Monthly Archives: June 2008

3. Householder’s Samskara

Samskaras and Pregnancy

Pregnancy in the Hindu tradition is a very important time for a woman, especially if it is her first pregnancy, which it is hoped will take place as soon after marriage as possible. A new bride goes to live with her husband’s family, and in many cases, she has never met them before, so as a newcomer to the household, she has a low status and often feels isolated, homesick and awkward socially and sexually. Pregnancy helps welcome the wife into the husband’s family, and she is made to feel comfortable; eating well, resting often and being relieved of certain tiresome tasks (see Kakar 26 – 27).

Before conception, during pregnancy and following birth, there are many Samskara performed in the Hindu tradition. “Samskara” is a term generally translated as “rite of passage”, but it can also mean, “to perfect, refine, polish, prepare, educate, cultivate and train” (McGee 333). The Samskara performed around and during pregnancy have different purposes, but all are to aid in a healthy, auspicious pregnancy (preferably that of a son). These Samskaras are prescribed in the Grhya Sutras (ancient Hindu texts of householder rites) and are also in current ritual handbooks, even though they are not used very often anymore. The first three Samskaras I will be discussing take place from before conception to birth, and the last two take place within two weeks of the birth.

The first Samskara that is involved in pregnancy is called the Garbhadhana, also known as the niseka (see McGee 339) and relates to conception. Garbhadhana is sometimes thought to be the Garbha Samskara (the Samskara of the embryo) but is generally assumed to be the Ksetra Samskara (the consecration of the wife) (see Tachikawa et. al. 101). In the present day, this Samskara is not performed as a separate ritual but is usually absorbed into the wedding rituals (see McGee 341).

The Garbhadhana is also called the rite of insemination (see McGee 335) and it involves the husband’s seed being placed into the wife’s womb in order to secure the production of offspring. The Garbhadhana should be performed immediately after wedding, but one may also wait until the fourth day after the beginning of the first menstruation after the wedding. This latter time is thought to be when the wife’s womb is ripe for the planting of the husband’s seed. This ritual should be performed on a day that is considered auspicious (see McGee 340).

If a male child is preferred, which is often the case as a son is expected to perform his father’s funeral rites, an even numbered lunar day is considered auspicious. A full moon or new moon are considered inauspicious, as is performing Garbhadhana under Mula or Magha (see McGee 340) which are lunar mansions, or the moon one is born under (see Kapoor 215 & 238). When the night has been chosen, the husband asks his wife to accompany him and recites nine specific Mantras that accompany the husband’s different actions during the act (see Tachikawa et. al. 101). When “a learned daughter who will live out her full life span” is desired, the wife is supposed to cook rice with sesame seeds for them both to eat, together with ghee (see McGee 340).

Ancient texts assumed that gender was not determined when conception took place, but at about half way through the pregnancy. Therefore another way to ensure the foetus was a boy was to perform Pumsavana, “meant to stimulate, consecrate, and influence the fetus [sic] bringing about a male child” (McGee 340), during the third or fourth month, before the foetus could be felt moving. The day for this Samskara must be auspicious and under a male constellation, and the wife must fast and bathe before the ritual begins (see McGee 340).

Pumsavana ought to be performed in a round apartment with the wife facing east (an auspicious direction). The husband places a grain of barley on the wife’s right hand and then places a mustard seed on either side and pours curds or yogurt on top of them. The wife is to eat this mixture without repeating any Mantras. The wife is then to sip some water and the husband places his hands on her belly and recites a Mantra about his seed entering his wife’s womb and a male son being delivered in the tenth month. The husband then pounds shoots or sprouts of a Nyagrodha tree (or for “followers of the Rg Vedic Grhya Sutras, Durva or Asvagandha ‘bent grass’” (Tachikawa et. al. 103)) and mixes the resulting juices with ghee and shoves it up his wife’s right nostril while he stands behind her and she sits with her head against his lap (see Tachikawa et. al. 101 – 103 and McGee 340 – 341).

A Hindu goddess, probably Parvati because she holds a trident and is flanked by lions, is depicted pregnant on this wall at Veeramakaliamman Temple in Singapore
A Hindu goddess, probably Parvati because she holds a trident and is flanked by lions, is depicted pregnant on this wall at Veeramakaliamman Temple in Singapore

The next Samskara that is performed is Simantonnayana, which is prescribed for the fourth month and is the only Samskara during pregnancy that need only be performed once, as the other Samskara are thought to be performed on the embryo, while the Simantonnayana is thought to be performed on the mother (see McGee 341 and Tachikawa et. al. 103). The Simantonnayana could be performed in order to smooth the progress of labour and delivery or to ensure the foetus develops properly and is safely delivered in the final trimester, and is also thought to remove any pollution of the foetus that may have been a result of the pollution of its parents (see McGee 341 and Rodrigues 141). Either way, it is performed by the husband’s symbolic parting of the wife’s hair. In this ritual, the wife is to be facing west, while the husband parts her hair, starting at her forehead and moving toward the back of her head using a porcupine’s quill that has three white spots on it. As the husband parts his wife’s hair, he is to repeat two Mantras and three Vyahrtis (see Tachikawa et. al. 103.) The three Vyahrtis are Bhuh, Bhuvar and Swar, which roughly translate as earth, sky and heaven and are considered a form of Brahma (see Kapoor 420).

The Pumsavana and Simantonnayana are rarely performed today and taking their place is dohala-jevana, which takes place in the seventh month of pregnancy. The dohala-jevana involves a gathering of women who prepare a feast for the pregnant woman of food that she likes (or craves). They also adorn her with flowers or unripe fruits, sing her songs, shower her with gifts, anoint her, massage her, and generally create a high-spirited atmosphere (see McGee 341 and Tachikawa et. al. 104). This can be seen as similar to a baby shower in North America. In her final trimester, the pregnant woman is to be well taken care of and protected and should avoid inauspicious activities, as should her husband, in the interest of the welfare of the foetus (see McGee 341). She should also temporarily move back in with her mother so that she can become closer to her mother and learn from her so that she may be a good mother also (see Kakar 27).

The day and constellation under which the infant is born is noted for the purposes of jyotisa (see Rodrigues 142), which are important for marriage and naming, among other things. Immediately after the infant is born and preferably before the umbilical cord is cut, the Samskara Jatakarman, the birth ceremony, is to be performed. Jatakarman is supposed to give the child intelligence and strength and help him live a long life. Jatakarman is made up of several niceties. There are four preliminaries and then the father places some gold on an axe that has been placed on a stone, and turns them upside down so that the stone is now on the axe. The father then holds the infant over the stone with its head facing east and says two Mantras about his son being strong like the stone, sharp (intelligent) like the axe, and worthy like the gold (see Tachikawa et. al. 104).

The Aupasanagni (household fire) is then taken away, the Sutikagni (birth fire or confinement fire) is brought in, and the father throws rice grains and mustard seeds into the fire eleven times, repeating eleven Mantras as he does so in order to keep away evil spirits (see Tachikawa et. al. 104). The father than washes his hands and touches the earth giving thanks to it for delivering his child safe and healthy. The father then performs medhajanana in order that the infant may gain intelligence and strength. The rite of medhajanana involves mixing ghee with gold and Darbha grass or honey and placing it on the lips of the infant while reciting three Mantras. The father also performs Ayusya, in which he whispers the names into the infant’s ear of people who have had long lives in order to ascertain a long life for the child (see McGee 341 and Tachikawa et. al. 104). The father then bathes the infant in lukewarm water while reciting certain Mantras. He then performs the rite of stanapratidhana, the giving of the breast, where he places the infant on the mother in order that the baby might breastfeed, while he recites another Mantra. He then praises a pot of water that is placed near the head of the mother and infant to protect them both. Jatakarman is rarely, if ever performed nowadays (see McGee 342 and Tachikawa 104).

Although birth is considered an auspicious event, the actual act of giving birth is inauspicious and the naming of the infant, Namakarana, is not to take place until after purification rites, which take place on the eleventh day after birth and include ritual bathing and prayers. Therefore, Namakarana should take place on the twelfth day (see McGee 342 and Tachikawa 105).

The infant has been bathed and is dressed in new clothes and then the Namakarana begins. The father writes ‘salutation to lord Ganapati’ then the four names of his son on a bronze vessel filled with grains of rice. The first name is called the kuladevatanama (‘family-deity-name’) and is based on the family deity. The second name comes from the deity of the month the infant is born in and is called the masanama (‘month-name’). The third name is the name people are to use with him in public and is called the vyavaharikanama (‘ordinary-affairs-name’). The fourth name is based on the constellation under which the infant was born and is called naksatranama (‘constellation-name’). The father then gives honour and praise to the namadevatas, the deities who are in charge of names and then whispers the names in his son’s right ear as the infant sits on his mother’s lap. After the names have been whispered in the son’s ear, the Brahmins gathered are to make a statement about the names being “established” and address him by his names and bless him (see Tachikawa 105).

The Grhya Sutras and Dharma Sastras advise that boys’ names should have an even number of syllables and girls’ names should have an odd number. They also suggest that boys’ names end in an unvoiced aspiration or a short sound, while girls’ names should end in a long vowel such as [i] or [a] and should be easily pronounceable and feminine (see McGee 342 and Rodrigues 142). Naming the infant is thought to release it from sin (see McGee 342).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Kakar, Sudhir (2001) The Essential Writings of Sudhir Kakar. New York: Oxford University Press.

Kapoor, Subodh (ed.) (2000) The Hindus Encyclopaedia of Hinduism: Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Hinduism. New Delhi: Cosmo Publications

McGee, Mary (2004) “Samskara.” In The Hindu World. Sushil Mittal and Gene Thursby (eds.). New York: Routledge. pp. 332 – 356.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism – the eBook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Limited.

Tachikawa, Musashi, Hino, Shoun, and Deodhar, Lalita (2001) Puja and Samskara. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Sapinda

Naksatra

Gotra

Annaprasana/ Gannaprasana

Niskramana

Tithi

Cudakarana/ Caula

Dohada

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad

Jyotisa

Sutikagni

Medhajanana

Ayusya

Namadevatas

Vyahrtis

Nakshatra/ Nakshastra

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.shyamasundaradasa.com/

http://www.sanathanadharma.com/samskaras/

http://www.hindunet.com/

http://www.commsp.ee.ic.ac.uk/~pancham/articles/the%20sixteen%20samskaras.pdf

http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/sbe29/sbe29018.htm (keep reading until 25)

Article written by Jenna Boyd (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Sacred Dance, Sacred Specialists

Devadasis

Devadasi literally means “maid servant of god” (Goswami xxiv). ‘Deva’ means god and ‘dasi’ means female servant. The Devadasis are women who (either voluntarily or given up) are married to a god and from then serve in that god’s temple. The earliest evidence of such women is found in a cavern just south of Banaras. The cave is carved with Prakrit writing from around the days of Ashoka and reads: “The excellent young man Devadinna the painter loved Utanuka, the slave-girl of the God” (Chakraborthy 18). The art of the Devadasis has continued to today.

The role of women in the Indian society has gone through changes up to the modern day. Some suspect that women were respected in ancient Indian culture since Manu stated that “where the female relations live in grief, the family soon wholly perishes, but where they are not unhappy, the family ever prospers” (Chakraborthy 2). Men were aware of the importance of women as essential to marriage, family, and child bearing. For women’s protection the first real law on marriage for girls was the Child Marriage Restraint Act (Sarda Act) 1927, which stated that it was illegal for girls to marry below the age of 14 (Chakraborthy 9). However, women were not able to own property until the Hindu Women’s Right to Property Act allowed them to own property jointly with their husbands (Chakraborthy 9). One of the most respectable ways a woman could serve her community was to become a servant of god. Women would dutifully marry a deity and serve in the temple for the rest of her life. It was originally a noble position to hold, but sadly, as history took its course, the role of the Devadasis became more and more degraded.

The origins of the Devadasis are a little obscure. An actual founder is still unknown (Chakraborthy 13). One speculation is that the gods were viewed as feudal lords and the virgin girls were offered for service to please the gods (Chakraborthy 16). Another theory, by Sir James Frazer, is that the girls were models of a Great Mother Goddess, who had many lovers, which coincides with the idea that the Devadasis were for “sacred prostitution” (Chakraborthy 15). Another more commonly held view of the derivation of the dancing girls is that because women needed to marry, and it was a great disgrace for a husband to die, marrying a deity would result in an eternal marriage. This gave the women immediate and lasting auspiciousness (Goswami xxiv). It was said that the “Devadasis who were married to deities were regarded with honour as celestial nymphs” (Goswami xxiv). When women leave their families to marry, their parents no longer have any rights to them; she is wholly her husband’s. For the parents’ sake, if their daughter was to marry a deity, she would be free to look after her parents in their old age (Chakraborthy 16). Once the tradition became established however, parents kept the custom alive. Women of the community often would request favours from the gods (usually to have a safe birth), and promised in return that they would give their daughters to the temple (Chakraborthy 16). Some families even led a tradition in which “a girl from each generation is compulsorily dedicated to God” (Chakraborthy 16).

Not all women were chosen equally to be a Devadasi. A woman needed to be attractive, smart, audacious, a hard worker, lively, skilled in dance, and have many other good qualities (Goswami xxv). A parent could offer a child from birth, but these qualifications were for women who gave themselves to the temple. There was a special type of marriage ceremony for women who were joining the Devadasis. The first part was a vow, which was made, in some cases, before the child was even born, and offered the girl as a gift to the deity (Chakraborthy 28). Following the marriage the Devadasi would be owned by the temple (Chakraborthy 28). The girl then applied oils and bathed, and went to the temple to give gifts to the custodian, who then stood as a proxy for the girl in a worship ceremony (Chakraborthy 29). The girl then receives a “sacred necklace of beads” and her parents celebrated by feeding the neighbourhood, exactly as a real marriage feast would be conducted (Chakraborthy 29). Once the girl had been officially brought into the marriage with the deity, and had fully become a Devadasis, she was trained in the arts of her profession. Sometimes when there were too many girls in a temple, some were allowed to deviate from dancing and singing, and do such activities as acting. These girls were known as Patradavaru (Chakraborthy 25). The duties of the Devadasis were to sing and dance in the morning and evening, attend marriages and other family gatherings, to bring auspiciousness to the family/couple (Chakraborthy 30, Goswami xxiv). In return for their work the girls received “money and a platform to present their art” (Soneji 30). The Devadasis did not live in the temples, but were given tax free land by the royal family (Goswami xxvii).

The central part of the Devadasis’ work was the dancing, which was set to music. Music, which is pleasant to the ears, also “contributes to the growth of mind and body” (Goswami xx). The music that the Devadasis dance to was originally played by instruments called ‘khols’ and ‘tals’, but were later replaced by a modern violin (Goswami xxvi). Many of the dances, and the songs came from the influential texts; such as the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the Puranas (Goswami xxi). The dances may also have association with gods, such a Siva (Goswami xxii). The importance of the dances were to entertain the gods and people, to earn money for the temples, and to help make the religion more widely accepted in the community (Goswami xxi).

The auspiciousness of the Devadasis was continuous so that these “servants of God” had superior status over the other women. A Devadasi did not become ritually impure even when she was menstruating. Therefore she could dance all month long. Nor was she made unclean by a death of someone near her (Soneji 42).

The Devadasis tradition began with the girls being wholesome brides of the gods, but through the generations their morality decayed. Since the girls had to be virgins when they married the deity, they would fulfil their “carnal appetites” with the “priests and aristocrats” (Goswami xxiv). Since the girls danced for the public, rich men were able to observe the beautiful girls, who were then easy prey for prostitution. In the early twentieth century, the younger generations for Devadasis expressed no problem in being paid for sexual favours (Soneji 39).

The Devadasis were once a respected part of the Hindu society, with very important religious responsibilities. Now, though there are hardly any left, the women are exploited for prostitution. The devoted girls who either dedicated themselves, or were given to the temple from birth, still hold important roles in the worship of the deities, but their status in the community has diminished. If the Devadasis could regain their reputation, they could again be the most respected women of Hindu societies.

Bibliography and Recommend Readings

Chakraborthy, Kakolee (2000) Women As Devadasis: Origin and Growth of the Devadasi

Profession. Rajouri Garden, ND: Deep & Deep Publications.

Goswami, Kali Prasad (2000) Devadasi: Dancing Damsel. Darya Ganj, ND: A.P Publishing

Corporation.

Orr, Leslie C. (2000) Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God. Oxford, NY: Oxford UP.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Hinduism – the Ebook. Journal of Buddhist Ethics Online Books, Ltd.

Soneji, Davesh (2004) Living History, Performing Memory: Devadasi Women in Telugu-

Speaking South India. Dance Research Journal, Vol. 36, Issue 2, p30-49.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Great Mother Goddess

Manu

Marriage

Patradavaru

The Ramayana

The Mahabharata

The Puranas

Siva

Temples

Auspicious

Ritual Purity

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Devadasi

http://www.samarthbharat.com/devadasis.htm

http://www.samarthbharat.com/files/devadasihistory.pdf

http://skepdic.com/devadasi.html

http://tribes.tribe.net/devadasis

http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/women/devadasi.htm

Written by Rebecca Bouchard (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Sanskrit Grammarians

Indian Grammarians and the Philosophy of Sound

 

The tradition of studying language, sound and communication in India is as old as the subcontinent itself. Vast amounts of works have been written about grammar and its relation to theology by Indian grammarians, beginning centuries before the time of Jesus Christ. Perhaps these accounts of the Sanskrit language—intricately breaking it down into a handful of verbal roots and phonemes—are so meticulous and amazing because the writers believed in the divinity of language and sound; they reverently explored every aspect of the language and philosophically speculated on its connection to the Supreme Being, or Brahman, and through that, liberation (moksa). This article examines the contributions of two prominent, ancient Indian grammarians, Panini and Bhartrhari, to the Indian tradition of theologically oriented linguistics. This is followed with a discussion of the connection between sound and the divine as it is conceived in the Hindu tradition.

Panini was a highly influential grammarian who, in the fifth century BCE wrote a monumental work of linguistic analysis known as the Astadhyayi. Even to this day, the Astadhyayi remains unsurpassed in its comprehensive and complex brilliance. The work is a complete grammar of the Sanskrit language, including classical (or Vedic) Sanskrit, the language in which the Vedas were composed. Sanskrit is highly complex in its organization and subtle in its execution and intonation; there are forty-nine phonemes in the language, divided into vowels, consonants, and dipthongs, or combined vowel sounds. The consonants are structured according to where in the mouth they are produced. For instance, they may be produced in the throat (gutterals), back of the mouth (palatals), with the tongue on the roof of the mouth (cerebrals), with the tongue on the back of the teeth (dentals), or with the lips (labials). There are five different nasal letters (“n” sounds) and three forms of “s” (silibants) (Pathak 35). It consists of eight chapters, each further divided into four, and contains around four thousand sutras (or rules) that reference categories of verbal roots (dhatu) (Coward and Raja, 113). Panini’s explanation of Sanskrit grammar as it appears in the Astadhyayi thoroughly explains the entire organization of the language and it remains faithful to these rules today; it was the first such work to trace an entire language to a small number of verbal roots (Klostermaier 70). The language is categorized into two lists, the dhatupatha (the most basic verbal roots) and ganapatha (nouns, verbs, etc that are applied to the lists) (Coward and Raja 14). The Astadhyayi explains how each word in classical Sanskrit is able to be reached at, beginning with two basic categories—affixes and bases, which are of two types as well, verbal and nominal (ibid 15). Panini also uses abbreviations to denote recurring characteristics; the Astadhyayi is remarkably systematic and thorough. Panini points out the geographical variances in how Sanskrit is spoken, referring to the different inflections as those of the “northerners” or “southerners” etc. The emphasis is placed, however, on the language as it was spoken by the cultured and educated people of the time (sista) as the authoritative version that Panini was most interested in (Coward and Raja, 113).

Panini is well-known for his work because it has been preserved through the years and is still referenced, but he is not the earliest Indian grammarian. In his work he makes note of other linguists before him and many, such as Katyayana, Patanjali and Bhartrhari, have followed him.

Bhartrhari lived quite sometime after Panini, around the fifth century CE. He was also a popular grammarian whose works were very influential. His most notable effort, the Vakyapadiya, discusses the philosophic conception of the relationship between the spoken word (“outer form”) and its “inner meaning” (Sivaraman 214). Bhartrhari is credited with developing the theory of language known as sphota, from the Sanskrit word sphut, meaning whole (Sivaraman, 214). The term sphota actually means something like bursting forth. For analogy, when the seal is broken on a pop bottle, there is an immediate and abrupt release of once-contained air; with sphota, the hearer intuitively perceives and understands the meaning of the word in an instantaneous moment. The Vakyapadiya expounds on the idea that the spoken word appears to have differentiation but it really does not—it exists in the mind of the speaker as a “unitary gestalt,” or sphota. The listener hears the variation in tone and inflection of the spoken word(s), but ultimately perceives the meaning of the whole word, as a unity (Sivaraman 216). The idea is that the meaning exists in the mind of both speaker and hearer, but it is through sounds that the meaning is transferred.

Bhartrhari does not subscribe to this idea fully; he says that the “spoken words serve only as the stimulus to reveal or uncover the meaning which was already present in the mind of the hearer” (Sivaraman 216). Bhartrhari explains this idea by suggesting that the mind understands sound in two aspects: word-sound (dhvani) and word-meaning (artha). Sphota is the undifferentiated whole, of which dhvani and artha are two sides of the same coin. There is a deep spiritual connection between the communicable word and the thought that inspired it; they develop simultaneously according to this philosophy (Sivaraman 220). Grammarians [of this persuasion] also say that communication is possible among human beings because language and meaning have the same base in a divine consciousness; the Ultimate Reality of Brahman/atman. Because spoken sounds have this unique connection to the divine, that the written word does not share, language can function as a Yoga—as a path to spiritual realization (Sivaraman 221).

A prominent idea behind the Indian philosophy of language, as demonstrated in the sources from ancient grammarians like Panini and Bhartrhari, is that the spoken word can communicate what is incommunicable—the divine. In the West, culture is very visually oriented [i.e. to the printed word, documents, films, and other media]; the oral dimensions of knowledge are often overlooked or undervalued (Beck 2). For their entire recorded history, Indians have been studying language, whereas in the West it has only recently begun. The Indian grammarian tradition has highly influenced the Western study of linguistics (Beck 50). As well in India, the importance of oral knowledge has long been advocated. The Vedas are considered to be divinely revealed to the rsis (or seers), who are regarded as spiritually perfected ones—such that “the Divine Word could reverberate [through them] with little distortion” (Coward and Raja 50). Mantras, such as om (or aum), are common in the Vedas and their repetition is seen as a way to reach high states of concentration and even moksa. Om [also called the pranava or ur-mantra] is considered to be Brahman in the form of sound: it is the beginning and ending of all that exists and all that will exist. It is the Sabda-Brahman, the Word-Brahman—the manifestation of the divine in sound. In the letters of the mantra aum, as explained in the Mandukya Upanisad, the ‘a’ stands for the waking state, the ‘u’ for the dream state, and the ‘m’ for deep sleep, hence aum is all-encompassing; the ultimate revelation (Klostermaier 71).

As mentioned previously, sound has a special orientation to the divine. This means that anything recorded is just an attempt to code sound which is too subtle to be fully captured by the written word. To truly understand the word and thereby its entire meaning, it is necessary to memorize the words so that they become part of your consciousness (Coward and Raja 36-37). Oral transmission of the Vedas has thus been a standard orthodox Hindu practice; writing cannot ever cover all of the nuances of spoken language and is therefore a discipline of secondary importance (Sivaraman 212).

Each letter of the Sanskrit language, often referred to as a non-verbal energy, has a numeric connection with the physical and psychic body. Mantras are then used in meditation to bring one in closer alignment with the cosmos, speeding one towards moksa. It is believed that each syllable or root sound has a mathematical connection to specific areas of the body, known as the cakras, and those areas correspond to the cosmos (Pathak 19-30, 207). Each verse in the Vedas is considered to be a mantra because the texts were divinely revealed and the entire sacred universe is present (albiet in fragmented forms) in these sounds. To perfect the proper pronunciation and grammar that is required to gain spiritual merit through the medium of language, as presented by Bhartrhari and others, is quite the feat of intellect. However, full liberation will only take place once one has relinquished any attachment to this feat—and has emptied him or herself like the rsis to the divine consciousness of sound (Sivaraman 223-224).

REFERENCES AND RECOMMENDED READING

Beck, Guy L (1993) Sonic Theology: Hinduism and Sacred Sound. Columbia: University of Southern Carolina Press.

Bhate, Saroja and Johannes Bronkorst (1997) Bhartrhari: Philosopher and Grammarian. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Cardona, George (1997) Panini: A Survey of Research. Dehli: Motilal Banarsidass.

Chomsky, Noam (2006) Language and Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Coward, Harold G. and K. Kunjunni Raja (1990) Encyclopedia of Indian Philosophies: The Philosophy of the Grammarians. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Deshpande, Madhav M. (April-June 2002) “The Fluidity of early grammatical categories in Sanskrit.” In The Journal of the American Oriental Study. pp. 244-248.

________ (July-September 1997) “Who inspired Panini? Reconstructing the Hindu and Buddhist counter-claims.” In The Journal of the American Oriental Society. pp. 444-465.

Emeneau, M.B. (1988) “Bloomfield and Panini.” In Language. pp. 755-760.

Ford, Alan, Rajendra Singh and Gita Martohardjono (1997) Pace Panini: Towards a Word-Based Theory of Morphology. New York: Peter Lang Publishing.

Klostermaier, Klaus K (1989) A Survey of Hinduism. New York: SUNY Press.

Krishnaswamy, Revathi (issue 1, 2005) “Nineteenth century language ideology: a post-colonial perspective.” In Interventions. Pages 43-71.

Pathak, Manish Kumar (2004) An Introduction to Sanskrit Grammar. Delhi: Bharatiya Kala Prakashan.

Sivaraman, Krishna (ed.) (1989) Hindu Spirituality: Vedas through Vedanta. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Vasu, Srisa Chandra (ed. and trans.) (1988) The Ashtadhyayi of Panini, volume one. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Vasu, Srisa Chandra (ed. and trans.) (1988) The Ashtadhyayi of Panini, volume two. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Whitney, William Dwight (2003) Sanskrit Grammar. New York: Dover Publications.

Zammit, Michael (July 1996) “He is You are what I am: from the unique to the universal.” In Asian Philosophy. pp. 109-115.

Related Topics for Further Study

Akrti

Avidya

Darsana

Dattatreya

Devanagari

Dhvani

Indo-Iranian languages

Nirukta

Patanjali

Phonology

Philology

Unadisutras

Vyakarana

Yaksa

Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.thevedicfoundation.org/valuable_resources/Sanskrit-The_Mother_of_All_Languages_partI.html

http://evans-experientialism.freewebspace.com/panininix.html

http://www.sai.uni-heidelberg.de/~amishra/index.html

http://www.stanford.edu/~kiparsky/

http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Acropolis/1470/chap-1-1.html

http://www.sanskrit.org/www/Sanskrit/sanskrit.html

http://www.hinduwisdom.info/Sanskrit.html

Written by Thera Body (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

g. Sati and the Status of Widows

Sati and Social Implications

Introduction

In many religious traditions marriage is arguably one of the most sacred institutions on which two people can unite.In the Hindu tradition, a woman’s devotion to her husband is seen as essential and is very important to the marriage itself.However, this devotion should not only be seen in life, but also with death. In the pasta wife was able to prove her devotion through a ritual called Sati.The ritual is when usually an orthodox Hindu woman will throw herself on the pyre of her dead husband and be burned alive so that she would be able to follow him into the afterlife.An explanation of what Sati is according to tradition and how it became outlawed under the British rule is very important to understanding the devotion and traditions of orthodox Hindu people. Through the use of edicts set down by the British monarchy, and a more recent case of Sati, I wish to show how even though a practice is outlawed; those that remain faithful will continue the practice.

What is Sati?

According to Dorothy Stein Sati (also called Suttee) is practice which is “an expression of an underlying view of women as property” (253).Women were seen as heroes because of their willingness to be sacrificed (Stein: 253).However, women within the higher classes were not specifically told to do this sacrifice, and neither were the women of the lowest castes (Stein: 253-254).

A woman who is able to follow her husband through the act of Sati is seen as a being of high power and was given great respect.Stein states “The widow on her way to the pyre was the object (for once) of all public attention….Endowed with the gift of prophecy and the power to cure and bless, she was immolated amid great fanfare, with great veneration” (254).It is through the burning of the wife that her true essence was seen. Only if she was virtuous and pious would she be worthy of being placed on the fire, therefore, she has to make the decision of being put on the fire, or be seen as a non-pious wife (Stein: 254-255).Through Sati she would be ridding herself of the sins she may have acquired in this life time, and in past ones (Stein: 256).“By burning, moreover, she, her husband, her husband’s family, her mother’s family, and her father’s family would be in paradise for 35 million years, no matter how sinful they all had been” (Stein: 256) .It is clear why so many women would be willing to do it, for to rid past and present sins is a great cause.

What are the Social Implications?

Several aspects should be considered with the practice of Sati.For one, it the age of the wife when her husband dies does not matter Stein claims that “a widow’s death assured guardianship and undisputed influence over her children to her husband’s family. It also kept her from enjoying her lifetime rights in her husband’s estate” (Stein: 256). With the practice of Sati expenses were cost considerate.The Pundit (a Hindu priest) would receive the most precious gift, and everyone who attended would be given gifts as well, also the families who were wealthier would also be expected to buy more expensive products and presents (Stein :256-257).

According to Anne McLeer (2001) Lata Mani (1990) examined two different debates with regard to the Practice of Sati.Mani claims, according to McLeer, that:

“Both abolitionist and promoters of Sati (all members of the male establishment) used brahmanic scripture as justification of their position.The female subjectivity of the Sati was not allowed to enter into the debate; even the abolitionists failed to mention cruelty of the cultural authority of Sati and its relation to tradition” (McLeer: 47).

With use of the notion of women be subject to men, both groups did not have strong enough arguments for what was to happen to the people.In India the practice itself was restricted under British rule, and it lead to the decline of the practice.

In 1829, the British Monarchy decided to abolish the practice of Sati (Oldenburg: 101-102).To the British the use of Sati was that of horror and they wanted to gain public attention to the cause back in England.At first they did not want to interfere with the religious practices of the countries they were adding to the Empire (Stein: 258).There were also meetings which occurred between Hindu religious advisors, and members of the British Supreme Court, and it was decided in 1813 they were not going to interfere with the practices, they would just monitor them (Stein: 258).According to historical documentation and records of Sati it was seen, the numbers of cases of Sati increased a great deal after the new regulations regarding Sati were administered (Stein: 258). Some believe that it is because the British were not as vigilant with recording the cases prior to the new legislations, and now the administration would have to be more careful about its records (Stein: 258).

“Lord William Bentinck’s regulations of Sati published on 8 December 1829 outlawed widow burning in Bengal” (Datta: 136).He had consulted with the British monarchy to understand how he was going to be able to decrease the number of Sati sacrifices (Datta: 136). Some Hindus saw this action by Bentinck as attack on Hinduism itself (Datta: 138). In Calcutta the orthodox community petitioned against Bentinck. They eventually lost however on February 6, 1830, the orthodox party called Dharma Sabha was founded.The party was formed to protect the Hindu community at large and to maintain its traditions and rights (Datta: 140).The outcome was that Sati was outlawed still but the Hindu community was able to prove they had the right to discuss the issues with the ruling monarchy (Datta: 144).Datta states“though Sati was prohibited, there still existed a strong feeling among the Hindu community that despite the legislative enactment the practice of widow – burning would continue as the Hindus were attached to their ancient customs with a fanatical devotion”(Datta:145).

Then in the 1950`s when the Indian Penal Code was being revised the British thought the sections dealing with death and suicide were comprehensive enough to cover the regulations instituted by the East Indian Company therefore they would be enough to cover the practice of Sati, and for this reason there was no implicit reference to Sati made (Oldenburg: 102).However, in 1987 a women in Marwari, India, resurrected the practice by deciding she was going to follow her husband into the afterlife; these actions on her own behalf led to another debate on the morality of Sati.In the 1980`s there was a case of Sati which occurred and caused several feminist groups to speak out against the practice of Sati (bearing in mind Sati is not a common occurrence it is nearly one in a million). A girl by the name of Roop Kanwar, who was a new wife (Oldenburg: 101), to a seemingly depressed and suicidal man. They were only married for a short time, before her husband was admitted to the hospital, and soon thereafter he died.The new family of Roop Kanwar, claimed that she wanted to die alongside her husband (Oldenburg: 118).This case led several feminist groups to take up the cause of fighting against the justifications and revival of Sati.They claim there are three groups to blame on this they are: 1) Rujput Men – “for using women`s lives as the means of propping up old chivalric traditions in a time when they are otherwise disenfranchised,”2) Marwari Businessmen- “for imitating and supporting these traditions in their quest for status and power and for contributing their wealth and commercial acumen to perpetuating this custom”, and finally3) Brahmins – “for leading an air of legitimacy to the ethos of Sati as a way to bolster their own dwindling importance in the modern world” (Oldenburg:104).Many also claim that if there are no witnesses to the actual act of Sati it would not possess the meaning it does (Oldenburg: 105).

Conclusion

The opinions and the popular beliefs around Sati have been the topic of great debate for centuries.Sati has been argued as being against women, but in some cases women have chosen to carry out this practice themselves.The information provided shows that Sati is still very controversial; the process of a wife killing herself for the sake of her husband and her family was generally respected and seen as devotion.This opinion has since changed and is seen now as social pressure.Though Sati is rare, if not nearly non-existent in today’s Hindu communities, it is still being talked about and understood. On a personal level Sati is not generally seen as pro-women, however, ultimately it may be argued that it is her decision.Reality however has stated otherwise, as seen through the laws passes by the British government, though it should be noted that if a pious wife wishes to follow in his footsteps as Roop Kanwar decided there is nothing that can really stop her.


Works Cited

Datta, V.N. (1988). Chapter 5: Public Reaction. In Sati: A Historical, Social and Philosophical Enquiry into the Hindu Rite of Widow Burning. Riverdale Company: Riverdale Maryland. Pp. 136-150.

Hardgrove. A. (1999). Sati Worship and Marwari Public Identity in India. Journal of Asian Studies 58 (3). Pp. 723 – 752.

McLeer, A. (1998). Saving the Victim: Recuperating the Language of the Victim and reassessing Global Feminism. Hypatia 13 (1). Pg. 42- 55

Oldenburg, V.T. (1994). Chapter 5: the Roop Kanwar Case: Feminist Responses. In John Stratton Hawley (editor). Sati, the Blessing and the Curse: the Burning of Wives in India.Oxford University Press: New York. Pp. 101-130.

Stein, D.K. (1978). Women to Burn: Suttee as a Normative Institution. Signs 4 (2). University of Chicago Press. Pp. 253-268.

Further Readings to be Consulted

Major, A. (2004). “Eternal Flames”: Suicide, Sinfulness and Insanity in “Western” Constructions of Sati 1500-1830. International Journal of Asian Studies 1(2), Cambridge University Press. 247-276.

Mani, L. (1998). Contentious traditions: The debate on Sati in colonial India. University of California Press: Berkeley.

Sharma, A. (1988). Sati: historical and phenomenological essays. Motilal Banarsidass: Delhi.

Related Topics

Suttee

Dowry Death

Widow Burning

Hindu Marriage

Hindu Rites and Ritual Practices

Dakshayani

Mahabharata

Related Websites

http://www.sikhnet.com/Sikhnet/discussion.nsf/3d8d6eacce83bad8872564280070c2b3/D1DA33DDDB0A7A7B8725696B005F4E9C!OpenDocument

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/520458.stm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suttee

http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/hindu/sati.htm

http://www.indianchild.com/sati_in_india.htm

http://adaniel.tripod.com/sati.htm

Article written by Nerissa Bhola (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Ganga

The Ganga River

Sacred Geography

The Ganga River, often referred to as the anglicized Ganges in the west, is a major watershed of the Indian Continent, with its origin in the Himalayan Mountains at Mount Kailasa, to its drainage at the Indian Ocean (Darian 1). The Ganga is formed near the town of Deoprayag where the Alakananda River joins with the Bhagirathi River, which has its source at Gangotri Glacier (Darian 7-9). The ice cave Gaumukh in the Uttaranchal state of India, close to the Gangotri Glacier, is a well known bathing source in the waterway (Backshall 1). There are many important tributaries as well as geographical sites such as Vasudhara Falls and Lake Manasarovar that are attributed to the Ganga River. Lake Manasarovar is the highest freshwater lake in the world and is a site of religious pilgrimage. It is believed that Lake Manasarovar is the summer refuge for swans, a wise and sacred animal. In the foothills of the Himalayan mountains is Hardwar, known as Gangadvara, “Door of the Ganges” which marks the rivers geographic entrance into the North Indian Plains (Eck 1996:137). Another notable landmark is Prayag where the formerly parallel flowing Yamuna that originates near the Bhagirathi and the underground mystical Sarasvati River also join the Ganga (Eck 1996:137). The Sarasvati is a mystical river mentioned in the Rg Veda which is tied to the Ganga (Darian 58). The location of the Sarasvati is unknown, and post-Vedic Hindu literature does not detail its disappearance. Descriptions of the Sarasvati from the Rg Veda have been applied to the Ganga (Darian 58-68). Near the mouth of the Ganga is the island of Sagar, considered sacred, and which is believed to be the entrance to the netherworlds (Eck 1996:145). The Ganga is referred to by different names including “Child of the Mountains” and the “River of Heaven” (Eck 1982:74,211).

Massive bas-relief depicting how the sage Bagiratha (upper left) performed austerities to lift a curse and cause the Ganga to flow; Mahabalipuram, India
Massive bas-relief depicting how the sage Bagiratha (upper left) performed austerities to lift a curse and cause the Ganga to flow; Mahabalipuram, India

As a Goddess:

In Hindu tradition, the Ganga is regarded as a goddess and is thus known as Ganga Mata, or “Mother Ganges” (Eck 1996:136). The Ganga embodies the sacred geography of India as she is the essential hub of India’s development, civilization and religious culture. The Ganga’s descent to earth is known as her avatarana, and her revered descent marks the return of life-giving water for cultivation of many of India’s primary resources (Eck 1996:137). Furthermore, the Ganga is worshipped as the embodiment of female energy known as sakti, and is also sacred for her mothering capacities (Eck 1982:72). Although Hindu goddesses often have an ambivalent nature, being both nurturing and destructive, the Ganga is worshipped primarily for the nourishment she provides while her potentially destructive nature is mostly overlooked. The entire length of the Ganga is considered sacred and is scattered with many auspicious crossings known as tirthas, which are the objectives of many pilgrimages (Eck 1996:137). In iconographic representation, the goddess Ganga is mostly depicted as a women atop her mount (vahana), a makara or crocodile. She holds a kumbha, the vase of plenty (Darian 114). The makara is an ambivalent creature. It may be regarded as an animal form of the God Soma, and is an emblem for the waters, plants and vegetal layer of life (Darian 114-115). However, the makara is also a symbol of the unknown ocean and an object of fear (Darian 114-115).

The Goddess Ganga atop her crocodile (makara) mount on a bas-relief carved on a column at Mahabalipuram, India
The Goddess Ganga atop her crocodile (makara) mount on a bas-relief carved on a column at Mahabalipuram, India

Myths on the Goddess:

There are many myths about the Ganga, who is considered consort to both Siva and Visnu (Eck 1996:137). In the mythology of the Devi Bhagavata and Brahmavaivarta Puranas, Ganga quarrels with Sarasvati, the other consort of Visnu, and both curse one another to become rivers. For this behavior, Visnu allows Ganga to become wife of Siva, who breaks her mighty torrent through his hair (Eck 1996:146). Siva, also known as Gangadhara, “Bearer of the Ganges,” is the companion of Ganga and they are often depicted in sculptures together as bride and groom (Eck 1996:147). This intimate union between Siva and Ganga often angers the other consort of Siva, Parvati, which causes great jealousy (Eck 1982:219). The Ramayana, Mahabharata, and other Hindu literature describe the myth of Ganga falling from heaven to revive the sixty thousand sons of King Sagara. Flowing from Siva’s hair and being caught by Bhagiratha led her to become the purifying water for Sagara’s sons (Eck 1996:145).

Festivals:

The festival of Ganga Dashara is celebrated on the tenth day of the month of Jyestha, when monsoon rains signal the descent of the Ganga from heaven to earth (Eck 1996:143). The Ganga Dashara is regarded as the birthday of the Ganga and bathing in the water is believed to destroy sins of ten lifetimes (Eck 1996:143-144). In one Vedic myth, Indra combats the serpent Vrtra that has trapped the celestial waters and by defeating Vrtra releases the sacred Ganga waters (Eck 1996:143).

The Sanctity of Water:

Water has been an important symbol of spirituality in India since the beginnings of the Indus Valley Civilization (2500 to 1500 BCE) (Darian 15). Ganga water is used in many ceremonies including daily rituals, death rituals, weddings and births. The sacred thread ceremony (upanayana) in Bengal requires the participant to consume only bread and Ganga water (Darian 14). The Ganga is considered to be flowing in three worlds; heaven, earth, and the netherworlds, often referred to us triloka-patha-gamini (Eck 1996:145). This has become important in death rites, as the Ganga is a place of crossing from the world of living to the dead. Cremated remains arrive daily in the city of Banaras where they are immersed in the Ganga, as those sanctified by Ganga water will reside in heaven (Parry 24). Furthermore, ritual cleansing has been historically important to Hindus, as shown by the archeological remains of ceremonial cleansing tanks at Mohenjo Daro and other sites (Eck 1982:217). The Ganga waters are considered to be purifying and an absorber of pollution. They naturally serve as an abundant and accessible source of sanctifying flowing waters for a wide variety of Hindu ritual activities. The name Ganga is derived from the verb gam meaning “to go” which emphasizes the energetic, flowing nature of the water (Eck 1996:144). As the water absorbs the pollution, it is believed to also carry it away, thus erasing sins of lifetimes in “an instant!” (Eck 1996:144). Many pieces of Hindu literature such as the Rg Veda and epics, praise the Ganga. Merely chanting the name of the Ganga is believed to relieve poverty, bad dreams and even protect from the inauspiciousness of being bespattered by crow feces (Eck 1996:138). Pilgrims often make offerings of flowers to the Ganga while calling out “Victory to Mother Ganges!” Hindus frequent pilgrimage sites (tirthas) all along the course of the Ganga. They bathe in its waters, and even use the water to make offerings (Eck 1996:138). Ganga water is also collected and taken to homes and temples for other rituals (Eck 1996:138).

The Ganga is more than a single river. In Hindu belief, it is a representation of all of India’s sacred waters, and thus aptly demonstrates the cultural significance of water (Eck 1996:139). Since the Ganga’s waters are not accessible to all Hindus, especially those in the diaspora (i.e. outside India), other waters are substituted and transformed into the sacred fluid, merely by adding drops of Ganga water to them, or by uttering mantras of praise to the Ganga (Eck 196:138). This capacity for transformation is not restricted to the Ganga. There are said to be seven rivers that may be used as a sacred water source and hold the same sanctity, including the Ganga, Yamuna, Godavari, Sarasvati, Narmada, Sindu and Kaveri (Eck 1996:138). However, the Ganga is regarded by pious Hindus as the foundation of all rivers and, therefore, visiting any river in India, or the world, with reverence, is considered to be akin to visiting the Ganga itself ( Eck 1996:138).

References and Further Recommended Reading

Backshall, Stephen (2004) Birth of a River. National Geographic Traveler. Vol 21 (8).

Darian, Steven G. (1978) The Ganges in Myth and History. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Eck, Diana L. (1996) Devi: Goddesses of India. Berkeley: University of California Press, Ltd.

Eck, Diana L. (1982) Banaras City of Light. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Fuller, C.J. (2004) The Camphor Flame: Popular Hinduism and Society in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Parry, Jonathan P. (1994) Death in Banaras. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Deoprayag

Alakananda river

Bhagirathi river

Gangotri Glacier

Hardwar

Prayag

Sarasvati river

Sakti

Tirthas

Mohenjo-Daro

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.exoticindiaart.com/article/ganga

http://www.dollsofindia.com/ganga.htm

http://www.mydivineplanet.com/theholyganga/ganga.htm

Article written by Allie Becker (April 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

h. The Sphoṭa Theory of Language

Sphota Theory and Its Influence on Mantra

In Hinduism there are two dominant views about the connectivity between word meaning (varna) and word sound (dhvani), which make up sabda, or linguistic sound in general (Beck 8). One view is called Mimamsa, which tries to establish that the Veda is divine law and that one can only come to know dharma from Vedic command (Beck 55). This idea relies on the pretences that meaning (artha) and “the Eternal Word” can only exist in the Veda “and does not manifest in any other form apart from the specific linguistic constructions found there” (Beck 63). The theory attempts to explain that individual letters are the main substance of sacred speech (Beck 52). The grammarian view is different in that it allows for Sabda-Brahman [Sabda-Brahman refers to the sonic absolute (Beck 8)] to exist “both in the cosmos and within normal human consciousness” (Beck 63). The concept of sphotavada and the sphota theory were developed by the grammarians and the Mimamsa School discards the sphotavada because it undermines their doctrine that relies on the “reality of Vedic words” (Beck 68). The sphota theory tries to depict “the mysterious manner by which meaning is conveyed in sentences” which is a cognitive approach to the “intuitive perception of the Absolute as Sabda-Brahman” (Beck 52). Sphota also illustrates that words (sabda) and sentences are important in conserving the Vedas (Beck 64).
The sphota theory “refers to the interior apprehension of meaning in language” (Beck 8). Sphota comes from the Sanskrit word sphut which literally means “to burst forth or when applied to language a bursting forth of illumination or light” (Coward 12). This means that words, specifically in Sanskrit, get their meaning from something set intrinsically within them, and literally ‘shed light’ on to what they are referring to. “Probably the simplest and clearest image for the meaning of sphota is that of a light bulb flashing on when one understands (“gets”) an idea” (Beck 67). Sphota has two parts, internal and external, both important, and reliant on one another. One is the sound which the meaning is carried in (dhvani), and the other is the actual meaning that the sound carries (varna) (Coward 12).

Notions of speech as sacred sound are revealed mainly in the Vedic texts, the Brahmanas, the Upanishads, Aranyakas, and the Vedangas (Beck 23). The Rg-Veda, which is the oldest of the Vedic texts, is said to be “impregnated with sacred speech” (Beck 25) and has extended insight into the origins of language (Beck 36). The sphota theory was originally developed by grammarians Patanjali and Bhartrhari who wrote the Mahabhasya and Vakyapadiya respectively (Beck 63). “Wider concepts concerning the philosophy of grammar in India draw mostly from Patanjali and Bhartrhari” (Beck 63). According to grammarians, sphota is a “kind of meaning-bearing sound revelation within normal human consciousness” (Beck 63), and meaning (artha) comes from human consciousness, it is something that comes from the mind, and does not dwell in things or “objective existence” (Beck 63-4). From the Mahabhasya, Patanjali’s definition of a word is “that sound from which there arises the knowledge of things in the affairs of the world” (Beck 64).

Understanding language and meaning is very important in the Hindu religion. Mantras are a major part of their daily life, “the chief instrument of tantrism” (Bharati 101), and are based on the major Hindu texts like the Vedas (Bharati 104). A brief definition of mantra is; a spiritual utterance “to be recited at the time of spiritual exercise” (Bharati 107). There are two uses for mantras, either in a planned ritual or ceremony, or in “spontaneous meditation” (Bharati 121). Mantras like the Gayatri Mantra are used daily.

Language (vak) has origins that are explained in the Rg-Veda. There are three references to vak in the text, “the Goddess Vak…, vak as speech in general, and vak in the symbolism of cows” (Beck 25). The vak explained in the Rg-Veda mentions the meaning that exists in even the sounds produced by birds and beasts (Beck 25). This extends to even the heavens, where thunder is supposedly the voice of Vak (Beck 26). The Rg-Veda contains a tale about the creation of human speech, and how it came to be because of a quarrel between Indra and Vayu. The two Gods went to Prajapati for help, and when the soma that they were fighting over was divided up Indra took offence to his small portion and made it so that the speech of man would be unintelligible to the Gods (Beck 26-7).

There is only one hymn about the Goddess Vak in the Rg-Veda. It asserts her divinity and power, and along with a similar hymn from the Atharva-Veda, is “the earliest document of the personification of speech as a productive principle of energy” (Beck 28). Later Vak is expanded and even has influence on “the earliest meaning of the word Brahman” which was “sacred word.” This shows a direct relationship between language and the primary concepts of Brahman and Hinduism (Beck 29).

Mantras are related to the sphota theory because of the mystic origins of the mantras. There is an assumption that mantras are language because many are often a recitation of Vedic texts, but that does not mean that they are all language (Staal 253). Bija, or seed mantras, like Om and Aum, are probably the best known type, and consist of only one syllable. Stobhas mantras are the Vedic forms of bija mantras, and also only contain one syllable (Staal 227). Both types of mantras do not contain language per-say, but are supposed to be a means of realizing Brahman (Staal 253). The Om syllable is believed to be reminiscent of the child of Brahma with the same name, who defeated the Asuras, or demons, when they were attacking a city. As a reward to the son the make it so “no holy text shall be chanted without Om” (Beck 29).

Sphota is the “transcendent ground in which the spoken syllable and the conveyed meaning find themselves unified” (Coward 13). People use language to think. The great goddess of language, Vak, is even associated with the goddess of learning Sarasvati (Coward 5). And, the Brahmanas point out that the hymn about Vak and language should be recited when students first meet their teachers (guru) (Morgan 282). With such an intrinsic connection between knowledge, language, and meaning it follows that once a person can use a single syllable mantra to calm their mind, and focus on its undefined meaning, then perhaps they can use that to understand Brahma, and find mindful silence and liberation.


Work Cited and Related Reading

Beck, Guy L. (1993) Sonic Theology. South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press.

Bharati, Agehananda (1975) The Tantric Tradition. New York: Samuel Weiser INC.

Coward, Harold G. (1997) The Sphota Theory of Language: A Philosophical Analysis. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publications.

Morgan, Kenneth William (1953) The Religion of the Hindus. New York: The Ronald Press Company.

Staal, Frits (1996) Rituals and Mantras: Rules Without Meaning. Delhi: Motilal Banardsidass.

Related Websites

http://www.iep.utm.edu/b/bhartrihari.htm

http://www.languageinindia.com/june2004/anirbansphota1.html

Related Research Topics

Bhartrhari

Mantras

Mimamsa

Panini

Patanjali

Sanskrit

Vak Goddess

Written by Kathleen Barteaux (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

a) Kali

Kali and Western Feminism

There are different views of the Hindu religion and the symbolism of Kali in the east and west. Women in the west often feel desolate in a world of patriarchy and some have sought empowerment through interpreting the eastern goddess (Kali) in ways that apply to their circumstances. In the east, Hindu women and men have also done this but in different ways.

Kali is known as an “unconventional mother” who “destroys as well as creates” and “takes as well as gives life” (Sugirtharajah par. 15). She plays a significant role in feminist views as a devi worshipped in the east and west. Devi can be defined as “the ultimate source and holder of active power (sakti) in this world; the creator and sustainer of all” (Waterstone par. 4). In the sixth century Devi-Mahatmya Kali is referred to as the mistress of the universe and is finally equated with other goddesses (McDermott 297). Kali embodies characteristics of the different stages in a woman’s life such as “the Virgin, the Mother and the Crone” associated with “purity, maternity and wisdom” (McDermott 286). She has been compared to other religious figures who “preside over love and war, or who are paradoxical, or who have dangerous character” (McDermott 284). She is also worshipped as the “holy-mother” (Waterstone par. 11), though she has also been depicted as “slaying demons on the battlefield” (Waterstone par. 8). These different depictions confirm Kali as a union of opposite concepts. Thus, she resembles power, freedom and equality for many women in both eastern and western societies.

Kali’s polar and conflicting attributes have been especially captivating to females in western society and religions. Maya Waterstone argues that women need “a new means of empowerment and feminine role models that break the mould” (par. 3). Rachel McDermott suggests that westerners see their lack of goddess worship as caused by patriarchal groups (283). The symbols that Kali exemplifies (those of sexuality and the various opposing concepts) are weak in western religious imagery (McDermott 285) and Hindu goddesses in the west are seen as “symbols of and models for women’s empowerment” (McDermott 283). The repressed characteristics of Kali (her potent, sexual, dark sides) can be liberating for women (McDermott 288). She seems to provide them an outlet for the release of anger and her entire principle brings “healing in a male-dominated world” (McDermott 291). Women in the west have made use of her imagery (depicted standing atop Siva’s chest, crushing him) to liberate themselves from patriarchy (McDermott 295).

Conversely, McDermott argues that westerners have misused textual material to believe what they desire about Kali. Westerners believe that she was “degraded from a paradoxical, all-encompassing deity … to a fragmented, dark and dangerous goddess” at the hands of patriarchy (McDermott 299); while historical accounts prove that she has progressed from “a minor, bloodthirsty goddess toward a universally compassionate mother” (McDermott 299). Westerners have changed their view of Kali to focus mostly on her demonized form instead of her current domesticated depiction in Hinduism. In the east images of Kali have been “beautified” by adding ornaments and dress showing this historical progression. Kali changed from a tantric icon to a domestic one who is now used to “uphold Hindu family values, especially those encouraging self-control and self-restraint” (Menon 81).

By contrast, in the east, goddesses are worshipped by both Hindu men and women. Sugirtharajah’s research reveals that the feminist ideals in the west are not completely “applicable in Indian context” (par. 3). Hinduism is a hierarchy of different social groups with further divisions within those groups. Women in Hindu society also have differing roles, one of which is to serve their husband. This has to do with “dharma” (generally translated as ones “duty”). A woman is expected to follow her dharma which has more to do with her duties as a grandmother, mother, and wife and less to do with her actual rights (Sugirtharajah par. 11). Although some argue that this oppresses women in Hindu society, others recognize that women play other important roles. Females in Hindu society have the “divine feminine power” of sakti (sacred force, power or energy) and without this power gods like Siva (the masculine) are powerless (Sugirtharajah par 14).

Sugirtharajah’s research reveals that different Hindu texts are contradictory concerning women. How women are to be treated is outlined in the Dharma Sastras and the Laws of Manu; which are patriarchal treatises (Sugirtharajah par. 10). Though these patriarchal standards are challenged in some popular epics where women like Sita (in the Ramayana) and Draupadi (in the Mahabharata) are depicted as devoted wives to their husbands, yet their actions challenge the patriarchal definitions of “wifely behavior” (Sugirtharajah par. 9).

According to Sugirtharajah the “oppression” that westerners believe Hindu women face can also be challenged by the political goals both males and females accomplished over time. Men fought for the rights of women against rituals such as sati (self-immolation of the widow on the funeral pyre of her husband) and child marriage. They also fought against the “negative colonial and missionary representation of Hindu women” (Sugirtharajah par. 13). Women and men alike worked to bring an end to colonial rule of India during Mahatma-Gandhi’s influence. Goddesses like Kali played an inspiring role in this as the “British rulers feared her wrath” (Sugirtharajah par. 15) and a feminist publishing house was set up in Delhi and used the name “Kali” (Sugirtharajah par. 16). Hindus (men and women) used feminine worship as a means of comfort while they were under the British rule because they were empowered by the female sakti. The British viewed this feminine worship as “weak and vulnerable” of the Hindu men (Sugirtharajah par. 16). By contrast, although the British viewed Kali as masculine, Hindus do not “assign rigid gender controls” (Waterstone par. 10) and thus would not see the worship of a female devi as “weak” or “vulnerable” (Sugirtharajah par. 16).

Although the east and west have differing opinions of the Hindu tradition and the goddess Kali, true understanding of the cultural practices surrounding these differences must be considered. Between the eastern and western societies Kali plays substantially different roles. She empowers and motivates women in the west and is a sense of hope and an iconic mother figure for Hindu men and women in the east.


REFERENCES

Waterstone, Maya (2006) “Could the Indian Goddess empower Western women?

Religious Studies Review 2.2 (Jan): 20(4).

Sugirtharajah, Sharada (2002) “Hinduism and feminism: some concerns.” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 18.2: 97(8).

McDermott, Rachel Fell (1996) “The Western Kali.” In Devi: Goddesses of India.

John S. Hawley and D. M Wulff (eds.). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Menon, Usha and Richard A. Shweder (2003) “Dominating Kali” In Encountering Kali In the Margins, at the Center, in the West. Rachel Fell McDermott and J. J Kripal (eds.). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Further Recommended Reading

Hiltebeitel, Alf and Kathleen M. Erndl (eds.) (2002) Is the Goddess a Feminist? : The Politics of South Asian Goddesses. New Delhi, OUP.

McDermott, Rachel Fell and Jeffry J. Kripal (eds.) (2003) Encountering Kali in the Margins, at the Center, in the West. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Kali

Feminism (in the East & West)

Ramayana

Mahabharata

Mahatma-Gandhi

Sakti

Dharma

Devi

British Colonial Rule in India

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kali

http://www.sanatansociety.org/hindu_gods_and_goddesses/kali.htm

http://www.kalimandir.org (a temple in Laguna Beach, CA devoted to Kali)

http://www.goddess.ws/kali.html

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/archives/1995/11/1995-11-04.shtml

Article written by Brittany Bannerman (Spring 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.

Krsna

Krsna (Birth and Childhood)


According to his mythology, Krsna first appeared on this earth 5000 years ago (Bhaktivedanta xii) and was considered to be an incarnation (avatara) of the Vedic god Visnu (Preciado-Solis 1). There are a number of ancient Hindu texts which are important sources for the mythology of Krsna, including the Harivamsa and the Puranas. In the Harivamsa, Krsna is portrayed to the greatest extent in heroic human colors as opposed to the Visnu and Bhagavata Puranas which places emphasis on his divinity (Sheth 43). At the request of Brahma, as described in the Harivamsa, the great god Visnu attends an assembly of the gods where he is informed that the demon Kalanemin was born again into the human form of the wicked King Kamsa, who is harassing people on earth. According to this myth, Kalanemin could only be destroyed by Visnu as the demon fears only him (Sheth 7). Deciding to kill Kamsa, Visnu disguises himself with his yogic power and descends into the house of Vasudeva (a former sage born again as a cowherd) and his two wives Devaki and Rohini (Sheth 8). There are slight variations between the Harivamsa and the Visnu and Bhagavata Puranas regarding the knowledge Kamsa receives from the sage Narada, but both agree that the evil king knows he will be killed by the eighth child of Devaki, his father’s sister. In some versions Kamsa is informed the eighth child will be an incarnation of Visnu. In others, Kamsa already considers every child born of Devaki to be Visnu (Sheth 43). Since Kamsa plots to kill every child Devaki bears, Visnu made Devaki’s first six born be the reborn demon sons of Kalanemin. The Harivamsa tells how Devaki’s seventh child was extracted from her womb by the goddess Nidra, and transposed into the womb of Rohini. The seventh child born was called Sankarsana (Balarama), the brother and companion of Krsna in his future heroic exploits (Sheth 8).

Born as the eighth child of Devaki, Visnu is immediately interchanged at birth by Vasudeva with Nanda and Yasoda’s (husband and wife who herded Kamsa’s cattle [Sheth 8]) daughter who had been born at the same moment (Preciado-Solis 103). According to Vaisnava devotees, at that instant, there was in all directions an atmosphere of prosperity and peace as the planetary systems automatically adjusted for the auspicious birth of Krsna (Bhaktivedanta 23). The Puranas also describe the arduous journey of Vasudeva across the river (Jumna/Yamuna) to save his new baby from being destroyed by Kamsa, who had killed several of his other children. Leaving the prison where he and Devaki had been confined by the wicked king, Vasudeva placed the baby Krsna into a winnowing basket (supa), which he then carried on his head, and descended into the flooding river to cross to the opposite bank. The great snake deity Sesa is said to have traveled in front, driving away the heavy water with his many hoods. The Bhagavata Purana explains that Vasudeva crossed the river safely and reached the village of Gokula (Preciado-Solis 103). Once the babies are divinely interchanged, in the Harivamsa account, Kamsa then notices the baby girl beside Devaki and smashes her head against a stone. The daughter of Yasoda was actually a goddess, who rose up into the sky and took her divine form, terrifying Kamsa, and leading him to believe she is the one who will take his life. Oblivious to the exchange of baby Krsna, Nanda and Yasoda regard him as their own son and Krsna is raised as a humble cowherd (Sheth 8-9).

Another discrepancy between the Harivamsa and the Puranas is whether or not Vasudeva and Devaki are ignorant of Krsna’s divinity. In the Harivamsa, Krsna’s parents have no vision of his divine form, whereas in the Puranas they are blessed with such a vision. Krsna is then praised as the almighty Visnu, but out of a relentless fear of Kamsa, Vasudeva and Devaki request their son to withdraw from his celestial form. With the greatest emphasis placed on his divinity, the Puranic texts make Krsna’s identity as Visnu recognized by even King Kamsa (Sheth 44-45).

Certain textual variants portray Yasoda’s daughter as the goddess Nidra (Sheth 8), Durga (Bhaktivedanta 32), or Katyayani (Preciado-Solis 55). In one account, when the goddess Katyayani rose up into the sky she announced to Kamsa that he killed Devaki’s first six sons in vain as his real killer had already been born and was safe (Preciado-Solis 55). The terrified Kamsa, now aware that his evil plot had been a failure, began to plot once again the murder of Krsna and summoned his demonic allies to destroy the child at any cost (Preciado-Solis 55-56).

The first demon to attempt to kill baby Krsna was by the bird-demoness Putana, similarly depicted in both the Puranas and the Harivamsa. According to the majority of scriptures, Putana disguised herself as a beautiful woman and entered the house of mother Yasoda in the middle of the night (Bhaktivedanta 43-44). The demoness took baby Krsna onto her lap and pushed her poisonous nipple into his mouth for him to suckle. Putana was immediately killed as Krsna sucked the milk-poison, as well the life air, from her (Bhaktivedanta 45).

Referred to as the Miraculous Child by his followers, Krsna killed many more monsters while he was a mere child (Preciado-Solis 67). The Bhagavata Purana describes an episode in which Yasoda leaves baby Krsna, just a month old, sleeping under a cart while she journeys to the river. Left feeling thirsty and hungry, the child began crying, thrashing his arms and kicking the cart with such force it tipped over and broke numerous pots and pans. The Purana accounts explain that there was a supernatural being involved. Specifically in the Balacarita (an ancient Hindu text), the supernatural being is a demon called Sakata, who had taken the form of the cart and had been crushed with a single kick (Preciado-Solis 67-68).

A second episode of Krsna’s childhood is described as the Yamalarjuna incident. There are numerous depictions of the episode; however all variations agree that it was due to a number of pranks by Krsna which lead Yasoda to tie him to a mortar (Preciado-Solis 69). This was an attempt to keep him from wandering, but with his power, the young Krsna uprooted two trees known as yamala arjuna (Bhaktivedanta 177) by hauling the mortar in between them (Sheth 11). The texts either depict this incident as an account of a young boy’s extraordinary strength or as a marvel achieved by a young god. Krsna’s most devoted followers perceive the two trees as supernatural beings, specifically the demons Yamala and Arjuna (Preciado-Solis 69).

In another myth told in the Harivamsa, one day while playing with Sankarsana, Krsna came across the river Yamuna. The waters and the surrounding area were polluted by venom from the powerful serpent-king Kaliya. In order to render the water pure for the use of cowherds, Krsna decided to subdue the five-hooded monster. When he jumped into the lake, Krsna was immediately engulfed by the serpent’s hoods, which strove to render him immobile. An angry Sankarsana shouted advice to his brother Krsna to restrain Kaliya. The young god snatched a hold of the serpent’s middle hood, danced upon it and thus subdued the evil monster. Kaliya was then expelled to the ocean and the waters of Yamuna were purified (Sheth 11-13).

Before his childhood comes to an end, Krsna is depicted as vanquishing many other demons. Krsna ripped apart the beaks of the demon Bakasura and threw the evil Vatsasura into a tree (Bhaktivedanta 177-178). The demon Arista, taking the form of a bull, was killed by Krsna with the beast’s own left horn. Also, the carnivorous horse-demon Kesin could not escape being slain (Sheth 14-15).

During the latter part of Krsna’s childhood, the Harivamsa tells how King Kamsa was informed by the sage Narada that Vasudeva had interchanged Yasoda’s and Devaki’s babies at birth. Learning of Krsna’s valiant deeds, Kamsa suspects his divinity and fears that Krsna is the one who will destroy him. Fabricating another plot to murder Krsna, Kamsa ordered Nanda and his family to Mathura to participate in a bow-festival. Upon entering the arena, Krsna slew a charging elephant and, unable to resist a challenge, slew two formidable wrestlers, Canura and Tosala. Furious from seeing these victories and the cheering audience, Kamsa ordered Krsna and Sankarsana to be banished. He also ordered Nanda to be chained, Vasudeva to be murdered, and the entirety of the cowherd’s wealth to be seized (Sheth 17). Hearing Kamsa speak in such a way, Krsna leaped over the high guards and seized the evil king with great force. The crown was knocked off Kamsa’s head and he was dragged from his throne into the wrestling arena. Straddling his chest, Krsna began to strike Kamsa repeatedly and the evil king was finally slain (Bhaktivedanta 277-278).

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhaktivedanta, A.C. (1970) Krsna: The Supreme Personality of Godhead. Massachusetts:

Iskcon Press.

Bimanbehari, Majumdar (1969) Krsna in History and Legend. Calcutta: University of Calcutta.

Hardy, Friedhelm (1983) Viraha-bhakti: The Early History of Krsna Devotion. Delhi: Oxford.

Kinsley, David (1979) The Divine Player: A Study of Krsna. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Preciado-Solis, Benjamin (1984) The Krsna Cycle in the Puranas. New Delhi: Narendra Prakash

Jain.

Redington, James (1983) Vallabhacarya on the Love Games of Krsna. Delhi: Motilal

Banarsidass.

Sheth, Noel (1984) The Divinity of Krishna. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt.

Ltd.

Sullivan, Bruce (1999) Seer of the Fifth Veda: Krsna Dvaipayana Vyasa in the Mahabharata.

Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Balarama

Kamsa

Devaki

Visnu

Narayana

Hare Krsna

Bhagavad Gita

Hindu deities

Mahabharata

Harivamsa

Visnu Purana

Bhagavata Purana

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krishna

http://www.harekrsna.com/

http://vedabase.net/k/krsna

http://www.geocities.com/jayakesava2001/

http://www.krsna.org/

http://www.sanatan.org/en/campaigns/KJ/birth.htm

http://www.avatara.org/krishna/lila.html

http://krsnabook.com/ch3.html

Article written by: Shelley Baker (March 2008) who is solely responsible for its content.