known as mapegat, which is a ceremony where the family severs their ties to the deceased (Stephen 445). The second is called caru, which is a ritual in which the area used for ngaben is cleansed in order to eliminate any negative forces (Stephen 445). At the conclusion of ngaben, the family will continue to make ritual sacrifices in order to regain their ritual purity as death within the family is considered to be ritually polluting (Hooykaas 22).

After having analyzed the Balinese death rituals, it can be seen that there are some differences present between Balinese rituals and orthodox Hindu traditions. One difference between Hindu death practices and Balinese death practices is that if the cremation cannot be performed within two days of death in Hindu traditions, the body may be placed on ice (Gupta 254). In contrast, it is common practice to bury the body for some time in Balinese traditions (Warren 44). Another difference between the Hindu traditions and Balinese is that in Hindu traditions the family is not supposed to severe ties with the deceased until one year has passed, as it is believed that after one year the soul has moved on into another form (Gupta 256). In contrast, the Balinese severe ties at the closing of ngaben in the ritual known as mapegat (Stephen 445). While some differences may be present between the Balinese and Hindu death rituals, both have a powerful influence on Hindu traditions and culture.

In Hindu cultures, the colour white is closely associated with death (Gupta 256). As a result, it is common practice to wrap the body in white cloth, and newly widowed women are expected to wear white clothing during the period of mourning (Gupta 258). Widowed women are also expected to wear a white sari, no makeup, and no jewelry for the remainder of their life to symbolize their mourning (Gupta 258). This understanding can also explain why it is considered to be inappropriate to present a newly wedded couple with an article of white clothing as a gift, as this is seen as an inauspicious action (Gupta 256). In Hindu culture, regular offerings are also made to the deceased person to soothe the soul, which is especially important if the cremation ritual cannot be performed immediately (Warren 43). These offerings to the soul, as well as the gifts presented to the mourning family by other members of the community, highlight the high level of interdependence present in Hindu culture and the secure connections between the living and the dead (Warren 46). Death rituals in Hindu tradition also serve as a way of remembering the deceased, as tradition mandates that any negative feelings towards the person will be disregarded after their passing as the deceased is to be valued no matter what (Gupta 256). In summary, the death rituals practiced in both Balinese tradition and other Hindu traditions are an essential part of the completion of samsara, which is a central value in Hinduism as it shapes many of their beliefs and aspects of their culture (Stephen 427).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bakan, Michael B. (1999) Music of Death and New Creation: Experiences in the World of Balinese Gamelan Beleganjur. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bakan, Michael B. (2011) “Preventive Care for the Dead: Music, Community, and the Protection of Souls in Balinese Cremation Ceremonies.” In The Oxford Handbook of Medical Ethnomusicology,Edited by Benjamin D. Koen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gupta, Rashmi (2011) “Death Beliefs and Practices from an Asian Indian American Hindu Perspective.” Death Studies 35:244-266. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1080/07481187.2010.518420

Hooykaas, Christiaan (1973) Religion in Bali. Leiden: Brill.

Stephen, Michele (2010) “The yogic art of dying, Kundalinī yoga, and the Balinese ‘pitra yadnya’.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 166:426-474.

Warren Carol (1993) “Disrupted death ceremonies: popular culture and the ethnography of Bali.” Oceania 64:36-56. Accessed February 1, 2020. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1993.tb02446.x

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Samsara

Gamelan orchestra

Pancha Mahabhutas

Preta

Pitr

Pitr-loka

Beleganjur

Patulangun

Dewi Pertiwi

Lembu

Wadah

Pitra Yadnya

Pengutangan

Ngaskara

Pura dalem

Ngawagen

Pangawak

Penyapa

Nganyut

Mapegat

Caru

Hindu wedding rituals

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ngaben

https://theculturetrip.com/asia/indonesia/articles/a-festive-cremation-balis-ngaben-and-the-celebration-of-death/

http://factsanddetails.com/indonesia/Minorities_and_Regions/sub6_3h/entry-4025.html

https://www.frazerconsultants.com/2017/05/cultural-spotlight-balinese-funeral-traditions/

https://www.funeralguide.co.uk/blog/death-around-the-world-bali

Article written by: Kieran Meadows (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

4. Antyesti (Final Sacrifice), c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Other Regions

BALINESE DEATH RITUALS

            Ngaben, also known as pitra yadnya and pelebon, which translates to “turn to ashes,” is a cremation ceremony practiced on the island of Bali in Indonesia. The ceremony is not a mourning ceremony because the dead are not viewed as deceased; instead it is believed that they are asleep and will be reincarnated (Williams 193). Death rituals are central events in the village community and family that often go on for years, from burial to the final “purification” of the deceased. As of recently rituals are usually collective and condensed in order to save expenses, which are extensive, with over a hundred corpses being cremated at the same time (Hobart 2014, np). Because of the economic costs of the rituals, some families bury the deceased while they wait to gain the economic stability to perform the ritual. However, families should not wait longer than a year to perform the ritual (Williams 194). A Brahmin must decide the most auspicious day for the event to take place. The family of the deceased will make a coffin that will be used to transport the corpse, as well as a replica coffin. These replicas are contemporary vehicles for the dead and can take the form of lions, winged elephant fish or bulls (Hobart 2014, np). The replicas are made out of bamboo, wood and paper.

The night before the ceremony a large wooden drum, a kul-kul, is struck to inform people that they should assemble at the house of the deceased (Williams 194). The ceremony begins with the descendants performing a small rite at the household gate, requesting the spirit to leave. If the body was buried and unearthed, it is vital that the remaining bones, corpse or effigy of it is arranged in a special pavilion in the household. Two temporary bamboo altars, which are dedicated to Surya and Brahma are set up next to the pavilion. The corpse is washed and cleansed to ensure the deceased will be reincarnated in an intact and beautiful body. The accompanying mantra ngereka is recited by a Brahmin to reinforce the act of washing and rejecting any separation of body and mind. An anthropomorphic figure made of Chinese coins is laid to the side or on top of the body or its substitute to ensure that the bones are well proportioned. A vessel of palm leaves with a banana sprout is placed nearby to symbolize the concept of rebirth. A magical cloth, known as a kudrang, with sacred syllables is laid over the body so the deceased is appropriately clothed for their journey to the afterlife. After the cleansing rite a coconut-oil lamp is hung in front of the entrance of the house and is lit every night to show the roaming spirit its home and to beckon it onwards (Hobart 2014, np).

The actual cremation takes place in the graveyard and requires one or more Brahmin to make holy water (Hobart 2014, np). The deceased is transferred to the replica coffin while the Brahmin recites prayers and mantras(Williams 195). During cremation, the visible body and the social role grafted on it are disintegrated by the fire sacrifice, and it is believed that the bodies five primary elements water, earth, fire, wind and space are returned to mother Earth, Ibu Pertiwi. The ashes of the body remains are subsequently collected and stored in a coconut shell, and typically 12 days later they are brought to the river or sea, which is considered sacred, and released into the water (Williams 195). This final step of the ritual is the final form of purification of the soul.

Ngaben rituals differ from different regions and communities in Bali, however there are a lot of similarities. In some communities burying the dead is sometimes interpreted as “impure.” However, in other regions it is also believed that the body should not be cremated too early or else the soul will feel the burning of the flames. It is widely believed that upper varnas frequently die before their time because they practiced cremation without prior burial (Warren 44). In the past it is believed that all but priests and kings were buried initially, however according to the Parisada Hindu Dharma, the faster the process, the better, so the idea of immediate cremation was made preferable as times changed (Warren 45). Some traditionalists still believe that it is important to return to the Ibu Pertiwi before being cremated. It is also widely believed that Brahmins must never be buried and should be cremated immediately. This immediate cremation practice is because it is believed that Brahmins have already died once upon their entry into priesthood; this process is known as mati raga (Warren 44). 

Drawatik (185-188) studied the Pacung village in Bali. The Pacung villagers carry out a primary burial, mepegat, followed by the secondary symbolic burial ritual, metuun. The primary burial is carried out directly after death, and the second ceremony is conducted 42 days after the first one. In Pacung, if someone dies during the day, the corpse should be buried before the sun sets and if they die during the night, the community should wait for the following day. The mepegat ceremony does not have to be carried out on an auspicious day as is done in other communities. In the event that the relatives live far away and cannot reach their home village within a day, the corpse cannot be kept at home for more than three days. For the actual burial, a bamboo litter is made, on which the corpse is placed for the mepegat ceremony. The goal of this ceremony is to cut off the relationship between the deceased and their relatives. This separation is symbolized by white strings of cotton that are cut through by using a small piece of resin that has been set on fire. The dead person is provided by the relatives with 11 Chinese coins symbolizing the means of payment for the piece of ground in which the corpse will rest. On top of the corpse the relatives put personal belongings of the deceased as a token of their affection. The corpse is laid out with the head pointed to the north-east and the feet to the south-west. A male corpse is arranged with the face downward and a female corpse with the face upward. Such positions refer to the belief that the male symbolizes the sky and the female symbolizes the earth. The difference in the orientation of the corpse at Pacung to those in the other regions possibly relates to the Sambu sect. In the Sambu sect, death is associated with the north-east where the God Sambu, who is identical to death, resides. Eleven days after the burial ceremony a permanent grave made of cement is built to avoid a possible further digging up of the ground for another burial. The metuun ceremony is a kind of second burial ritual in which the soul of the deceased is invoked to return because it needs to be purified before returning to embang, the eternal world where the souls of those who are dead reside. In case the family needs more time, than the advised 42 days, to accumulate wealth for the ceremony, they are given one year to conduct a ceremony and the date is set by the village. If they are still unable to perform the ceremony after this year, it is the village’s obligation to do so. At the beginning of the ritual Bhatara Ratu Gede Dalem is asked to grant holy water, tirta, so that the deceased’s soul can be purified. A small manikin, jejeneng, which symbolises the deceased, is ritually cleansed and then dressed in white at a site dedicated to the dead, merajapati. The soul of the deceased is then called to enter the jejeneng, which is  carried home and put on the bed of the deceased where a purification ritual is carried out.

A newly-buried corpse is fed through a bamboo tube in a village ceremony in Bali.

Stephen (441-444) discusses her first hand experience of the nine important rituals she witnessed during a Ngaben in 2008. The first step, mandak ke pura dalem, occurred at eight thirty in the morning, with the family going to the Pura Dalem, the temple of death, to collect the spirit of the deceased. The second ritual, melaspas petualangan, occurs around an hour afterwards. The Brahmin prepares holy water, while the casket and the replica are placed in the main road. The men, who were preparing to carry the casket, prayed in front of the Brahmin and received the holy water when it was ready. Mandusan, the third step which is performed by a Brahmin, is the cleansing and decorating of the corpse. The body is cleaned with holy water, finger and toenails are cleaned, hair is washed, oiled, scented and combed. The body is then decorated with jewelry and flowers, while members of the family then place money and gifts on the body. The body is then wrapped in a white cloth and placed in a plain wooden box. Natab, ngaskara, pemerasan was the fourth step. The plain wooden box was decorated with ritual objects symbolizing different components of physical, mental, emotional and spiritual aspects of the deceased. Ngaskara was performed by a pedanda buda, with the goal of the ritual to reunite the body and soul of the deceased. It was believed that the deceased was brought back to life for a few minutes and this was symbolized by the lighting of a lamp. When the soul of the deceased had reached the other world, the lamp would go out. Ngaskarahad the pedanda make holy water while the gamelan orchestra played various songs; there was a wayang lemah, a shadow puppet performance, and topeng, masked dances. Pemerasanwas a prayer between the grandchildren or descendants that took place while waiting for the spirit to depart. The fifth step, kesetra/pengutangan, which took place at two in the afternoon. This step is the most available to public scrutiny as it is the carrying of the deceased and replica to the cemetery. The gamelan orchestra continues to play music while there are many offerings of meat required to prevent the chthonic forces from ruining the parade. The men carrying the casket and replica are in such a trance that it is believed they are possessed by these forces and are being pushed, shoved and twirled by them. Once at the cemetery the sixth step, ngenargiang tirta ring setra, takes place. The corpse is placed in the animal shaped replica with the coverings cut open to reveal the face of the deceased. The body is treated with more holy water and the vessels used to pour the holy water must be broken immediately after use. The body is then covered with more layers of new cloth. Finally the piranti, the various symbols of the physical and spiritual components of the deceased that were placed on the body, are put underneath the replica. The eldest son of the deceased then lights the funeral pyre. After the cremation fire burned down the seventh step took place, nuduk galih lan ngreka. The remaining bone fragments were retrieved from the ashes and arranged in the form of a human body. Some of the bone is then grounded up into a paste inside of a special earthenware container. The paste is then placed in a container referred to as a suku tunggal. Stephen (445) discusses the penultimate step known as pamraline and the final step, nganyut. Pamraline begins with the pedanda buda beginning his ritual to make more holy water. When ready, the holy water is sprinkled on the paste inside of the suku tunggal, which is held by a female relative. The suku tunggal is then circumambulated three times in a clockwise direction around a pile of offerings and the temporary altar dedicated to Surya. The procession then proceeds to the mrajapati temple where the family placed food on dapdap leaves, offering it to the departing spirit. Nganyut takes place at the sea, where the suku tunggal, along with the ashes, are cast into the ocean. Two final rituals take place at the village, mapegat whichcuts ties with the deceased, and caru which cleanses the area used during ngaben to rid them of negative forces.

Public Cremation in Bali

The fate of the soul is symbolically tied to the fate of the body (Warren 43). Death rituals affect the transformation and placement of the soul, and the protection of the family and community from the dangers associated with its passage. In Balinese death rituals the elaborate set of rites that are performed break the soul from its material bonds and allows it to become fused with the ancient ancestors worshipped in temples and houses. The essence of the soul is then reincarnated back into its own community and descent group (Warren 43).

References and recommended readings

Drawatik, Marini (2008) “The Burial System at Pacung.” Burials, Texts and Rituals Göttinger Beiträge Zur Ethnologie, 185-188.

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese temple: artistry, imagination and history in a peasant village. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Hobart, Angela(2014) “Retrieving the Tragic Dead in Bali,” Indonesia & the Malay World. Vol. 42 Issue 124, 307-336.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Toronto and Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Stephen, Michele (2010)  “The Yogic Art of Dying, Kundalinī Yoga, and the Balinese “pitra Yadnya”.” Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 441-445.Brill.

Warren, Carol (1993) Disrupted death ceremonies: Popular culture and the ethnography of bali. Sydney: Oceania.

Williams, Victoria (2016) Celebrating Life Customs Around the World: from Baby Showers to Funerals [3 Volumes], 193-196. Westport.

Related topics

Antyesti

Indian Ngaben

Pitru Paksha

Raj Ghat

Rasam Pagri

Zoroastrian Funerals

Websites

www.baligoldentour.com/ngaben.php

www.scattering-ashes.co.uk/different-cultures/balinese-ceremony-ngaben/.

https://latitudes.nu/%E2%80%9Cngaben%E2%80%9D-the-balinese-cremation-ceremony-of-the-empress-of-ubud/

https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2396549/Sixty-bodies-burned-mass-cremation-Bali.html

Article written by: Michael McTighe (February 2020) who is solely responsible for this content

b. Hinduism in Southeast Asia, Khmer (Cambodian) Temples

The Ta Prohm Temple

The Ta Prohm temple is a temple that has been heavily overgrown with trees. It stands in what is now modern day Cambodia. However, it was built during the Khmer Empire period, which ran from the 9th through the 15th centuries (Carter et al. 492). This temple, as well as many others, were built by Angkorian kings (Carter et al. 492). Research that has been done on this region shows a very complex water management network as well as architectural features that were inspired by Indic cosmology (Carter et al. 492).

This temple, and many others, are some of the only things that survived from the period, and can help us discover more about the Khmer Empire (Preston 2000). Angkor is littered with temples, including the Bakong temple, Ban-teai Srei and Ta Keo (Daniels, Hyslop and Brinkley 2014). This is because during the Khmer Empire, rulers including Indravarman I, Rajendravarman II, Jayavarman V as well as many more, expanded Angkor by building these vast temples (Daniels, Hyslop and Brinkley 2014). The Ta Prohm temple, built in 1186 CE by Jayavarman VII is one of the these temples. (Lakshmipriya 1491).

To understand the importance of the Ta Prohm Temple, it is important to look at the Khmer Empire and the temple’s relevance in this empire. The empire was founded in 802 CE by Jayavarman II (Haywood 2001). The capital city, Angkor, was established by Yasovarman I. The empire was able to control all of modern day Cambodia under the rule of Suryavarman I and Suryavarman II (Haywood 2001). It later declined in the 15th century and the capital moved to Caturmukha where it became a minor regional power (Haywood 2001).

The Ta Prohm temple is considered one of the most significant temples within Angkor. What is so fascinating about this temple is that it has almost been swallowed whole by trees. It was built as a flat temple, contrasting the “temple mountains” that have often been built in this region (Carter et. al 495). The temple is made out of grey to yellow-is brown sandstones (Uchida et. al 221). Inside the Inner Enclosure of the temple is the Central Tower, the Inner Gate Towers, the Inner Gallery and ponds (Uchida et. al 225). There is an Outer Gallery and with two small galleries connected to it (Uchida et. al 225). Distributed between the Middle Gallery and Outer Gallery are many small towers (Uchida et. al 225). The temple also has a Dancing Hall and House of Fire (Uchida et. al 225). It was an active monastery that was used for Buddhist teaching and learning (Carter et. al 492). An inscription found at the Ta Prohm Temple illustrates in detail the organization and the functioning of the temple. It shows those who worked at the temple and possibly even lived there. This discovery as well as the temple itself is very important as most Angkorian establishments were built out of perishable materials such as wood and grass, so this stone temple is able to tell researchers more about the Khmer empire through archaeological investigation (Carter et. al 492).

As stated earlier, the construction of these stone temples was a key part of the Angkorian rulers’ building strategy. This is how the rulers could establish their authority – by building these elaborate temples. The temples were dedicated to Hindu and Buddhist deities. They were centres for religious practices and brought the rural populations into the city for festivals (Carter et. al 494-95). These temples were also used as universities centred on religious studies and helped the Angkorian economy through receiving temple donations (Carter et. al 495).

King Jayavarman VII (who built the Ta Prohm temple) was one of Angkor’s most famous rulers. The temple was dedicated to his mother and she was represented as the Buddhist deity Prajnaparamita (Carter et. al 495). Prajnaparamita is the main deity in the central shrine of the temple (Lakshmipriya 1493). In Sanskrit, Prajnaparamita translates to “Perfection of Wisdom”. This deity is the personification of literature or wisdom. She is also sometimes referred to as the Mother of All Buddhas. This deity is fitting for the Ta Prohm temple as it was dedicated to King Jayavarman VII’s mother. The temple was given the name Rajavihara which means “royal monastery”. Most stone temples in this region are called “temple mountains” as they are built in a pyramid style like a mountain. This makes the Ta Prohm temple distinctive as it was built more flat (Carter et. al 495). The temple reflects characteristics of Mahayana Buddhism which were relevant during the time it was built (Lakshmipriya 1493). There are numerous shrines and pavilions. It also has images of the Bodhisattva carved into the walls (Lakshmipriya 1493). This emphasizes the prominent belief in Buddhism during the time the Ta Prohm temple was built and used.

What makes the Ta Prohm temple more notable than other temples are the inscriptions found inside it. From these inscriptions researchers are able to understand Angkorian culture in more detail by understanding how they used the temple and who used the temple. The inscription reveal that there were 79,365 people who serviced the temple (Carter et. al 495). There was 18 high priests, 2740 officials, 2232 assistants and 615 dancers (Carter et. al 495). There were also 1409 students who used the temple as a university for religious practice (Carter et. al 495). Some of these individuals also lived in the temple and were from a variety of ethnicities including Khmer, Burmese, and Cham (Carter et. al 495). Other items were also found in the temple including bedspreads, cushions and mosquito nets (Carter et. al 495). All of this information allows researchers to understand this culture better, especially in the sense that the temples were used as more than just a place for religious practices.

Ta Prohm (Khmer Empire) overgrown with trees.

The Ta Prohm temple seemed to be of much importance to the Angkorian culture, so what caused it to become so heavily overgrown with trees and almost completely abandoned? The fall of Angkor happened gradually starting with unhappy workers not wanting to help with the demands of its labour intensive economy (Warner 1990). The fall was also impacted by wars with neighbouring kingdoms (Warner 1990). The Thais were able to take full control of Angkor in the early 1400’s which would ultimately end the Khmer Empire (Warner 1990). Thereafter, Outsiders rarely visited Angkor, so these stone monuments were not known to the western world until Henri Mouhot, a French naturalist-explorer, discovered it and published an article about it in 1863. He said that the farmers who worked near by were unsure of who built Angkor. They thought it was possibly the gods or giants (Warner 1990). As the locals are unsure of how Angkor was built this shows even more how important the Ta Prohm Temple is as it shows researchers the culture of Angkor more than locals can even tell them.

Cambodia has been under very harsh times in recent years. The Vietnamese invaded Cambodia and took occupation over it in 1979. However, the Vietnamese doing this were able to put an end to the rule by the Khmer Rouge, during which almost two million people died (Warner 1990). The country is still trying to recover from this painful and destructive time. This means the Cambodian government must focus more on re-establishing its country with basic services before it can focus on restoring any of its monuments such as the Ta Prohm temple (Warner 1990). Not only are these temples in need of restoration, they are still facing numerous environmental threats today that need to be stopped in order to preserve these precious monuments.

The climate in the Angkor region is very seasonal. It receives 1400-2000 mm of rain falling within the summer period between May and October (Hall, Penny and Hamilton, 154). This much rain can cause the Ta Prohm temple to flood up to 1 m some days during this season (Lakshmipriya 1491). This flooding serves as a major threat to the temple and action is required to ensure the restoration and conservation of it. However, the flooding is not the only threat. The temple is also facing challenges against structural stability that has occurred due to vegetation, human vandalism, weathering and foundation movement. There is also decay that has been caused by neglect and lack of maintenance (Lakshmipriya 1493).

The Archaeological Survey of India has taken the responsibility to take action and conserve and restore the Ta Prohm temple (Lakshmipriya 1491). They have come up with an approach that is meant to help to restore the built heritage of the temple but also conserve its

natural heritage of it (Lakshmipriya 1493). The temple is now commonly known as the “tree temple” since trees have grown in it and around it. This means when preserving the temple they will want to take precautions in ensuring that the natural state the temple has come to be in, is not ruined.

Conservation work at Ta Prohm is jointly undertaken with Cambodia and India.

The main guidelines that have been set out to ensure that the temple is not at risk during the restoration is that the interventions will be minimum. Any intervention that takes place must be in consultation with ICC and APSARA Authority. No historical evidence will be damaged during the process. As well as all of the interventions that do take place must be done by experienced archaeological conservation professionals (Lakshmipriya 1494). These are not all the guidelines that have been placed but are the main ones that will help to restore the temple in a safe manner. Through this process the Archaeological Survey of India will hopefully be able to restore the Ta Prohm temple and help to keep it conserved for the next coming years.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Carter, Alison; Heng, Piphal; Stark, Miriam; Chhay, Rachna and Evans, Damian (2018) “Urbanism and Residential Patterning in Angkor.” Journal of Field Archeology 43:492-506. Accessed January 28, 2020. doi.org/10.1080/00934690.2018.1503034.

Daniels S. Patricia, Hyslop G. Stephen, Brinkley Douglas (2014) “Khmer Empire 600-1150” National Geographic Almanac of World History. Accessed February 20, 2020.

E. Uchida, O. Cunin, I. Shimoda, C. Suda, T. Nakagawa (2003) “The Construction Process of the Angkor Monuments Elucidated by the Magnetic Susceptibility of Sandstone” Archaeometry 45:221-232. Accessed March 27, 2020. doi-org.ezproxy.uleth.ca/10.1111/1475-4754.00105

Hall, Tegan; Penny, Dan and Hamilton, Rebecca (2019) “The environmental context of a city in decline: The vegetation history of a Khmer peripheral settlement during the Angkor period.” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 24:152-165. Accessed January 28, 2020. doi-org.ezproxy.uleth.ca/10.1016/j.jasrep.2019.01.006.

Haywood, John (2001) “Khmer Empire” Andromeda Encyclopedic Dictionary of World History. Accessed February 20, 2020.

Lakshmipriya, T. (2008) “Conservation and restoration of Ta Prohm temple.” Structural Analysis of Historic Construction: Preserving Safety and Significance 1491-97. Accessed January 28, 2020. doi.org/10.1201/9781439828229.ch174.

Preston, Douglas (2009) “The temples of Angkor still under attack.” National Geographic 198:82+. Accessed January 28, 2020.

Warner, Roger (1990) “After centuries of neglect, Angkor’s temples need more than a face-lift.” Smithsonian 21:36+. Accessed January 28, 2020.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Angkor Wat

Khmer Empire

Angkor

Prajnaparamita Bakong temple

Ban-teai Srei

Ta Keo

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://www.lonelyplanet.com/cambodia/attractions/ta-prohm/a/poi-sig/500632/355852

https://www.amusingplanet.com/2011/05/giant-trees-at-cambodian-temple-of-ta.html

http://www.ancientpages.com/2018/09/03/unsolved-archaeological-mystery-of-ta-prohm-temple- cambodia/

Article written by: Norah Elliott (February 2020) who is solely responsible for its content.

c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Indonesian Temples, Other Regions, Temple Worship

Pura Besakih and Gunung (Mount) Agung

Gunung (Mount) Agung is the largest and most active volcano in Bali, Indonesia. Standing at 3000 feet, it is the highest peak on the island (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). Surrounding this mountain, are many little villages composed mainly of Balinese Hindus. At the base of Gunung Agung lies a group of sacred Hindu temples known as Pura Besakih. This refers to a complex of sacred temples located in the adat village of Besakih on the island, as opposed to one singular temple (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2).

Pura Besakih contains the most sacred and influential Hindu temples known to Balinese Hinduism, the most influential being Pura Pentaron Agung (Stuart-Fox 79). The origin of the development of Pura Besakih is not concrete. However, it is believed to have been built sometime in the 11th century, before the construction of both the Sukuh and Cetho temples which were built in the 15th century. It is a very popular tourist attraction for individuals around the world, known for hosting some of the religion’s largest religious rituals critical to Balinese Hinduism (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 26). Each temple is built on a separate mountain ridge on the great volcano, constructed in the form of punden berundak (terraces). This particular design represents a belief that past inhabitants of the region possessed. They had believed that each terrace increased in holiness as it increased in height (Ardhana, Sulandjari, and Setiwan 27). For example, if a particular temple had four terraces, the highest (fourth) would be the one that was considered closest to the spiritual realm, therefore, the holiest. In contrast to other Hindu temples located in Asia, these temples belonging to Pura Besakih are like no other. The temples have a structure similar to that of a courtyard, with no walls. They contain a row of shrines and altars to several gods located at the “upstream” or “mountainwards” (kaja) corner of the innermost courtyard. This is unique to other Hindu temples in Asia as most are built to honor a singular god and are typically structured as buildings (Lansing 66). The specific temple structure on the island of Bali reflects the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism as it is a combination of both Hinduism and Buddhism, this particular religion is widely practiced throughout Bali but is not common in many other regions of Asia, that practice more orthodox Hinduism, as well as Indonesia where many identify as Muslims (Rodrigues 347).

            There are many villages on the island of Bali, and like their temples, they are unique. As explained by David Stuart-Fox (2002), no village is independent of another as their rituals and economy influence the other villages, similar to a food web (54). Each customary or traditional (adat) village contains different temples that are primarily responsible for, whether it be for aesthetic reasons or preparations for future rituals. Within the obligations of an adat village, certain groups and families are also responsible for the maintenance and rituals of certain temples and may have different relationships with each temple (54). There are two different types of relationships between the temples and villagers of Besakih as well as the rest of Bali. These relationships are known as pangamong and maturan relationships. ‘Support’ or pangamon relationships entails full responsibility for the enactment of ritual (55). In other words, those who have a pangamon relationship with a temple are responsible for the organization and carrying-out of rituals. This may include providing manual labor to maintain the condition of the temple or paying dues (uran) in order to pay for future rituals. The other type of relationship, maturan, is voluntary in nature. Compared to pangamon relationships, they are not obligatory and instead of providing means for a ritual, they are offerings given to specific gods or ancestors of a family on an individual basis (55). Both cases of these relationships are seen throughout the sacred temples of Besakih.

There are specific rituals practiced in specific temples, determined by different factors. One factor that contributes to the type of rituals that are performed is determined by a hierarchical organization of the temples within the Pura Besakih. These may influence the type of relationship that villagers have with a temple in Bali. The sacredness of each temple is systematically classified based on a number of aspects. These include the regional location of the said temple, agriculture and irrigation surrounding it, and descent (Stuart-Fox 53). Descent refers to the group or family that the temple belongs to, some hold a greater social status than others and the placement of a temple on the hierarchical system of Bali resonates with that.

 In the case of Besakih, the most sacred temple is Pura Pentaron Agung and also the largest. Stuart-Fox describes the temple as being located in the center of Pura Besakih (70). Pura Pentaron Agung is considered to be a ‘general public temple’. This means that it is non-specific to Balinese Hinduism as it is also visited by many other Hindus in Indonesia, as well as many tourists. It is not privately supported, in fact, it is maintained by Parisada Hindu Dharma Pusat, the official national Hindu organization of Indonesia (71). Not only is Pura Pentaron Agung the most sacred and largest temple in Besakih, but it is also the only temple within the complex to contain a shrine known as the Triple Padmasana or lotus seat. This shrine in its uniqueness is the most influential one located in Pura Besakih and is the only lotus seat (padmasana) shrine in the area (79). The shrine sits atop a raised foundation with several engravings etched into the sides, on top of the foundation, are three identical statues lined in a row constructed in the shape of a small throne, at the base of these statues is Bedawange Nala, the cosmic turtle which is supporting these seats (80). The reasoning for constructing this specific shrine is not known, some scholars have theorized that it is to commemorate Sanghyang Widdhi Wasa, a highly regarded god in Bali Hinduism (81).

            The great mountain, Mount Agung is the highest peak on Bali, making it the most sacred mountain (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). It is surrounded by streams and two major rivers that run north and south of the mountain. Exotic vegetation grows all throughout the island encompassing the volcano creating a unique beauty and ecosystem. Despite its sacredness, no temples or shrines reside at the peak. This is partly due to the fact that it is an active volcano, but also has to do with the long and treacherous hike involved in reaching the peak of the summit. The fact that it is an active volcano can come with complications and previous eruptions have been difficult to predict (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 2). This comes with ongoing risk for the civilians living on the island of Bali, yet many still reside in the area. A lot of climbers and/or tourists/climbers have gone missing, lost, fallen, and even died while doing the trekking/climbing (I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari 1). This climb, however, is viewed as being extremely spiritually purifying to Balinese Hindus and is often done by older practitioners of the religion. Climbing to the peak is considered to be very cleansing and a rather freeing experience to those that are able to conquer it. In an ancient Balinese myth, it is said that Gunung Agung is a broken-off piece of Mount Mahameru, metaphorically implying that the god of Mount Agung is the son of the god Mount Mahameru, the high god Pasupati (Stuart-Fox 2).

Besakih Temple Complex at the foot of Gunung Agung (Rodrigues 1978)

            Both Gunung Agung and Pura Besakih are extremely influential to the island of Bali both in the past and present. They have helped to shape the unique composition of Balinese Hinduism that encompasses both a mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism. This unique religion has attracted tourists and religious scholars worldwide to this beautiful destination whether it be for curiosity or research. It provides a means for maintaining economic stability on the island and has also become an important factor for helping to provide future rituals, ceremonies, and festivals in order to maintain the unique culture of this sacred island.

                                                References and Further Readings

Geertz, Hildred (2004) The life of a Balinese Temple: artistry, imagination, and history in a peasant village. Hawaii: University of Hawai’i Press.

Ardhana I Ketut, Seitwan I Ketut, Sulandjari Sulandjari (2018) “The Temple of Besakih, Sukuh and Cetho: The Dynamics of Cultural Heritage in the Context of Sustainable Tourism Development in Bali.” Indonesia: E-Journal of Cultural Studies 26-30.

Lansing, John Stephen (1995) The Balinese. Fortworth: Hartcourt Brace College Publishers.

I.G Mudana, I.K Sutama, C.I.S Widhari (2008) “Local Community Entrepreneurship in Mount Agung Trekking.” Journal of Physics Conference Series 953(1):012107. Accessed February 28, 2019. doi: 10.1088/1742-6596/953/1/012107.

Stuart-Fox, David J. (2002) Pura Besakih: temple, religion and society in Bali. Leiden: KITLV

Rodrigues, Hillary (2016) Hinduism – The eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Adat villages of Bali

Banten Sane Munggah

Balinese culture

Balinese water temples

Bedawang Nala

Besakih Padmasana

Besakih Pedana

Besakih Pemangku

Bhatura Turun Kabeh

Bhuta yadna

Buddhism

Cetho Temple

Dewa Yadna

Lunar cycles

Maturan relationships

Mawinten

Pangamong relationships

Pasupati

Siva Raditya

Sukuh Temple

Village life of Bali

Yadna

Related Websites

http://www.besakihbali.com/

https://www.bali.com/temple_Karangasem_Pura-Besakih_83.html

https://www.cnn.com/2017/11/26/asia/mount-agung-eruption-bali-indonesia/index.html

https://www.volcanodiscovery.com/agung/news/66181/Gunung-Agung-volcano-Bali-Indonesia-eruption-has-begun.html

Agung again: the eruption of 1963

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Besakih_Temple

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mount_Agung

Article written by: Anna Blackmore (Spring 2020) who is solely responsible for this content.

Ancient Hindu Kingdoms, c. Hinduism in Indonesia, Indonesian Temples

The Prambanan Temple Complex

The Prambanan Temple Complex with the three towers dedicated to Siva, Visnu, and Brahma (Prambanan, Java, Indonesia)

Prambanan, located in the special district (daerah istimewa) of Yogyakarta, Indonesia, is a complex of temples dedicated to the Hindu Trimurti. Also known as Candi Prambanan or Lara Jonggrang, this complex is Hinduism’s largest site of temples in Indonesia (Bhargava 1440). Prambanan gets its name from its proximity to a nearby village. The name Lara Jonggrang directly translates to “slender maiden” and refers to the statue of Durga, the wife of Siva, within the temple (Levy 2018). Prambanan was designated a UNESCO world heritage site in 1999.

Prambanan’s history dates to around 850 CE when Rakai Pikatan, a king of the Sanjaya dynasty Medang Kingdom, built the first temple on the site. The site was later drastically expanded by Dyah Lokapala and Balitung Maha Sambu, the Sanjaya king of the Mataram Kingdom (Bhargava 1440).  With Prambanan being the center of most of the Mataram Kingdom’s sacrificial ceremonies (yajnas), it is believed Prambanan was the Mataram Kingdom’s royal temple. At the height of the Mataram Kingdom, Prambanan was home to many brahmins. Prambanan’s original name was Siwagrha, the house of Siva, and was originally designed to imitate Siva’s home, Mount Meru (Bhargava 1441). According to the Shivagrha Inscription of 856 CE, the temple was also dedicated to Siva.

Contemporary political perspectives suggest the construction and subsequent expansion of Prambanan was in response to the completion of Borobudur, a massive nearby Buddhist complex. Borobudur is Java’s largest Candi, or complex of temples, attributable to the Buddhist dynasty of Sailendra (Lanti 429-430). Contemporary thought also hypothesizes Prambanan’s construction to have been made in celebration of Hindu rule returning to Java following the fall of the Sailendra Dynasty (Lanti 430).

According to Prambanan’s entry on UNESCO, as well as discussed by Jordaan, Prambanan was abandoned sometime between the tenth and eleventh century for a multitude of hypothesized reasons (Jordaan 20). It is suggested that a combination of natural disasters and a shift in political power pushed life in Prambanan to eastern Java, leaving Prambanan behind to decay (Jordaan 20). Prambanan was not rediscovered until the early nineteenth century when Lieutenant-Governor Raffles’ team came upon the temples by chance (Bhargava 1440). It is possible that when C.A. Lons toured Javanese temples in 1733, he could have possibly included Prambanan in his description of overgrown temples (Jordaan 13). However, it is generally agreed that Raffles takes the honour of discovering Prambanan.

Though it was discovered, and a full survey was commissioned, Prambanan was not cared for properly, with locals taking what they needed from the site without consideration for Prambanan’s preservation (Bhargava 1440). Furthermore, the first archeologist to lay his hands on the excavation process was J. W. IJzerman, an engineer and chair of the local amateur archeological association (Jordaan 14). He did so with poor methods by today’s standards and as such, lost important and irretrievable information (Jordaan 14). Even worse, the successor of the operations, Groneman, saw it fit to dispose of a substantial portion of Prambanan’s excavated rubble into the nearby river (Jordaan 15). This rubble included a considerable number of fragments of reliefs and statues from various parts of Prambanan (Jordaan 15). Due to this irreversible loss, scholars at the time considered reconstruction an impossibility (Jordaan 15). Thankfully the magnitude of loss was less than anticipated and in 1918, reconstruction on the main temple dedicated to Siva commenced (Jordaan 16). The main temple’s reconstruction finished in 1953 while ongoing reconstruction and restoration of Prambanan continues to this day (Kempers 197).

Prambanan consists of roughly two hundred and forty temples. Soekmono provides a physical description of Prambanan: “The complex consists of more than 200 shrines of varying sizes, distributed over 2 concentric square courtyards enclosed by walls with gateways on all 4 sides. The inner courtyard is 100 m square and contains the main shrines of the compound. The outer courtyard is 200 m square and contains subsidiary temples built on four tiered platforms that descend gradually from the walls of the central square. The entire compound is enclosed by a further, lower-lying square of 365×365 m, the walls of which are not parallel to the other two enclosure walls” (Soekmono 1). Located in the inner courtyard, there are three major temples dedicated to Siva, Visnu and Brahma, as well as three temples parallel with the three major temples, which are referred to as the vahana temples (UNESCO). The word vahana roughly translates to “mount,” meaning each of these temples are believed to have housed worship to each respective member of the Trimurti’s mount. However, evidence of such worship and dedication to the respective mounts is only found in Siva’s opposing temple (Kempers 193). It is believed that the temple opposite of Siva’s temple is for Nandi, the bull (Kempers 193). The other two temples are referred to as A and B, as there is no evidence of either Brahma’s or Visnu’s vahana in their respective opposing temple.

Statue of Siva in the central tower at Prambanan (Java, Indonesia)

The temple dedicated to Siva stands the tallest measuring in at forty-seven meters. Within the temple dedicated to Siva there are five chambers, four of which are in each cardinal direction while the last is in the middle, accessed via the eastern chamber (Jordaan 5). Within the eastern chamber lies a statue of Siva in his four-armed form. In the southern chamber there is a statue of Agastya, a revered Vedic sage and avatar of Brahma. In the western chamber is a statue of Siva’s elephant son, Ganesa. Lastly, in the northern chamber is the previously mentioned statue of Durga, depicted as the demon buffalo slayer, also referred to as Lara Jonggrang (Kempers 197). This statue gave rise to Javanese folktales surrounding the lore of the statue (Jordaan 12). It is said that long ago a war broke out between the kingdoms of ogre king Ratu Boko and neighbouring Pengging. Following king Ratu Boko’s defeat, a Pengging warrior named Bandung Bandawsa fell in love with Ratu Boko’s human daughter, Lara Jonggrang. After countless proposals of marriage, Lara gave in on one condition – Bandung Bandawsa would construct a complex of a thousand temples in one night. Being the warrior he was, Bandung accepted and began to summon spirits to aid him in his efforts. As the night progressed, Lara came to realise Bandung may complete the task. To fool him and his peons, Lara constructed a fire in the east, giving the illusion the sun was rising. As well, she rounded up all the women she could and began morning practices. When Bandung’s assistants heard the women preparing for the day and saw the “sun” was rising, they fled in fear of the light. Having completed only nine hundred ninety-nine temples (today’s Sewu), Bandung had failed. Upon finding out about Lara’s ploy, Bandung cursed her into becoming part of the thousand requested temples: she became the statue of Durga to be found in Siva’s temple. Also found within Siva’s temple, which spreads into Brahma’s temple, are bas-reliefs depicting scenes from Indonesia’s take on one of the great Hindu epics, the Ramayana.

Detail of Visnu image holding the discus and conch (Prambanan temple complex, Java, Indonesia)

To the north and south of Siva’s temple are two twin temples, both with only one room (Jordaan 7). To the south is Brahma’s temple; to the north is Visnu’s temple. Within both temples, a statue of either Brahma or Visnu can be found which is what gave rise to each temple’s association with their respective god. On the walls of Brahma’s temple is the continuation of the Ramayana from Siva’s temple. Carved into the walls of Visnu’s temple is the story of Krsna as the hero of the Mahabharata (Jordaan 7).

Detail of multi-headed Brahma image (Prambanan, Java, Indonesia).

Along with the six previously mentioned temples that fill the center of Prambanan are two apit temples or “flank” temples, the use of which is yet to be determined. They are positioned at the north and south entrances of the square and they face the center of the square, to cover the main six temple’s “flanks” (Jordaan 7). In the outer courtyard, remains of some two hundred smaller subsidiary temples reside, all of which are similar in make and decoration (Jordaan 9). In the further, lower lying square no remanence of temples have been found. It is hypothesized this was the area used to accommodate those practicing within Prambanan (Jordaan 9).

 

References and Further Recommended Readings

Bhargava, P. (2012) “Prambanan: A group of hindu temples in central java.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 73:1440-1441.

Jordaan, R. (1996) “Candi Prambanan; An Updated Introduction.” In Praise of Prambanan: 3-116. Leiden: Brill.

Kempers, Bernet (1996) “Prambanan 1954” in Praise of Prambanan: 191-226. Leiden: Brill.

Lanti, Irman G. (2002) “Candi of Java.” Encyclopedia of Modern Asia: 429-430. Great Barrington: Berkshire Publishing Group.

Levy, Michael (2018) “Prambanan.” Encyclopædia Britannica. Accessed on October 28th, 2018.

Soekmono, R. (2003) “Loro Jonggrang.” Oxford University Press. Accessed October 29th, 2018.

Unesco.org. (1991) “Prambanan Temple Compounds.” Unesco. Accessed October 28th, 2018.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Durga

Candi

Laksmi

Sarasvati

Ganesa

Sewu

Borobodur

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Siva

Nandi

Hinduism in Java

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prambanan

https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/642

http://www.accessibleindonesia.org/legend-lara-jonggrang/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Borobudur

http://www.ils.fr/candi/indonesie/candi_E.htm

Article written by: Nick Davis (October 2018) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Hinduism in Nepal, P. Hinduism Beyond India

Newari Hinduism

The Newar people are the traditional inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley in Nepal. The term Newar is an etymologically identical to Nepal (Gellner 1995:4). They are a product of ethnic and cultural mixing between North Indian ancestry and Tibeto-Burman language (Mackenzie n.p.). The Newars are divided by religion, caste, locality, and dialect, making the Newar peoples a complex group of people. Most Newars are Hindu, however the culture is a mingling between Hinduism and Buddhism. According to the 2001 census, Nepal was 81.8% Hindu, 11% Buddhist, and the remainder is a combination of Kirat, Christian, Jains, and Sikhs (Central Bureau of Statistics 29). From this data it is important to understand the influence the Hindu tradition has on Nepal. The relationship between Buddhism and Hinduism is both simultaneously competitive and ecumenical (Gellner 1995:3).

The history of the Newar people begins in the fifth century, when the “people of Nepal”, naipalah, populated the area (Gellner 1995:3). However, the term Newar only came into existence in mid-seventeenth century, where the term was used to refer to the politically dominant members of society or ksatriya groups (Gellner 1995:3). The Licchavi period saw the first appearance of monarchial state and associations with high Indian culture in the Kathmandu Valley (Gellner 1995:6). The area was settled due to the uniquely fertile soil in the Kathmandu Valley, which was at one point the bed of a lake, and benefits also included a temperate climate, and control over trade routes between the plains and Tibet (Gellner 1995:6). In the valley both Hinduism and Buddhism were supported by the ruling class, made up of ksatryas, patrons of brahmans (Gellner 1995:7).

The Licchavi period preceded the Thankuri and Malla Period; it is the Malla period that accounts for traditional Newar culture (Gellner 1995:7).  The Malla period is marked by a division into three kingdoms: Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur (Gellner 1995:9). The kings of each region did not see themselves as Newari, but rather as descendants of Rama and the sun, establishing their connection to Hinduism (Gellner 1995:9). Furthermore, in each of the three kingdoms the rulers sought to make their subjects adhere to Hindu norms, both in relation to ritual pollution and death rituals (Gellner 1995:9).

Most Newar castes hold their own myths regarding their origins. An example of this is where higher castes, such as ksatriyas, hold the belief that the later the arrival in the Valley the higher the status. These castes claim to have been kings in earlier dynasty, or courtiers to incoming kings (Gellner 1995:5).  Other castes, such as the Rajkarnikars (or Sweet-Makers) claim to have descended from brahmans in India (Gellner 1995:5). The Kathmandu Valley plays host to a diversity of racial origins, and different physiognomies both within and between castes.

Newari is a Tibeto-Burman language, belonging to socio-linguistic family from Northern India, which is known for its borrowing between other Indo-European languages (Gellner 1995:5). The tradition of borrowing continues today, despite nationalistic efforts. This can be seen in that most Newari men and the emerging generations are bilingual in both Nepali and Newari (Gellner 1995:5).  Language is important to the study of Hindu Newars through its connection to Sanskrit. Much like India, Sanskrit is the language of scripture for both Hinduism and Buddhism (Gellner 1995:5). Sanskrit, various Prakrits, Persian, Hindi, Nepali and English have profoundly influenced Newari, this is a reflection of linguistic borrowing (Gellner 1991:2).

The construction of the caste system shapes both the macrostructure of society and the micro-reality of everyday life. The Newar people are involved in two caste systems: they have their own system that both separates and unites them internally, and the long-standing caste system of Nepal (Parish 4).  The state caste system is used to unite tribes, castes, different religions, and social organizations to create political and administrative convenience. One of the results is the reconstitution of Buddhist and Hindu identities in relation to one another (Parish 4). The Newar specific caste system hails from historic times of Newar kings, beginning in the Licchavi, but fully forming in the Malla period (Gellner 1995:9).

The Newar caste system is most easily described through the six blocks, or levels in hierarchy. Newar people speak of high and low castes, and the rank of each as described in the Bhasa Vamasavali (Gellner 1995:16). Block one is comprised of Brahmans, and the vajracarya and sakya castes combined, all priestly classes. The second block contains the chathariya and pancthariya castes. Blocks one and two are made up of those castes that are entitled to Tantric initiation using the sacred thread. Block 3 is comprised by the maharjans (farmer class). Block four is made up of several small castes including oil-pressers, dyers, blacksmiths, barbers, and painters. Block five includes the khadgi (butcher) and kapali (mortician) classes. Individuals from blocks one to four (“clean castes”) will not accept water from people in this caste, however their touch does not require ritual purification. The last block is made up of dyahla (street cleaner) and cyamkhalah (scavenger) groups. Other castes refuse to accept water from individuals in these castes and touching them requires purification.  [All information on the block organization of the caste system from Gellner 1995, page 17.]

Interaction between castes occurs, however, as seen in the block system some interaction can result in ritual pollution. The caste system is an essential element to the maintenance of social structures in Newar society. Food exchange is an important aspect in determining ritual pollution. Food is divided into three categories that dictate which directions food can be taken and given (Ishii 111). Interrelations between castes are also governed by the physical structure of the village or town; this insures minimal interaction between the castes (Ishii 112). Inter-caste marriages also take place in Newar society, usually where the bride marries a caste lower than hers.

One of the main ways in which Newar culture relates to Hinduism is through its treatment of death. When an individual dies they become a preta and resides in relatives’ households before going to the kingdom of Yama. Essential death rites are performed to help the potentially dangerous spirit move on to pitr-loka (realm of ancestors). Newar Hindus of all castes are fascinated with death and are fixated with the dramatic consequences that can result from improperly performed funeral rites (Toffin 259).

Newar Hindu women in the Kathmandu Valley hold a high level of agency in Newari culture. This can be seen in particular through the relatively easy divorce practices for these women. For Newar women, leaving their family is as simple as walking away; her family can finalize the separation by sending betel nuts and reclaiming her dowry (Gellner 1991:14). Betel nuts can also be used as a way of avoiding ritual pollution in the case that her husband dies, this also allows her to remarry.  The agency granted to women in the Newar population is connected to its history of collaboration with Tibetan people (Gellner 1991:8).  Newar girls also partake in rites of passage, like their male counterparts. A mock marriage, ihi, can be done when a girl passes the age of five, seven, or nine; it is debated as to whom she is being married to, answers range from Visnu, to the bel fruit (Gellner 1991:9). The intent of the ceremony is to signify that the girl will never be a widow, even if her human husband dies; this therefore protects the girl from the stigma associated with being a widow (Gellner 1991:9).

For Newar Hindus marriage is affected by the caste system in which their society operates. For the upper castes, they must invite a Brahmana or Vajracarya to perform the ceremony, lower castes will invite a lineage elder (Gellner 1991:10). For each caste, there is a dichotomy between elaborate weddings with exchanges, feasts, and a marriage procession, and weddings where the bride simply comes to live with her husband without ceremony (Gellner 1991:9).  In both instances, an exchange occurs where betel nuts are passed between families to symbolize the bride leaving her family and being introduced to her husband’s.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Central Bureau of Statistics (2001). Nepal – National Population Census 2001, Tenth Census. Nepal: Central Bureau of Statistics.

Gellner, David N. (1991) “Hinduism, Tribalism and the Position of Women: The Problem of Newar Identity” Man 26 (1). 105–25. Accessed February 4, 2016.

Gellner, David N., and Declan Quigley, et al. (1995) Contested hierarchies: A collaborative ethnography of caste among the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Gellner, David N., and Max Weber (2001) The Anthropology of Buddhism and Hinduism: Weberian Themes. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Levy, Robert I. (1991) “Nepal, the Kathmandu Valley, and Some History” In Mesocosm: Hinduism and the Organization of a Traditional Newar City in Nepal. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Mackenzie, John (2005) “Newars.” Cassell’s peoples, nations and cultures. London, United Kingdom: Cassell.

Parish, Steven M. (1996) Hierarchy and its Discontents: Culture and the Politics of Consciousness in Caste Society. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Von Rospatt, Alexander (2014) “Negotiating the Passage beyond a Full Span of Life: Old Age Rituals among the Newars” Journal of South Asian Studies. 37 #1 (March): 104-129

Whelpton, John (2005) A History of Nepal. Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press.

 

Related Research Topics for Further Investigation

Newar Buddhism

Newar caste system

Role of women in Hinduism

Death rituals

Rites of passage

Hindu marriage rituals

Ihi

Licchavi

Thankuri

Malla

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.karma99.com/2013/05/newar.html

http://kcm.co.kr/bethany_eng/p_code3/103.html

http://www.everyculture.com/South-Asia/Newar-Religion-and-Expressive-Culture.html

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=5100

http://greathimalayatrails.com/ght-about-nepal/newar-people-newa-of-nepal-2/

http://ecs.com.np/features/newar-traditions-a-ceremony-called-life

http://www.sikkimculture.gov.in/Cultural%20Festivals/Festival%20and%20customs%20of%20Newar.aspx

 

Article written by: Nicole Sommerfeld (February 2016) who is solely responsible for its content.

Ancient Hindu Kingdoms, b. Hinduism in Southeast Asia, P. Hinduism Beyond India

The Kingdom of Champa

The Kingdom of Champa at its peak ruled much of modern day Viet Nam. The Kingdom stretched from Quang Binh province to the southern border of Binh Thuan, also large portions of eastern Cambodia and Laos (Adam 2). Champa endured for nearly a millennium, leaving behind some twenty five temple sites (Adam 3). Its ancestors continue to thrive today.

Champa has a blurred beginning of multiple origins involving a combination of three peoples, each with significance and importance. These three are the Sa Huynh people, Funanese, and dynasties of Lin Yi.

The Sa Huynh people are the ancestors of the Cham. They are thought to have migrated to Vietnam by sea from Borneo. This would explain the Malayo-Polynesian language origins of the Cham language compared to its contemporaries in the same region like the Funan, Dai Viet and Khmer speaking Vietnamese or Mon-Khmer languages (Higham 297). Another cultural variation was the burial of Sa Huynh dead in large ceramic urns (Tingely 82). This was an unusual burial practice in mainland Southeast Asia. They adorned their dead with agate, carnelian, and glass beads from India, as well as gold and glass beads from the Mediterranean; suggestive of Champa’s vast seafaring competency (Higham 297). As Hinduism became increasingly popular, cremation became a prominent practice. Ashes would be collected in jars and then spread across the rivers (SarDesai 23: 1989).

The Kingdom of Funan was one of the first Southeast Asian kingdoms to adopt Hinduism, which they attribute to a legend of an Indian Brahmin, Kaundinya, who married the Naga princess Soma. Together they began the Funan royal lineage. This melded Orthodox Hindu tradition with local beliefs and mythology. Champa adopted it later through cultural diffusion and annexation of the Funanese territory of Panduranga (SarDesai 1988: 23).

The Lin Yi state has two likely relations to the Champa. Lin Yi is either the proto-nation of Champa, while it was severing from China, or it is merely the Chinese designation of that region (which was changed many times throughout its history), thus making Li Yin synonymous with Champa. Lin Yi should not be thought of as a unified state, but as many small kingdoms whose language and shared animosity of the Han Dynasty united them to separate from it in 192 CE. China still uses this ancient ownership to support their claim to some of the archipelagos in the South China Sea, specifically the Spratly and Paracel archipelagos (Adam 1).

Champa’s heyday was between the 6th and 15th centuries. Much of the knowledge on Champa comes from through physical evidence such as stone murals and temples. Champa’s contemporaries, such as the Dai Viet, contain bias accounts of Champa as warmongering pirates. The Chinese Dynasties only have an account of Champa when it was an interest to China (Tingely 189). Coastal Viet Nam is a fragmented geography with fifteen major rivers and mountains, which denied it the ability of a unified kingdom (Tingley 179). This geography is attributed to Champa’s seafaring lifestyle: a powerhouse on the sea but lacking on land. Modern interpretations of Champa consider it less of a unified kingdom, but a contingent of provinces that were united by a common culture, language and adversaries (Tingely 193). Champa is usually divided into five main regions. Some of these regions are directly correlated to modern day settlements. These regions were concentrated areas of settlement and ritual activity. From south to north they are: Panduranga/Thuan Hai, Kauthara/Nha Trang, Vijaya/Quy Nhon, Amaravati/Quang Nam, and Indrapura/Dong Duong (Tingley 180).

Vietnamese records portray the people of Champa as being malicious pirates. Champa did gain some wealth with piracy, but not exclusively. Piracy was a direct consequence of Cham ports not gaining profit due to Ming Emperor, Yongle 1403-1424 CE. Emperor Yongle cut out the Cham middlemen and set up direct trade routes from China to Southeast Asia (Tingely 189). During times of prosperity Champa’s trade influence stretched all the way to North Africa in the west and Japan in the East. A Muslim geographer wrote, Champa “produced ivory, camphor, nutmeg, mace, cloves, agarwood, cardamom, cubeb, and other substances” (Adam 4). Shipwrecks in the Philippines show green-glazed ceramics from Vijaya (Adam 4). Champa not only distributed wealth across their trade networks but also culture, especially Cham music, which influenced early Vietnamese court music (Adam 8). Traditional Cham music is still practiced in Viet Nam, especially in resorts and restaurants (Adam 8).

Champa had long lineage of kings. A king would be the leader of the most powerful Cham province at the time (Tingely 197). However, Champa was not unified and there were few who could stand out as “great”. The lineage may be long but it is also fragmented with diverging cultural influences, foreign occupations and a lack of records. Chinese records provide us with the early insight (Higham 301). Zhu Lian was of Lin Yi. He was the man who led to the separation of what would be Champa from Han China. For reference, Champa was not referred to as “Champa” until 629 CE by the Chams themselves, 657 CE by the Khmers and not until 877 CE by the Chinese (Higham 299). This is most likely due to increasing Sanskrit influences, as the name Champa is of Sanskrit origins. The newly separated state annexed the border fortress of Qusu, which defended the early kingdom (Higham 300). The Chinese sacked and recaptured Qusu in 446 CE, where it is said they put all inhabitants aged fifteen and over to the sword (Higham 301). Afterward, both states held an uneasy peace where they were able to share knowledge such as Chinese city defense and Chinese military architecture (Higham 300). This knowledge allowed a tactical edge in combat. During this time more ports began to open allowing Indian merchants’ access to Champa. With this new access came an introduction to Hinduism.

During the reign of Fan Hua 380-413 CE, through Indic influence, the Sanskritization of names in the South Indian Pallava style of naming, ending names with “varman,” and adoption of Hinduism flourished. Thus the king took the name Bhadravarman. Bhadravarman began inviting Brahmins to Champa (Higham 300-302). The Brahmins brought with them the sacred Vedas. Hindu Chams are given the title Balamon (Minority Rights Group 10).  Bhadravarman erected the most holy site in all of Champa, the temple complex of My Son. My Son grew to consist of seventy different temples. My Son is also an important centre for the understanding of Cham culture and the lineage of kings. In the temples, subsequent kings added stone murals and inscribed stelae over the ages (Higham 302). Bhadravarman temple was dedicated to a linga that combined Siva’s name [Isvara] with that of Bhadravarman himself, the Temple of Srisanabhadresvara. Most Balamon Cham temples were dedicated to Siva (Tingely 181). Subsequent kings worshipped the linga to seek legitimacy by making divine connection to Bhadravarman. This temple no longer stands today as it was burned to the ground in the sixth century. A later king, Sambhuvarman, built his own temple to Siva called Sambhu-Bhadresvara (Kumar 30). There is an inscription at My Son, which explains “Sambhuvarman’s glory rose like the autumn moon”. Sambhuvarman heightened his prestige by making divine connection to Siva and Bhadravarman (Higham 302).

Saivism’s popularity probably came about due to Siva’s relationship to mountains (Tingely 210). The Chams revered mountains and often placed many of their temples there. My Son was in a valley shadowed by Mount Mahaparvata and is considered particularly holy, as evidence by the seventy temples placed in My Son between the fifth and thirteenth centuries (Tingely 210). The linga is the most popular representation of Siva in Champa. However, images of Siva’s human like form have been found including one of Nataraja [King of the Dance] (Tingely 222).  Statues of Siva’s sons, Ganesa and Skanda have also been found, yet it is unsure if they were worshiped separately or as attendants to Siva (Kumar 23).

Images of Visnu and Brahman were present in Cham art but, there is no evidence of any major dedication to their worship (Tingely 224). An image of Krsna holding up Mount Govardhana has been found, which highlights Cham reverence of mountains and perhaps to Krsna (Kumar 37). The mythic episode of Ravana holding up the Kailash Mountain [Siva’s abode] has also been found, again a mountain theme (Kumar 46). While Visnu worship had little prominence some reliefs of the Ramayana have been found indicating it may have had popularity (Kumar 46).

The goddess Yang Po Nagara, of Cham Hinduism had renown nearly equally to that of Siva (Tingley 226). The temple of Po Nagar was dedicated to her worship. She is not found to have a relatable character in either Hinduism or Buddhism. Cham rituals today venerate her as “the goddess of the country, who created trees, forests, and rice paddies, and who taught the Cham to cultivate” (Tingely 226).

Cham temples were structures with one chamber, usually built with red bricks, a staple of Cham architecture. There was only one entrance, much like early Hindu temples. The base of the temple is usually square with a pyramidal roof called a kalan (Kumar 30) which parallels the sikhara of India. The kalan represents the sacred Mount Meru, the home of the gods (Kumar 30). The Cham temples design is similar to the Nagara temples of northern India.  A precise iconography system was important in Hindu temples in India. Deities inhabited certain precise points on the outside walls of temples. Specific iconography adherence was not evident in Cham architecture, but icons are present in some cases. The interiors were rather small and usually dimly lit with a candle or slivers of sunlight. Sanskrit texts call it a womb chamber [garbha grha], which held a single image. The usual image in Cham temples would be a linga mounted on a yoni (Tingely 181). The most profound difference between Indic and Cham temples is the presence of an elaborate pedestal on which the central image rests. In India it would only be placed on the stone foundation (Tingely 182). These pedestals would be square with one or two increasingly smaller squares on top of it with beautiful carved Cham and Hindu motifs around their perimeters. This pedestal may be due to the understanding of a text called the Silpa Sastras “The science of Silpa [arts and crafts].” The Silpa Sastras offered guidelines for temple design. A reference in the Sastra indicates “the importance of the seat of the god, endowing the base, or support of the god, with almost as much importance as the god itself” (Tingely 182). However, its prominence may be more likely related to indigenous beliefs reworked by Hindu tradition (Tingely 182). These pedestals have been found at major Cham religious centres, Hindu and Buddhist, such as My Son, Tra Kieu, Nha Trang, Po Nagar and Dong Duong (Tingley 182).

In 875 CE King Indravarman II erected a new dynasty in the Northern portion of Champa at Indrapura – Dong Duong. After repulsing an invasion by the Khmers, Indravarman was the first Cham to adopt Mahayana Buddhism. He constructed a monastery dedicated to the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara [Lokeshvara], which now lies in ruins. Buddhism gained prominence in Champa for a time much like it did in India. It must also be mentioned there was a blending of Saivism with Buddhist. Indravarman still honoured the linga Bhadresvara in an inscription at Dong Duong (Tingely 216). Dong Duong was the centre of Cham Buddhism. The bodhisattva Ajaya Avalokitesvara or Guanyin “Lord who looks down” was particularly revered in as he offers protection from danger (Tingely 172). Cham Buddhism is still trying to be understood as the excavations at Dong Duong continue (Tingely 187). The Dong Duong temple consisted of three court yards (Tingely 186). In the first is a monastery, the second a long pillared hallway and the third contained the main sanctuary surrounded by nine smaller buildings representing the navagraha (Tingely 186). Pairs of guardians were placed at the entrances of the courtyards. These images emphasize the intense physiognomy. These sentinels are identified as: dharmapala “Protectors of the Law” (Tingely 187).

From 1100-1200 CE there was a period of war with the Khmer of Angkor where the balance of power was constantly fluctuating (Tingley 188). Based on documented accounts of King Jaya Indravarman IV’s 1177 CE sack of Angkor, Chams weaponry included crossbows. Crossbows were a technology adopted from the Chinese and were used on horseback. The usurper king of the time was Tribhuvanadityavaraman. Khmer Jayavarman VII assumed leadership and led the resistance, but was reluctant to take the throne. In 1178 CE, on Lake Tong Sap, the Chams were defeated decisively by the Khmer. By 1203 CE they occupied parts of Champa Vijaya. In the 13th century Champa rose up again, as the Thais in the west pressured Angkor. Reliefs such as the one on the Bayon in Cambodia provide us an image of Angkorian, and in turn, the Champa army composition. The army consisted of war elephants, limited cavalry archers and infantry levies usually dressed in a loincloth with a single spear (Higham 306).

The last strong king of Champa was Po Binasuor [Che Bong Nga], who ruled from 1360-1390 CE (SarDesai 1988:33).  In Vietnamese stories he is called the Red King. Po Binasuor was able to, for one last time, unite the whole of Champa. He was nearly able to conquer Champa’s northern enemies – the Dai Viet. The Cham navy was able to sack the capital at Thang Long in 1372 CE (modern day Hanoi). These attacks continued until Dai Viet general Ho Quy Ly in 1390 CE finally halted the offensive, and Po Binasuor was shot and died in the battle (SarDesai 1988:33). Dai Viet was a puppet state of the Ming Dynasty until 1426 CE when Le Loi led the Lam Song uprising and gained Dai Viet independence. (SarDesai 1988:34) The Dai Viet looked to enlarge their territory and they turned south to Champa. This was the beginning of the slow collapse of Cham territory southward. In 1471 CE the Dai Viet captured Vijaya. (SarDesai 1988:23). With this annexation the Cham people began to immigrate to places such as Cambodia. Even though once old enemies, their cultural practices were familiar to those of the Vietnamese descendants. The Champ people preferred the Hindu Khmer to the Sino-or Confucian cultured Vietnamese (Minority Rights Group 10). By the mid-1600 CE the Dai Viet reduced the Champa Empire to the southern province of Panduranga. Here the last vestiges of Champa remained and in a sense, found new prosperity; a prosperity similar to the 16th and 17th centuries. Temples were still being erected, especially by the King Po Rome. Rome, the last king of the brick towers, created one of Champa’s largest towers, and its last (Tingely 192). Unfortunately, in 1832 CE Vietnamese Emperor Minh Mang campaigned to stamp out the remnants of Cham identity. Minh Mang ordered the destruction of the temples and villages. This is the main reason Champa is a largely unknown kingdom. There was destruction of ancient Cham physical culture. Many more Chams then fled to Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries. The Vietnamese continue to build rice paddies, dragon fruit plantations and shrimp farms over old Cham sites in addition to using the bricks for modern construction projects (Adam 7). In 2001 and 2004 human’s rights protests in Vietnam, from multiple minorities including Cham, saw mass imprisonment and even deaths (Adam 9).

However, the Cham people still survive in Southeast Asia today. The Chams are renowned for their textiles, which are hand-woven on looms (Adam 7). The exact number of Cham descendants is contested, but estimates come in around 400,000-700,000 strong (Minority Rights Group 10). The Chams are an officially recognized minority in Vietnam and Cambodia. Very few Chams can read and write in their native tongue due to government policies requiring them to use only the state language. The Cham language can only be transferred orally from generation to generation by family (Adam 8).

Cultural changes occurred as Malay Muslims migrated to Cambodia over the centuries. The interaction with Malay Muslims led to many Chams following the Islamic faith.  They are referred to as Bani Chams. Islam was present as early as 986, but its following was insignificant (Adam 6). Islam toady is the faith of the majority of Cham diaspora (Minority Rights Group 10).  However, in Vietnam Hinduism still has the majority (Minority Rights Group 10). Both Hindu and Muslim Cham worship ancestors and even some Balamon observe a Bani variation of Ramadan, Ramawan (Adam 6). Caste distinctions among Balamon Chams are not as important in Cham society as they are in India.  They are a matriarchal society. Daughters have the right to inheritance (SarDesai 23: 1989). When Chams marry the husband is chosen and co-opted into the bride’s family, which is opposite to that of Indian practices. Women are called household chiefs, yet the chief of the clan is male (SarDesai 23: 1989).  The Balamon Chams are one of the two longest remaining indigenous non-Indic Hindu People along with the people of Bali (Minority Rights Group 10).

 

References and Further Recommended Readings

Higham, Charles (1989) The Archaeology of Mainland Southeast Asia: from 10,000 B.C. to the fall of Angkor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

SarDesai, D.R. (1989) Southeast Asia Past and Present. Boulder: Westview Press.

SarDesai. D.R. (1988) Vietnam Trails and Tribulations of a Nation. New Delhi: Promilla and Co.

Groslier, Bernard-Philippe (1966) Indochina. Geneva: Nagel Publishers

Tingely, Nancy (2009) Arts of Vietnam: from river plains to open sea. New York: Asia Society.

Minority Rights Group (1995) Minorities in Cambodia. Colombo: International Centre for Ethnic Studies.

Phan, Hao N. (2015) “Cham Manuscripts, the Endangered Cultural Heritage from a Lost Kingdom.” Restaurator. 36:101-120. Accessed February 7, 2016. DOI: 10.1515/res-2014-0019

Bray, Adam. (2014) “The Cham: Descendants of Ancient Rulers of South China Sea Watch Maritime Dispute from Sidelines.” National Geographic. Accessed February 9, 2016. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2014/06/140616-south-china-sea-vietnam-china-cambodia-champa/

Kumar, Bachchan. (2011) Arts and Archaeology of South-East Asia. New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts.

Ngo, Van Doah. (2005) My Son Relics. Hanoi: The Gioi Publishers.

Ngo, Van Doah. (2012) Champa Ancient Towers: Reality & Legend. Hanoi: The Gioi Publishers.

Maspero, Georges. (2002) The Champa Kingdom: The History of an Extinct Vietnamese Culture. Banglamung: White Lotus Press.

Phuong, Tran Ky. (2011) The Cham of Vietnam: History, Society and Art. Singapore: NUS Press.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

My Son

Trau Kieu

Po Rome

Po Nagar

Dong Duong

Nha Trang

Bani

Balamon

Minh Mang

Sa Huynh

Angkor

Khmer Empire

Dai Viet

Annamese

Funan

Kaundiya

Lin Yi

Avalokitesvara

Silpa Sastras

linga

yoni

Po Binsuor

Bhadravarman

Indravarman

Sambhuvarman

Siva

Visnu

Krsna

Yang Po Nagara

Ramayana

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=5491

http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf

https://www.wikipedia.org/

http://www.britannica.com/place/Champa-ancient-kingdom-Indochina

http://www.realhistoryww.com/world_history/ancient/Cham_Vietnam.htm

http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/949

http://www.nationalgeographic.com/

 

Article written by: Jon Kasperski (April 2016) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Hinduism in Nepal, Hindu Festivals, I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals, P. Hinduism Beyond India

The Dasain Festival in Nepal

Dasain (Dashain) or Mohani is the largest, longest and most important festival in Nepal (Gellner 148; Levy 523; Bista 12). Throughout South Asia, the Dasain festival is also known as the Durga Puja or Navaratras and is a distinctly Hindu festival. In Nepal, Dasain festivals are ritually pluralistic, mostly filled with Hindu traditions while incorporating Buddhism and maintaining indigenous ancestor worship, animism, local myths, beliefs and practices that are prominent within different regions of Nepal (Fisher 112; Campbell 232). The heterogeneity of different beliefs and practices that take place during Dasain exemplifies the diversity of Hindu traditions throughout Nepal (Fisher 110). In the Kathmandu Valley, Newars celebrate Dasain as a religious holiday centred around animal sacrifice and the worship of mandalic goddesses; festivities are filled with indigenous ancestor worship mixed with Hindu practices (Levy 525). In other areas of Nepal, Dasain can be seen predominantly as a national holiday, scattered with religious customs from Hinduism, Buddhism and Animism. Others tie Dasain festivals more to agricultural celebrations, with festivities converging upon the end of the monsoon season and the completion of harvesting rice crops, and some groups choose to follow secular customs of socializing and feasting, rejecting anything religious in nature (Levy 523; Savada 82; Allen 320; Fisher 112).

Dasain festivals in Nepal take place at the end of the monsoon season and at the end of the harvesting of rice, around the September new moon and the October full moon, depending on the region. Dasain festivities last anywhere from ten to fifteen days and are celebrated by all caste groups (jats) (Teilhet 81; Chamberlain 2001: ii & 4; Savada 12; Fisher 112). Dasain festival activities and rituals symbolize the importance of agriculture, fertility, family, and the power of royalty and lineage (Gellner 148; Bista 27). Preparations for Dasain begin several weeks before festivities start; houses are cleaned, walls whitewashed and even re-plastered (Iltis 122; Fisher 124; Chamberlain 2001: 4). In Bhaktapur, where the Nava Durga (Nine Durgas) celebration of masks is performed during Dasain, masks are prepared months in advance and preparation requires commissioning priests who recite mantras and perform ritual worship (puja), so that materials can be found and masks can be fabricated (Teihet 85-91). For those celebrating Dasain as a spiritual/religious festival, among Hindus this is a very auspicious time celebrating the victory of the Great Goddess Durga over the buffalo demon (Chamberlain 2002: 28; Savada 60). In keeping with the Hindu traditions of Dasain, each day of the festival is named after one of the Nine Durgas; the myth of Durga’s defeat against the buffalo demon is told through stories, songs, and dramatizations each day throughout the festival (Teilhet 81; Chamberlain 2001: 5).

The paramount version of this story is found in the Devi Mahatmya; it is believed that demons once terrorized the world and Durga was born through the union of male deities such as Siva, Visnu, and Brahma who were unsuccessful at stopping the demons. Consolidation of these male deities’ energies, led to the conception of Durga. Through her multiple manifestations, Durga defeated the demons, including the great buffalo demon (Mahishasura) (Chamberlain 2001: 5). Dasain festivities and the telling of the myth celebrate Durga as the ultimate source, the mother of the universe who liberated the people, and it is believed that listening to the recitation of the myth will free one from mental, physical and emotional suffering (Chamberlain 2001: 4-6). Each day of the festival is named after, and dedicated to, one of the nine Durgas. Each manifestation is a representation of Durga; they are: Brahmani, Mahesvari, Kumari, Vaisnavi, Varahi, Indrani, Mahakali, Mahalaksmi and Tripurasundari (Chamberlain 2002: 29; Levy 155). Each of the nine goddesses also represents one of nine plant forms; the plant that embodies the goddess that is worshiped that day is used in many rituals to appeal for her protection (Chamberlain 2002: 29). The Nine Durgas are also connected to each of the nine planets in the solar system; worship of these goddesses helps to protect the people of Nepal from negative cosmic influences (Chamberlain 2002: 29). All nine days of the Dasain festival are also divided into three sets: day one through three are devoted to Durga’s creativity, the next three to Laksmi, representing Durga’s beauty and abundance, and the last three days are devoted to Kali, representing death and transformation (Chamberlain 2002: 29).

Within the Kathmandu Valley, Hindu practices and traditions of Dasain are permeated with indigenous beliefs. The Newar Dasain festivals are a complex sequence of events centred around dangerous goddesses (Levy 523). The entire ten day festival is a dramatization of the story of Devi (Durga), with astrological significance, temple worship and a procession to different pithas of the Nine Mandalic Goddesses around the city (Levy 531 & 155). On the first day of Dasain, barley sprouts are planted, and Brahmani is worshiped. A procession takes place as individuals leave their homes to visit the pitha of the goddess Brahmani; within homes and temples puja is performed offering grains, rice and flowers (Chamberlain 2002: 29; Levy 525). Barley is planted in clay pots; in other areas, it is planted on the floors of special rooms (Nala) set aside for Dasain where special puja takes place (Levy 527). Astrological attention is given in the timing of the planting of the barley, which is planted at the most auspicious time. In the Taleju temples of Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur, planting the barley is governed by the Royal Astrologer (Chamberlain 2002: 29; Levy 527). Barley symbolizes the importance of the peoples’ connection to agriculture and is representative of the goddess Durga’s generative properties. The first day of planting is called the Ghata-sthapana (installation of the sacred vessel); on the following days of Laksmi, which represents abundance, the barley leaves will become visible and on the tenth day, the day of victory, tika (red mark on forehead) paste is made from the barley leaves (Puri 7; Bista 94). Days two through six are similar to the first day, with processions going to a new worship site where a new mandalic goddess is worshiped. Following morning worship rituals, Bhagavati (Durga) is worshipped in homes and then everyone goes about their daily activities (Levy 531). During the last four days of the Dasain festival, festivities and rituals escalate; day seven sees special temple preparations being made at the Taleju temple for the festivities that will take place on day eight. The first goat is sacrificed on day seven by a chief Brahmin and there is a procession honouring an image that represents the importance of lineage and royalty (Levy 533). The eighth day is the beginning of devotion of Kali; representations of the battle are performed, and what is known as the “bloody night of sacrifice” takes place; many goats, chickens and buffalo are sacrificed, and later feasted on during the celebration of the transformation on the tenth day (Levy 534; Bista 60).

At the Taleju temple, one hundred and eight buffalo are sacrificed in honour of the Goddess Durga and her victory over Mahisasura; sacrificing the buffalo also epitomizes two days of great battles that were fought. The story of these battles is recounted on this day from the Devi Mahatmya (Levy 534; Chamberlain 2002: 29-30). Goats, buffalo and other animals must be sacrificed with a single blow to the top of the neck; the blood of these animals is then splattered on different icons representing the Great Goddess, around the floors of the temple and on special ritual clothing (Levy 337; Gellner 341-42). With participation in reenactments of Durga’s battles and the worship of the nine manifestations of Durga, individuals become, hypothetically, the deity themselves (Levy 563). Sacrifices continue into day nine, the day centered around the worship of Tripurasundari, who is full creator deity, symbolizing the culmination of the Nine Durgas. In the evening of day nine, people make offerings of flowers and will view the masks of the Nine Durgas, which illustrates their reappearance after a long sleep (Levy 539). Day nine is also dedicated to the worship of Kumari (maiden goddess); a young girl representing the Kumari makes a public appearance and she receives offerings from the people, is worshiped by the people, and they receive prasada (gift) from her (Levy 542). In Bhaktapur, the Kumari is worshiped, by worshipping all young girls of premenstrual age at the “living Kumari”; making it possible for there to be more than one Kamari in each home. These young girls of premenstrual age are worshiped are not worshiped as themselves but are seen as “vehicles [that] bring the Goddess Kumari to the homes of the people” (Levy 540).

Day ten is a very auspicious day, on this day large feasts, drinking, and gambling festivities, that have been going on since the beginning of Dasain, escalate in nature (Bista 117). On this day, families travel and meet in the homes of senior family members, married women return to their paternal homes and the younger generations are given tika and blessed by senior members (Manadhar 7). Tiak, a red past which is placed on the forehead and blesses individual with abundance, is given by a senior male to his family, and is seen as a way to help build respect for senior generations from younger generations (Mandhar 7; Gaenszle 361). The giving of tika is also seen as a celebration of royal power and hierarchy within the lineages of the people of Nepal. The King is given tika by the priests and the King will give tika to his people as well (Gellner 147). Tika is just one representation of how Dasain legitimizes hierarchical power; power is also shown by Durga shrines being placed in all police stations (Gellner 147). Dasain celebrations are just one attempt through ritual and practice to form national unity based on lineage and power; this has recently lead to groups within Nepal who do not identify as Hindu to oppose the Dasain festival.

Along with the major Hindu traditions of Dasain, there are many secular traditions as well. Dasain, for many, is a time for families to be re-united; it is a celebration of the end of a very difficult harvest season and a holiday filled with rest and relaxation (Savada 117; Allen 317 & 405). People purchase and wear their best clothing throughout the festival, but in most regions the last few days of Dasain sees an increase in festivities that include larger feasts, gambling, kite flying, fairs, making flower garlands, putting up swings and the cooking of special foods (Levy 525; Fisher 112; Allen 317). Everyone tries to go home for Dasain, shops close and business stops for the duration of the festival; people travel to visit with relatives and pay respects to ancestors. Gifts are also exchanged with family members (Chamberlain 4). In Western Nepal, the Thakali perform rituals that include features from Hinduism, Buddhism and Animism. However, Dasain celebrations tend to be less about religious practices and more of a national holiday. The Thakali clean in preparation for the festival just as other jats do, but the focus is on family and feasting (Fisher 112 & 124). For the Thulung there is an intense agricultural presence to the Dasain festivities; it is a celebration of a long harvest coming to an end (Allen 317). Feasting, cleaning homes, making garland flowers, preparing special meals, drinking, gambling and family are the most important practices, while adhering to the general constructs of Hindu practices (Gaenszle 362). Some groups in Nepal, like the Yakha, have four main days of public ritual that include slaying of model animals that are made of fruits and vegetables with straw, the straw representing the swords used in battle. Animal sacrifice still takes place, and to protect the home, a small boy from each household places his hands and feet in the blood of a sacrificed animal. He is, then, carried to his home and his hand and foot prints are placed in blood on the entrance to the home as protection (Russell 342). Throughout Nepal, it is easy to see inter-group similarities and differences within the practices, rituals and festivities of Dasain (Russell 331). For those who take part in the festival, it is the prime festival of the year. Whether Dasain symbolizes harvest, fertility, power, national unity, or religiosity, it remains one of the largest and longest celebrated festivals of Nepal.

 

References and Further Recommended Readings

Allen, N. J. (1997) “Hinduization The Experience of the Thulung Rai.” In Nationalism and                        Ethnicity in a   Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal, edited by David N. Gellner, Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka and John Whelpton 303-323. Amsterdam: Hardwood Academic.

Bista, Dor Bahadur (1972) People of Nepal. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.

Campbell, Ben (1997) “The Heavy Loads of Tamang Identity.”  In Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal, edited by David N. Gellner, Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka and John Whelpton 205-235. Amsterdam: Hardwood Academic.

Chamberlain, Laura K (2002) “Durga and the Dashain harvest festival from the Indus to Kathmandu Valleys.” ReVision 25, no. 1.

Chamberlain, Laura K (2001) “Embodying the Goddess Durga: A Pilgrimage to the Mother Goddess of Paradox.” Master’s thesis, California Institute of Integral Studies.

Fisher, William (2001) Fluid Boundaries: Forming and Transforming Identity in Nepal. New York: Columbia.

Gaenszle, Martin (1997) “Changing Concepts of Ethnic Identity Among the Mewahang Rai.” In                 Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal, edited by David N. Gellner, Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka and John Whelpton 351-378. Amsterdam: Hardwood Academic.

Gellner, David N (1999) “Religion, politics, and ritual. Remarks on Geertz and Bloch.” Social                    Anthropology, 7(02), 135-153.

Iltis, Linda L (1980) “An Ethnohistorical Study of Bandipur.” Contributions to Nepalese Studies, 8(1), 81-145.

Levy, Robert (1990) Mesocosm. Berkeley: University of California.

Manandhar, Tina (n.d.) “Digu Puja: A Ritual to Revitalize Family Among the Newars.” Tribhuvan University.

Puri, K (2014) “Being a Hindu in a multicultural context of Stavanger, Norway.” Master’s thesis, The School of Mission and Theology.

Russell, Andrew (1997) “Identity Management and Cultural Change: The Yakha of East Nepal.” In Nationalism and Ethnicity in a Hindu Kingdom: The Politics of Culture in Contemporary Nepal, edited by David N. Gellner, Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka and  John Whelpton 325-350. Amsterdam: Hardwood Academic Publishers.

Savada, Andrea M (1993) Nepal and Bhutan: Country Studies. Washington, D.C: Government        Publishing.

Teilhet, Jehanne H. (1978) “The Tradition of the Nava Durga in Bhaktapur, Nepal.” Journal of      Himalayan Studies 6, 81-98.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

The Devi Mahatmya

Durga Puja

Navaratras

Mohani

Mandalic Goddesses

Newars

Jats

Mantras

Puja

Nava Durga (Nine Durgas)

Kumari

Ghata-sthapana

Tika

Thakali

Yakha

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://oursansar.org/dashain-lets-celebrate-the-largest-and-longest-festival-in-nepal/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dashain

http://singitour.com/festivals-of-nepal.php

http://www.kailashtrips.com/nepal/nepal-general-information/festival-in-nepal.html

 

Article written by: Erin Davis (April 2016) who is solely responsible for its content.