All posts by hrodrigues

1. The Theosophical Society, 5. Significant Figures, a. Hinduism for the West, a. Significant Figures in Hinduism

Annie Besant

Annie Besant was an English woman who would come to be an advocate for the Hindu religion and women’s educational rights in India. Born in 1847, Besant grew up in a home where her father valued science over religion and her mother was a devout Anglican. Her parents’ differing views on religion would come to impact Besant’s beliefs and work as she grew up. She came to associate England and India by gendered terms. England being male and paternal in its rationality and materialism, and India as female due to its spirituality and mysticism. Besant’s father died when she was only five years old, thus, she grew up mainly influenced by her mother’s Christian beliefs. She received a good education from a wealthy woman who agreed to privately tutor her because her mother could not afford public education. Besant married a clergyman, however, her marriage quickly became tumultuous as she began to denounce her Christian faith. Besant would refuse to take communion and unsurprisingly this angered her clergyman husband. This led to a fractious marriage and an eventual separation (Anderson 2002:28).

More and more Besant began to question the Christian faith. The illness of her young daughter Mabel was one such event which drew Besant towards an atheist mindset. She eventually joined the National Secular Society which was lead by Charles Bradlaugh. Besant and Bradlaugh formed a strong friendship and he helped foster her free-thinking ideas.  Besant also became acquainted with George Bernard Shaw at this time (Oppenheim 13). With her new secularist mindset, Besant did not deny the presence of God but rather attributed consequences to human action. Before, her Christian faith had led her to believe that the universe revolved around God as the one true deity. In contrast, secularism allowed humans to be accountable for evil and for the consequences, whether it be rewards or punishment (Oppenheim 14).

In the year 1874, Annie Besant went to London and there she became known as ‘Red Annie.’ She supported such issues as women’s suffrage, use of birth control, secularism and socialism. Besant made it very clear that she was against the imperialism of England. She became a rebel figure because she went against the Victorian ideals that existed at the time in England. A series of articles written by Besant in the 1870’s demonstrated her discontent over England’s control of India. At this time, Besant identified herself as an atheist socialist but in 1889 she turned to the religion of Theosophy (Anderson 1994: 565). This particular religion was new at the time Besant converted to it and was based on discovering the hidden meanings or mysteries behind divinity. It sought to explain the relationships or bonds between the universe, humans, and the divine. Her conversion to Theosophy was met with consternation from her fellow secularists and from Indian theosophists. She had been a woman who did not believe in God and wanted the separation of religion and the state, and now she was affiliating herself with a religion where “all major creeds are paths to God” (Anderson 2002:28). Oppenheim (1989) suggests that her conversion to Theosophy was not as surprising as many thought. She had been questioning the secularist and atheist thoughts for some time, and had found that they did not allow for brotherhoods to be formed, but rather pitted different groups against each other (15). Besant remained a follower of Theosophy for the rest of her life and based much of her work on its ideologies.

1907 was an important year for Besant as she became the president of the Theosophical Society.  By this time Besant had already become quite assimilated into Indian culture. The base for the Theosophical Society was in India and Besant tried to participate in Indian life as fully as possible. She moved to India permanently and wore a white sari, as widows do, because it demonstrated mourning over the wrongdoings Britain had committed in India (Anderson 2002:29). She explained her affinity for India by claiming that she felt she had been Indian in another lifetime [Ingalls (1965) mentions how Besant discovered that many of her incarnations took place in India]. Whilst in the Theosophical Society, Besant focussed much of her work on supporting the domesticity of Indian women. Besant believed that it was important that Indian customs be upheld and this included women carrying out their traditional roles in the home. She received some criticism for this viewpoint because she had been so against the Victorian idea of a private sphere for women in her native land of England. Indeed many ambiguities arose with Besant’s ideas. One such ambiguity or criticism Besant faced was her lack of political conviction. In the year 1885 the Indian National Congress, composed of British members, was attempting to include more Indians in the governance of India. Besant had long been known to be against the Imperial supremacy of Britain yet she did not seem to have any qualms with British involvement in India’s government. She was quoted once as saying that “an Indian does not resent being governed; for he thinks the duty of a ruler is to rule, but he does resent the insolence often shown by the very juvenile civilians” that Britain was sending to India (Anderson 2002:30). Rather, Besant chose to focus mainly on the spiritual nature of India as she believed that this was the most vital part of its essence. She was concerned that western ideologies were crippling to India’s traditional Hindu beliefs and practices.

Bust of Annie Besant in the Theosophical Society headquarters (Adyar, Tamil Nadu, India)
Bust of Annie Besant in the Theosophical Society headquarters (Adyar, Tamil Nadu, India)

In order to preserve India’s Hindu background, Besant turned her efforts towards education. She felt that it was important to educate the young males on the religion, and history of India in order that they may be proud citizens of India in the future. In this way, Besant was trying to ensure that the western ideals of the British did not permeate into India and eradicate its important history and spirituality. Besant tried to distance herself from social reforms, wanting to focus mainly on the preservation of India’s Hindu culture. However, in the early 1900s she did become involved in advocating against child marriages and the seclusion of women. It is important to note that her support of these issues in no way negated her belief that women should still be domestic. When she began a school for young girls, the goal was that their education would help them to be better wives, not to help them achieve independence (Anderson 2002: 31). Tradition held that the men dealt in public affairs outside of the home and that women were mothers and wives who concerned themselves with domestic affairs. It is clear that Besant did not believe Indian women to be suppressed because of this (Anderson 1994: 567). To her, they seemed quite content in their societal roles and thus no change needed to be made. In the Central Hindu School (Besant’s school for boys) and her school for girls, Besant ensured that Sanskrit was taught as vigorously as the English language. Just as in the schools run by the British, her schools also taught important morals. However, Besant had more success than the British run universities in India because she tailored her curriculums to Indian culture. Figures such as St. Paul would be replaced in a lesson with Sri Rama; King Alfred was replaced by Sivaji. Besant’s devotion to Hindu tradition and custom in the education of India’s youth won her over with her pupils and their parents (Ingalls 86).

The year 1913 was significant for Besant because it was then that she turned to political pursuits. Having been distant from involving herself in issues of a political nature, Besant was thrown into the realm of politics when she was taken to court by a man whose sons were under her guardianship.  Accusations about one of her colleagues were made and this cast a shadow on the Theosophical Society. As a result, Besant felt an increasing need, in her own words: “to enter more than I have hitherto done into the social life of Madras” (Stafford 62-63).  After her negative experience in court, she formed ‘The Brothers of India.’  This was a group committed to looking out for India’s best interests with a focus on Hinduism as the mode towards their means. The men in this group were from the Theosophical Society and they had seven guidelines, which they were to follow in order to serve India’s best interests. The first six guidelines reflected many of Besant’s early beliefs. For example, these men were to only have their daughters marry when they were seventeen years of age to promote the education of the masses and to not ostracize widows for remarrying. The seventh guideline was most significant which “committed all members to a combined programme of spiritual, educational, social and political reform, and the placing of the programme under the guidance and direction of the Indian National Congress” (Stafford 64). Before, there had been reforms for each of these areas individually, but Besant wanted to unite all of these areas and to place equal importance on all reforms together. The Indian National Congress was asked to take the programme under its direction but they felt that it was not their place to interfere in these reforms because they were focussed solely on political ventures. However, Annie Besant was not deterred. She sought to bring the different groups and movements into one strong voice.

Home Rule for India was brought forth by Besant. She believed that both India and Britain would be better off if India was permitted to be self-governing. Stafford (1983) suggests that Besant’s Irish background influenced her decision to have a Home Rule for India. Besant wrote many articles which stressed how India would be a much more valuable ally as a nation free from colonialism as opposed to being a colonial state. She discussed the many grievances that India had suffered under British rule. According to Besant, Britain continuously benefitted more from India than India did from itself. Britain prevented India’s capital from remaining within the nation. As well, in terms of education, missionaries wanted Indians to convert, and the British geared education towards their own means; the cultivation of more clerks and junior officials was often the British goal (Stafford 66-67).  With the approaching war (World War I), Besant asserted that it was important for India to recognize her own nationhood. In 1916 Besant was finally successful in achieving a Home Rule for India. A meeting between the Congress and the Moslem League occurred.  As Ingalls (1965) suggests, this was very significant because an agreement called the Lucknow Agreement determined that in the event of Indian self-government, “two-thirds majority of either religious community would hold a veto power” (87).  Unfortunately, the Congress did not honor this agreement. Being the strong-willed woman that she was, Besant continued to give speeches to gain support. She was then placed under house arrest by a governor of Madras [see Anderson (2002: 39) for more information on the Governor’s actions against Besant]. Much to the dismay of the Congress, Besant had many devout followers, and her house arrest only served to make her a martyr for her cause. Gandhi was amongst her supporters, as well as other male Indian nationalists. People were dismayed to hear of the treatment of Besant. She was called Mother Besant by many and had won over the hearts of the people with her passionate belief in Indian nationalism. Significantly, Besant’s internment brought forth many Indian women activists for women’s rights. Others who normally would not have supported an English woman as a nationalist leader also protested her internment. When she was released after three months, she became the President of the Indian National Congress in December of 1917 (Ingalls 87-88).

Now as president, Besant was able to induce change for women’s rights in India. As she had done in the past, Besant did not denounce the important role in the home of the women, but rather suggested that women had an ancient importance and that their emancipation was needed so that they could fulfill their ancient position. In this way, Besant appealed to the traditionalism of Indian women and men, while still implying that some changes needed to be made. In late 1917 Besant formed and presided over the first feminist organization in India. It was called the Women’s Indian Association (Anderson 2002:47). Many women looked up to Besant as someone who had defied the odds and demonstrated that women could have a voice and the power to affect change in a male-dominated world. After 1917, her influence began to decrease. Gandhi was at the forefront of India’s nationalism and many saw him as a more appropriate leader for the Indian cause because he was a swadeshi or home made nationalist. Besant disagreed with many of Gandhi’s ideas and she lost favor with many because of this. To many, it seemed that she had become pro-government despite her original Home Rule intentions for India, however, she had simply altered her views because the political climate of India had changed. Besant had once been deemed an incarnate goddess, but at this time she was being referred to as a demoness and some called her Putana [this is a demoness from the epic Ramayana. She is known to have put poison on her breasts and suckled the child Lord Krsna, thus killing him (Anderson 2002:50)]. Interestingly, Gandhi, though he had many qualms with Besant’s views, stood up for her against the harsh words she was receiving from those who once supported her.

The last years of Besant’s career were difficult times for her. She resigned from the Home Rule League she had founded and Gandhi took her place as president. Moreover, she also resigned from the Indian National Congress. Besant was embittered by the way in which she was disregarded, but she continued to persevere. She formed a new National Home Rule League and eventually rejoined the Indian National Congress, though not in a leading position. Besant died in the year 1933 at the age of eighty-six. Towards the end of her career she was marginalized, however, many still fondly remembered her as Mother Annie Besant. She was the English woman with the Indian soul who fought for a more free India (Anderson 2002:49-51).

 

 

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

 

Anderson, Nancy Fix (2002) “Mother Besant and Indian National Politics.” The Journal of        Imperial and Commonwealth History, Vol. 30, No. 3: p.27-54. London: Frank Cass

 

Anderson, Nancy Fix (1994) “Bridging Cross-cultural Feminisms: Annie Besant and women’s   rights in England and India, 1874-1933.” Women’s History Review, Vol. 3, No. 4: p.       563-580. New Orleans: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group.

 

Ingalls, Daniel H.H. (1965) “The Heritage of a Fallible Saint: Annie Besant’s Gifts to India.”         Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 109, No. 2: p. 85-88.     Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society.

 

Mortimer, Joanne Stafford (1983) “Annie Besant and India 1913-1917.” Journal of      

            Contemporary History, Vol. 18, No. 1: p. 61-78. London: Sage Publications, Ltd.

 

Oppenheim, Janet (1989) “The Odyssey of Annie Besant.” History Today, Vol. 39, No. 9: p.        12-18. Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company.

 

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Atheism

Central Hindu School

Charles Bradlaugh

Commonweal (newspaper)

Home Rule League

Indian National Congress

Madame Blavatsky

Madras

nationalist movement (India)

National Reformer (newspaper)

New India (newspaper)

‘Red Annie’

Secularism

‘The Brothers of India’

Theosophical Society

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

 

http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/besant_annie.shtml

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Annie_Besant

 

http://www.ts-adyar.org/content/annie-besant-1847-1933

http://spartacus-educational.com/Wbesant.htm

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theosophical_Society

 

http://www.ts-adyar.org/

 

https://theosophical.org/the-society/history-of-the-society

 

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/285841/Indian-National-Congress

 

Article written by: Haley Kleckner (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

2. Hinduism and Ethics

Hinduism and Animal Rights

 Within South Asia, where Hinduism is prevalent, animals are treated with a certain level of respect. Many Hindus, particularly the upper class Brahmins, opt for a vegetarian lifestyle, mainly so that no harm will be inflicted upon any animal. [For more information see Changing the Game: Why the Battle for Animal Liberation Is So Hard and How We Can Win It [Phelps (2013)]. Refraining from eating meat also serves the very important purpose of maintaining ritual purity. Priests and other high-ranking religious figures must absolutely adhere to a vegetarian lifestyle in order to achieve of a high level of purity, which will allow them to fulfill their priestly duties. [For more information see How to Become a Hindu: A Guide for Seekers and Born Hindus, Subramuniyaswami (2002)]. Many Hindus believe that performing priestly duties requires a significant level of spiritual consciousness that cannot be attained with a meat-based diet. This vegetarian lifestyle is not merely a modern movement, rather, Hindus have been following this practice since the Vedas first appeared, thousands of years before the birth of Christ. The Vedas promote vegetarianism primarily because all animals are said to have once been human, or have the potential to become a human again. This is because Hindus believe in reincarnation. Maiming or killing an animal is frowned upon because humans share the same life force as all the animals residing on earth (Puskar-Pasewicz 87). Evidently, it is clear that animals receive a very high status in the Hindu faith. However, it is important to note that there are occasions where violence is permitted. If one wishes to make an offering to the gods, sacrificing an animal is usually permitted, but only if there are significant benefits derived from doing so (Dombrowski 22).

To Hindus who promote vegetarianism, one may ignore the Vedic scriptures and continue to harm animals and eat meat, but this comes at a cost. As mentioned earlier, purity and spiritual consciousness will be greatly inhibited by opting for a meat-based diet. Without an adequate level of spiritual consciousness, one is unable to attain the ultimate Hindu goal of moksa, which is essentially freedom from the painful cyclical rebirth that an individual faces after death. Attaining moksa is achievable only by recognizing that we are all one with the divine; this recognition requires a high level of spiritual awareness (Bhattacharyya 181-182). By saying that we are all one with divine, we must realize that this definition includes all living beings, not just humans. While many other religions believe in immortal souls that are invested with the divine, Hinduism acknowledges the existence of a soul in all living things (Edwards, 136). If one does decide to harm animals, one will risk developing bad karma. Karma can essentially be seen as the collection of one’s actions, whether good or bad, which will influence the person’s subsequent lives. So if one gathers a lot of bad karma, they are basically harming themselves in the future. Likewise, if someone behaves in a proper manner, particularly towards other living beings, good karma will develop. One of the most significant points about karma to know is that it is something that cannot be erased; that is, if you have developed a lot of bad karma, the only way to ensure a better life is by performing acts that promote good karma (Thirumalai 117). Indeed, proper treatment of animals is seen as critical if one wishes to achieve the ultimate goal of moksa, or at the very least, to ensure a better subsequent life.

For centuries, many animals residing in Southeast Asia have benefitted from the Hindu belief system. The Hindu desire to achieve moksa had allowed many animals to roam freely and avoid harm. However, within the past several centuries, the rise of modernity and globalism has led to a change of values within many Hindu countries. Prior values of the upper classes, such as vegetarianism, are at risk of being erased (Phelps 201). The Hindu perspective of the treatment of animals is beginning to radically shift. Animals that were once treated with respect are now being treated as a commodity. Since karma and moksa are significantly impacted by how we treat other living beings, the transition from vegetarianism to eating meat can potentially be seen as the slow destruction of the Hindu faith itself. Seeing this clear threat, an organization has appeared within India called the “Hindu Renaissance Movement.” This movement has the primary goal of encouraging faithful Hindus from all castes to adopt a vegetarian lifestyle in order to conserve the Hindu identity (Phelps 201-202). This movement is very important because, traditionally, only the upper caste of Hindu society would refrain from meat, while the lower castes had frequently consumed meat (Muesse 81). The emphasis for all castes to refrain from meat is an indicator of the changing ideals that are occurring within South Asia today. Although there is a shifting attitude due to the west’s influence, it is important to note that some animals are still privy to a life free from slaughter due to their high status. One well-known example of a high-status animal is the cow, which Hindus believe symbolizes the whole animal kingdom. The cow is symbolic of all mothers, due to its ability to provide us with many forms of sustenance, such a milk, dried dung, and even urine, which is seen as a cleansing agent (Muesse 81).  Even if a Hindu has made the transition from vegetarian to meat-eater, the cow would still not be harmed because of the severe karmic consequences. In ancient Sanskrit texts, cows were seen as symbolic of the Brahmin; therefore, killing a cow is considered to be equally as bad as killing a member from the Brahmin class (Doniger 658). The significance of the cow is important to note when considering one of the most disastrous consequences of modernism: pollution.

Since the rise of modernism, pollution within our world had become rampant. Many modern products are composed of such things as plastic and metal, which do not decompose easily. With waste found in nearly every part of the globe, many animals are at a serious risk of consuming litter and subsequently suffering an excruciating death. One such animal that has been the victim of pollution is the cow. In South Asia, particularly India, it is forbidden for cows to be killed because of their high status, so many cows are instead allowed to roam the streets freely. It is assumed that cattle can freely graze on grass until they die of old age. Unfortunately, investigations have shown that many cattle have an abundance of plastic bags within their stomachs, which not only have no nutritional value, but also are also not digestible (Thumb 235). Although Hindus have a high level of respect for cows, their refusal to slaughter them has indirectly led many cows to suffer slow and painful deaths. Additionally, allowing animals to roam free in India has led to many car accidents, which as result has led to many human and cow deaths (Thumb 235-236).

Large bas-relief depicting a domestic scene with cows, who are revered in the Hindu tradition; Mahabalipuram, India
Large bas-relief depicting a domestic scene with cows, who are revered in the Hindu tradition; Mahabalipuram, India

In relation to animals, Hindus are quite peaceful; however, there are occasions when animals are sacrificed. Throughout the Vedas, sacrifice is seen as something that should occur, going so far as to suggest certain animals that would be ideal for sacrifice. [Animal Sacrifices, see Regan (1987)]. Even though the tradition of sacrificing animals has ancient roots, it has not disappeared. There are still many festivals and events within Hinduism that require animal sacrifice. It is important to note at this point that sacrifice does not necessarily pertain to the killing of an animal, although that still can occur at times. Animal sacrifices are usually symbolic acts. A major component of a sacrifice is the ritual, not the harming of an animal. In the rare instances when an animal is killed, Hindus explain that it is not an ordinary killing because there is no hate directed toward the animal (Regan 202). Essentially, even on occasions when an animal is killed, it is seen as a justifiable act. Perhaps by looking at the relationship that Hindu followers have with their pets, this concept can be solidified. Pets are very popular in Hindu culture. Families that own pets treat them as if they are members of their own family. Many pets are fed and taken care of quite well because it is seen as a religious duty to care for animals, especially if one is responsible for them. By faithfully taking care of one’s pet, Hindu followers will achieve good karma (Regan 201). This interaction between persons and their pets conveys the idea that Hindu followers have good intentions within their relationships with all animals.

In addition to an individual’s relationship with animals, there have also been many Hindu organizations and groups that have arisen to protect animals and vegetation. One well-known group, which has existed for nearly half a millennium, is the Bishnois group from western India. This group was founded on the idea that harming the environment will ultimately harm the individual. [For more information see Dharma and Ecology of Hindu Communities: Sustenance and Sustainability, Jain (2013)]. This notion was so deeply ingrained within this community that many have died in defense of this cause; it was better to sacrifice oneself than to develop bad karma. One well-known historical example of the Bishnois’ devotion to animal conservancy is found in the 1940s, before India’s independence from the British Empire. A group of British soldiers were traveling by train through a Bishnois village. One soldier decided to fire several shots at the nearby animals. As soon as the Bishnois people realized what was occurring, they attacked the train. Even with the arrival of modernity, the Bishnois are still very passionate about animals and the environment; in 1975 the Bishnois established one of the most well-known Hindu animal rights organizations, the Jeev Raksha (Jain 70). This organization is indicative of the idea that Hindus are in staunch opposition to any killing of animals, with the exception of sacrifice. Although this organization is localized, there are many other Hindu organizations that operate on an international level. The Hindu American Foundation (HAF) is unique in the sense that it has its focus on US and international policies. Issues such as the proper treatment of cattle are advocated for on a frequent basis (Flueckiger 223). With the mass consumption of meat in the western world, companies have turned a blind eye to the treatment of animals before and during their slaughter. Although HAF will not likely be able to influence millions of individuals to convert to veganism, they can influence the treatment of the animals.

Finally, although one may only speculate on the future of animal rights within Hinduism, the rise of animal conservancy organizations suggests that proper treatment of animals will likely exist far into the future. However, it is quite likely that maintaining animal rights will require more effort due to western influences and due to the ever-increasing amount of pollution, which continues to indirectly harm all life.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhattacharyya, Ashim K. (2006) Hindu Dharma: Introduction to Scriptures and Theology. Indiana: iUniverse, Inc.

Dombrowski, Daniel A. (1988) Hartshorne and the Metaphysics of Animal Rights. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Doniger, Wendy (2009) The Hindus: An Alternative History. Westminster: Penguin Books.

Edwards, Linda (2001) A Brief Guide to Beliefs: Ideas, Theologies, Mysteries, and Movements. Westminster: John Knox Press.

Flueckiger, Joyce (2015) Everyday Hinduism. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Jain, Pankaj (2013) Dharma and Ecology of Hindu Communities: Sustenance and Sustainability. Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing.

Muesse, Mark (2011) The Hindu Traditions: A Concise Introduction. Minneapolis: Fortress Press.

Phelps, Norm (2013) Changing the Game: Why the Battle for Animal Liberation is So Hard and How We Can Win It. Brooklyn: Lantern Books.

Puskar-Pasewicz, Margaret (ed.)(2010) Cultural Encyclopedia of Vegetarianism. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group.

Regan, Tom (1987) Animal Sacrifices. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Subramuniyaswami, Sivaya (2002) How to Become a Hindu: A Guide for Seekers and Born Hindus. Hawaii: Himalayan Academy Pubns.

Thirumalai, Madasamy (2002) Sharing Your Faith With a Hindu. Michigan: Bethany House Publishers.

Thumb, Tom (2009) Hand to Mouth to India. Road Junky Publishing.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Ahimsa

Bali

Bishnois

Blood sacrifice

Brahmin

Chambhar caste

Dharma

Gadhimai Mela

Jhatka

Karma

Mahabharata

Mansahara

Moksa

Samsara

Shakahara Vrata

Vahana

Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam

Yajna

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.hafsite.org/media/pr/ethicaltreatmentanimals

http://www.thebetterindia.com/5621/the-land-of-the-bishnois-where-conservation-of-wildlife-is-a-religion/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bishnois

http://www.humanesociety.org/about/departments/faith/facts/statements/hinduism.html

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=5262

http://www.nhsf.org.uk/2007/05/why-do-hindus-worship-the-cow/

http://www.karunasociety.org/projects/the-plastic-cow-project

http://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/bishnoi-villagers-sacrifice-lives-save-trees-1730

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/266312/Hinduism/261616/Karma-samsara-and-moksha

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Animal-sacrifice-still-in-vogue/articleshow/16922845.cms

http://www.religionfacts.com/hinduism/things/cow.htm

Article written by: Kyle Klassen (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

Hinduism in Contemporary Literature

Hinduism in Occidental Literature

The subject of representations of Hinduism within Occidental literature is both vast in scope and transient in nature. Older texts such as those composed by British Imperial agents and Catholic missionaries are marred by Darwinian notions of their own more “highly evolved” society, but contemporary texts too, find themselves obscured by a mix of cultural appropriation and postcolonial discourse. Despite the wide breadth of such a topic, even when only considering “contemporary” works, patterns of representation do emerge. As one might expect, representations of Hinduism at the popular level tend to tread a narrow path. Generally, India is valued for just a few articles: its mysticism, its (imagined or real) religious fervour, ascetic men, and the trope of Hinduism’s caste system (Narayan 477). In fact, the figure of the sadhu adequately stands in for the way that India has been characterized as a whole for much of its history (Narayan 480-81). The figure is defined by his gender and religion, and the philosophical trappings that accompany it; however, besides his religion, the sadhu also represents the “dirtiness” and spiritual and moral backwardness of India and Hinduism (Narayan 480-81). Consider that all these negative connotations are contained within the ascetic practice of smearing one’s skin with ash: the Occidental epistemology perceives the ash as both dirty, and representative of the inflated images of sensationalist, over-zealous asceticism circulating in popular representation (Narayan 480). Such tropes are more overt in colonial discourse, but inform modern imaginations, and have come to largely dominate the spectrum of representation given to Hinduism in popular culture. Despite the bleakness of such prospects, deeper examination reveals a vastly more attractive vein of literature that struggles to meaningfully engage with Hinduism’s long history of religious and ontological philosophy. These texts are part of a continued literary tradition in the West that scorns reason and Western materialism in favour of ubiquitous spirituality, connectedness, and semi-ascetic tendencies. It is for this reason that the following authors and excerpts are chosen.

As previously suggested, modern representations of Hinduism hinge on their genesis in colonial England. Beginning around 1612, when the East Indian Company gained a foothold in India, British travelers to the region began to compose literature about it (“colonialism, Western”). Among the most influential of the early works is John Campbell Oman’s wildly popular 1905 book, Mystics, Ascetics and Saints of India (Narayan 482-83). Like the other foundational texts mentioned above, Oman’s novel was read by many of the authors discussed below, and had a tangible effect on their own works. Oman was notable for his portrayal of India as defined by the renouncer, and for the commentaries his successor William M. Zumbro would make upon his text (Narayan 482-83). Zumbro valued India for its intense spiritualism, which for Zumbro, commendably preempts the material (Narayan 482-83). Other writers such as Sir William Jones, Sidney Owenson, and Georg W.F. Hegel hold equally lofty positions of influence. Jones is noted for his work with Sanskritic translations and philosophical works that paved the way for many other Indologists, like Owenson’s The Missionary: An Indian Tale (Uddin 35). Hegel is responsible for the spread of India as defined by its “Imagination,” which is picked up by the Romantics in a big way, even though Hegel meant this to be pejorative [Here, Imagination is meaningfully capitalized to follow both Hegel’s theory of the Imagination and the Romantic sense of the word.] (Soherwordi 211). All of the above works and authors deserve more attention in relation to Hinduism; however, their place within this article is in relation to later works, discussed below.

The first modern movement to engage with Hinduism is German Romanticism, which was at its height from the beginning to the middle of the 19th century (Narayan 489). Leaders of the movement like Johann Gottfried Herder and Friedrich Creuzer employed scholarship on India for, what they perceived to be, its emphasis on symbolic, mythical, and non-rational themes (Inden 413). To the Romantics, Hinduism expressed and supported their anti-Enlightenment discourse by reversing the hierarchy of reason implicit within their own societies that placed reason above all else. India came to be a place idealized by the Romantics for its oversaturation of Imagination, but also because the Romantics adored the concept of Brahman: put simply, divinity permeating all things (Soherwordi 211). The Romantics challenged traditional conceptions of religiosity within the Christian systems of their own countries, stressing especially that divinity is both within and is the self, but also the natural world. As Romanticism spread to England, the same ideas came along with it, spurring the creation of works such as Percy Shelley’s drama, Prometheus Unbound. Shelley is among many Romantics in England known to have read and written about Hindu texts, a fact that reveals itself through his work. Prometheus Unbound is set figuratively in India, and although the actual setting and frame is Europe, this is a conscious attempt by Shelley to confuse Hindu and Greek mythology (Uddin 47 & 44). Tied in to Shelley’s mixing of these cultures is the conflation of mythological figures associated with them. Critics observe that the passive Prometheus is akin to the god-concept Iswara in both his speech and action, while his lover Asia, (the name itself meaningful,) is like the active Shakti (Uddin 40). Prometheus is also equated with Rama in the play, drawing on both as embodiments of divine principles their authors wished to forward (Uddin 48). Another Hindu concept that comes forth in the text is an understanding of the Yogic tradition, especially raja-yoga in its historical sense of an ultimate stage, leading to “the full expression of the Will and the complete regeneration of the individual in the realm of the spirit of wisdom” (Uddin 39). Yet others have noticed elements of the sage Vasishta’s thought in Prometheus’s selfless suffering, and in the way he represents a principle of perfection that is barred from ultimate achievement (Uddin 40). Lastly, Shelley’s use of veil imagery mirrors Hindu notions of the contrast between inner reality and outer illusion (Uddin 39). Shelley’s approach to Hinduism is revealed in its ontology, but not all authors from the period are so sympathetic. For example, Robert Southey “displayed his fierce animus against Hinduism by opening his poem with the widow-burning ritual of sati, providing powerful propaganda for the Evangelicals who were lobbying Parliament to secure missionary activity in British India” (Murray 833). While this article has focused on Shelley as emblematic of the entire English branch of Romanticism, many other writers such as Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Lord George Byron, and William Blake are noteworthy for their use of Hinduism as well.

Following the Romantics, the American Transcendentalists of the mid-19th century picked up on many of the same components of Hinduism that their predecessors had, including individualism, nature, and intuition. The former concepts fit the ideology of the Transcendentalists perfectly, encouraging a great deal of involvement with Hinduism. Ralph Waldo Emerson, an iconic and preeminently influential scholar of the movement was no exception, writing in his “Indian Superstition” that, “Young muses caroled in thy sunny clime…. / Fair science pondered on thy mountain brow, / And sages mused-where Havoc welters now” (cited in Goodman 627). This statement reveals Emerson’s perception of India as both a place of philosophical and religious knowledge, and decline (Goodman 627). This follows the scholarship of those aforementioned writers such as Jones who characterized India in terms of the sadhu. Emerson was so involved with Hinduism that his most extensive essay on the subject, entitled “The Over-Soul,” is a direct translation of the Hindu term paramatman, meaning supreme soul/spirit and synonymous with Brahman (Goodman 631). This work informs his overtly Hindu poem, “Brahma.” The poem begins with mention of the “red slayer,” an obvious allusion to Siva, and a direct derivation of Rudra, a name considered synonymous with Siva (Chandrasekharan 507). This reference to Siva is important for his association to the creator god Brahma because the next section concerns itself with the endlessness of Brahman, reincarnation, and the cyclical nature of time. The principle is clear in the lines: “. . . if the slain think he is slain, / They know not well the subtle ways / I keep, and pass, and turn again” (Emerson 3-5). Here, Emerson’s treatment of Hindu thinking is imperfect. First, considering the subject of his poem, the title should read “Brahman,” (Chandrasekharan 506-07). Also, it is strange that Siva should be associated with the regeneration and continuation of the universe when that role is much more aptly filled by Visnu. This is explained either by Emerson’s own ignorance of his mistake due to the sources he would have had access to, imperfect and scarce as they were, or his assuming the unity of Visnu, Siva, and Brahma. The second and third stanzas discuss the illusions that distort the truth of Brahman in all things, termed maya by Hinduism (Chandrasekharan 507-08). Emerson expresses this in the lines: “Shadow and sunlight are the same; / . . . And one to me are shame and fame” (Emerson 6,8). Finally, the poem’s concluding line, “Find me, and turn thy back on heaven,” refers to the ultimate goal of being one with Brahman, not going to heaven (Emerson 16). In the Hindu conception of cosmology, heaven is not the end goal of religion, which is why Emerson slyly spells heaven with a lower-case “h.” As with the Romantics, many important Transcendentalist figures such as Henry David Thoreau and Walt Whitman have been neglected in favour of close readings.

The final movement in this sequence is the Beat Movement, or Beat Generation, which arose in the 1950s. The connection between this movement and others, as well as its devotee’s engagement with Hinduism, is demonstrated in a peculiar incident that happened to the poster-child of the Beat Generation: Allen Ginsberg. Ginsberg describes in great detail a “hallucination” he had one afternoon while reading William Blake’s poetry. In the vision, Ginsberg heard and saw Blake appear to him as if he were divine (Pevateaux 40-42). Blake revealed to him the interconnectedness of all things, and Ginsberg reported feeling a sensation of awakening to the illusory cloak of reality he had been living under (Pevateaux 40-42). The things he experienced that afternoon would change his life and inform his poetry for the rest of his career. Ginsberg attributed to Blake the status of rsi, or divine seer, claiming that the knowledge Blake possessed and then transmitted to him can be traced “back to the same roots, same cities, same geography, same mushrooms, that give rise to the Aryan, Zoroastrian, Manichaen pre-Hindu yogas” (Pevateaux 38). Although Ginsberg was not taking mushrooms that day, he would go on to mimic various Hindu practitioners in experimenting with hallucinogenic entheogens in pursuit of experiences just like this one. Ginsberg traveled extensively through India, and upon return, the influence on his poetry was noticeable. In his collection Planet News: 1961-1967, Ginsberg reduces the words “whom bomb? We bomb you,” to “Hu ̄m Bom” (Hungerford 278-79). By altering the phrase, Ginsberg consciously places the importance of sound above meaning, thus employing Hindu ideas of mantra (Hungerford 278-79). Disciples of certain schools of mantra, which Ginsberg learned from, believe vibrations can change the consciousness and by-pass the mind (Hungerford 278-79). Ginsberg’s goal in this is to transform the overtly aggressive words into sounds of peace, while also drawing on the idea that to bomb anyone is to bomb the self by alternating into: “whom bomb? You bomb you” (Hungerford 278-79). Ginsberg’s most famous poem, Howl, also contains many traces of Hindu thought, despite having been written before his pilgrimage to India. For example, one line states that the people of his generation are “burning for the ancient heavenly connection” (Ginsberg 182). The parallels to Hinduism lie in “heavenly connection,” suggesting theories of Brahman, but also in “burning,” which imagistically invokes the sacrificial fires so important to Hindu rituals (Ginsberg 182). He also speaks of “Absolute Reality,” reflecting his awakening experience, which is quite similar to what one might term moksa (Ginsberg 186). Another example is the puzzling line: “joined the elemental verbs and set the noun and dash of consciousness together” (Ginsberg 188). The phrase hints at Ginsberg’s knowledge of the Hindu conception of language, perhaps blending the Nyaya and Vaishesika schools and scholarship in line with the writings of Panini and Bhartrhari. These are just a few of the many references to Hinduism that occur in Ginsberg’s poetry.

Modern representations of Hinduism is a subject that finds refuge in emerging and avant-garde movements such as those above. Despite the reputation of such movements as progressive, Hinduism continues to be valued overwhelmingly in terms of its philosophical contributions, especially the concept of Brahman and moksa. At the more popular level, the range of representations is perhaps worse yet. Many depictions maintain the narrow definition of Hinduism through the figure of the sadhu or caste system, condemning Hinduism to an unceasing history of duality: spiritual enlightenment on one side, and moral/cultural degeneration on the other.

Bibliography

Chandrasekharan, K. R. (1960) “Emerson’s Brahma: An Indian Interpretation.” The New England Quarterly Vol. 33, No. 4: 506-512.

“colonialism, Western.” (2015) In Encyclopædia Britannica.

Emerson, Ralph Waldo (1856) “Brahma.” Poetry Foundation N.A.

Ginsberg, Allen (1956) “Howl.” In The New American Poetry: 1945-1960. Ed. Donald M. Allen.  New York: Grove Press.

Goodman, Russell B. (1990) “East-West Philosophy in Nineteenth-Century America: Emerson and Hinduism.” Journal of the History of Ideas Vol. 51 No. 4: 625-645.

Hungerford, Amy (2005) “Postmodern Supernaturalism: Ginsberg and the Search for a Supernatural Language.” The Yale Journal of Criticism Vol. 18 No. 2: 269-298.

Inden, Ronald (1986) “Orientalist Constructions of India.” Modern Asian Studies Vol. 20, No. 3: 401-446.

Murray, C. (2004) Encyclopedia of the Romantic Era, 1760-1850. New York: Fitzroy Dearborn.

Narayan, Kirin (1993) “Refractions of the Field at Home: American Representations of Hindu  Holy Men in the 19th and 20th Centuries.” Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 8, No. 4: 476-   509.

Pevateaux, C. J. (2008) “Widened Awareness: Allen Ginsberg’s Poetic Transmission of a Blakean Inflected Esoteric Dream-Insight.” Aries Vol. 8, No. 1: 37-61.

Soherwordi, S. S. (2011) “’Hindusim’ – A Western Construction or an Influence?.” South Asian        Studies Vol. 26 No.1: 203-214.

Uddin Khan, Jalal (2008) “Shelley’s Orientalia: Indian Elements in his Poetry.” Atlantis Vol. 30,       No. 1: 35-51.

Further Reading

Barlow, Paul (2011). “The Aryan Blake: Hinduism, Art and Revelation in William Blake’s Pitt  and Nelson Paintings.” Visual Culture in Britain Vol. 12 No. 3: 277.

Dharwadker, Aparna Bhargava (1972) “Modernism, ‘Tradition,’ and History in the Postcolony:  Vijay Tendulkar’s Ghashiram kotwal.” Theatre Journal Vol. 65, No. 4: 466-487.

Guha, Naresh (1968) W.B. Yeats: An Indian Approach. Calcutta: Jadavpur University.

King, Bruce Alvin (1987) Modern Indian Poetry in English: Revised Edition. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Singh, Charu Sheel (1981) The Chariot of Fire: A Study of William Blake in the Light of Hindu  Thought. Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik, Universität Salzburg.

Weir, David (2003) Brahma in the West: William Blake and the Oriental Renaissance. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Winternitz, M., Vuppala Srinivasa Sarma, Subhadra Jha, and Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute (2008) History of Indian Literature. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Related Research Topics

Appropriation of Voice

Postcolonialism

Orientalism

Edward Said

Hindu Literary Movements: the Progressive Writers Movement, the (New) Little Magazine Movement, and the Tagore and Chayavad movements.

Hindu Authors: Sake Dean Mahomet, Dhan Gopal Mukerji, Salman Rushdie, Nayantara Sehgal, Rohinton Mistry, Raja Rao, R. K. Narayan, Mulk Raj Anand, and many, many more.

Indian Diaspora Literature & its Authors

Related Websites

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_English_literature

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_literature

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Indian_poets#English

http://www.hinduismtoday.com

 

Article written by: Donny Kimber (April 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

6. Krishnamacharya and the Hatha Yoga Movement, a. Significant Figures in Hinduism, Hatha Yoga

Krishnamacharya and the Hatha Yoga Movement

Yoga has been practiced for centuries, with alternative meanings and health benefits as it has moved into modern day. The Vedas are the primary source of ancient Indian traditions and practices of worship that allow people to live life in a dharmic manner. These texts refer to the attainment of moksha (liberation) and yoga is one of the modes to attain this goal. Traditional Vedic yoga is connected with ideas that revolve around ritual sacrifices for the purpose of connecting the material world with the spiritual world (Feuerstein 5).  The successful yoga practices create focus for a long period of time as a way of transcending the limitations of the mind in order to reach spiritual reality (Feuerstein 5). The preclassical period of yoga was approximately 2,000 years until the second century C.E when it closely followed the sacrificial culture discussed in The Brahmanas and Aranyakas, which re genres of Sanskrit texts. It is the Upanishads, which teach the unity of all things, that ultimately expanded the practice of yoga (Feuerstein 6). Post classical yoga first demonstrates the shift of focus from contemplation with the result of developing a spiritual conscious, to practices that rejuvenate the body and influence a prolonged life. (Feuerstein 6).  Hatha yoga or “yoga of force” is a practice that utilizes posture (asana) and breath control (pranayama) as a way of transforming the body’s energy to influence spiritual transformation (Starbacker 105). The physical nature of hatha yoga is what influenced its appeal in the 19th century as calisthenics became popular in India and around the world.

Tirumalai Krishnamacharya is widely considered the father of modern yoga as he developed movement-orientated postural systems that have been presented internationally by his disciples (Starbacker 103). Krishnamacharya documents the purpose of yogabhyasa (the practice of yoga or abstract devotion) and why it is an important practice that influences the welling being of the mind and body in his book Yoga Makaranda, which is one of many of his publications. He explains that it is the philosophy of yoga to draw the minds focus inwards to reach deep concentration to develop a form of mental strength. The benefit of this process is comparable to how sleep rejuvenates the mind, in which sleep is of a tamasic nature. The mental strength that is developed through yogabhyasa is called yoga nidra, and it by far exceeds the amount of strength and concentration that sleep or meditation may offer (Krishnamacharya 7). The benefits of yogabhyasa are separated into eight parts: yama, niyama, asana, pranayama, pratyahara, dharana, dhyana, and Samadhi (Krishnamacharya 8). There are benefits at every stage of practice; it is not that there is a final stage that reveals all the benefits at the same time. Yama develops compassion towards other living beings, while niyama is a state of peace and tranquility with the environment and internally. Asana practice causes correct blood circulation and internal functions; pranayama develops strength in the bones and bone marrow, heart, brain, muscles and tendons. Pratyahara is to bring ones own indriyas (five senses) under control in order to have a focused mind. Dharana is to stop the mind and hold it in one place, while dhyana is to focus the mind in one direction and to attain whatever form is though about. Samadhi is to have stopped all external movements of the mind and have reached a state of happiness about the physical and spiritual world (Krishnamacharya 8-16).

Krishnamacharya was most influential during his residency at Jaganmohan Palace in Mysore from 1930-1950, when he developed a very physical and acrobatic system of asanas that are most similar to yoga today (Heerman 20). It remains unclear if Krishnamacharya stayed true to his teaching from his guru Rama Mohan Bramachari with the transition of his yoga teachings in India, and the conflicting western views that have greatly influenced the way yoga is received from his students (Heerman 20). Once Krishnamacharya completed his teachings, he set out to teach this spiritual system of yoga throughout India. The traditional system of yoga practices was becoming outdated and was not received well by most people. Because of his unsuccessful pursuit to make a living as a yoga teacher, Krishnamacharya traveled around India giving lectures and demonstrating siddhis (supernormal abilities of the yogic body) (Heerman 21). In order to gain attention and interest in yoga, he demonstrated suspending his pulse, lifting heavy objects with his teeth and performed difficult asanas (Heerman 21). Krishnamacharya was then recruited by the Maharaja of Mysore, Krishnarajendra Wodeyar to teach at the Jaganmohan Palace for young male royals (Heerman 21). The Maharaja was very committed to promoting cultural, political and technological innovations for Mysore, as well as encouraging physical education, which was known as the “Indian physical culture movement”, that was designed to created the strength necessary to reclaim India after so many years of colonial rule (Heerman 22). Krishnamacharya’s yoga teachings were greatly influenced to be aerobic and physical due to the Maharaja and the popularity of exercise. As a result, hatha yoga gained wide popularity compared to the traditional yoga practices, which ultimately led to the vast arrangement of yoga forms that are present in India and North America today.

Hatha yoga is mainly the methods of doing asanas (yoga postures). The circulation and strength of the body is only one of eight parts that contribute to the whole of yogabhyasa, while the mindfulness and focus of yoga has not maintained its aesthetic appeal. Krishnamacharya explains his distaste for the way practitioners of yogabhyasa ignore vinyasa krama and worries that the Vedas from which yoga practice has originated will be ruined (Krishnamacharya 26). The form, metre, syllables, and verses that form the entirety of the Vedas are comparable to the way in which yoga should be practiced. The combination of the eight elements of yogabhyasa is what provides the beneficial integrity of yoga practices. From the perspective of Krishnamacharya in Yoga Makaranda, yoga has a deep spiritual meaning and benefit that has deteriorated with the Westernization of hatha yoga. To Krishnamacharya, yoga is a form of Vedic ritual that develops more than toned muscles and flexibility. Although the Yoga Makaranda provides much information on the traditional Hindu practice of yoga with regards to the Vedas, Krishnamacharya is recognized as a figure who influenced the separation of religiosity of yoga from the growth of modern yoga. Other organizations, such as Christian yoga, argue that spiritual expression can still be reached without the Hindu dimensions of yogabhyasa. The interest in yoga in North America encouraged the streamlined approach of simplifying yogic concepts in a way that was acceptable to Western and Christian spiritual views (Heerman 13).

Bas-relief on a temple pillar depicting a yogic posture, utilized in ascetic practice (Ranganathaswamy Temple, Srirangam, Tamil Nadu, India).
Bas-relief on a temple pillar depicting a yogic posture, utilized in ascetic practice (Ranganathaswamy Temple, Srirangam, Tamil Nadu, India).

Christian opponents of yoga hold that Hindu traditions are in conflict with Christian doctrine (Jain 4). The contemporary Western view of modern yoga is as a mode physical fitness, separated from its historical origins. Similarly, Hindu opponents of this disconnect of yoga from its historical spiritual origins, believe that yoga has been corrupted by the profit driven popularization of contemporary yogis (Jain 4). Prior to Krishnamacharya, there where other yoga masters involved with the popularization of Hatha Yoga. Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) is widely known to have used a combination of existing yoga with modern ideas and practices (Jain 5). As postural yoga remains without a Hindu signature in modern western society, alternative spiritual connotations have been attached to it. For example, Christian Yoga emphasizes postures and breath control as a way of focusing on Christ (Jain 6). The differing opinions and techniques associated with yoga is what allows it to be appealing to many different groups, but also contribute to the opposition that both Christians and Hindus have towards modern postural yoga.

Krishnamacharya demonstrated exceptional strength and flexibility that encourages the appeal of yoga for its physical benefits, but his teachings in Yoga Makaranda, suggest that he taught with the intention of encouraging anyone to practice yoga. He has extensive teachings on the spiritual origins and the responsibility of the guru to teach a student in such a way that all aspects that contribute to yoga are recognized in order to receive the benefits of yoga. Yet, it can also be seen that Krishnamacharya did not maintain a traditional yoga system that is true to the teachings of his own guru as his career was greatly influenced by Maharaja of Mysore and popularity of physical exercise. The tendency that Krishnamacharya had for tailoring his instructions so that each of his students could maximize the physical benefits, also demonstrates the stray away from the traditional yoga system (Heerman 30).

Besides the conflicting viewpoint of modern yoga and Hindu traditions, Krishnamacharya designed a form of exercise that is unique and modifiable to anyone who wishes to participate. Hatha yoga can build strength, and cause an overall benefit to health as well as encouraging concentration and focus that can be interpreted as spiritual, self reflective, or religious depending on how the participant want to approach a yoga practice. Krishnamacharya may have influenced the separation of Hindu tradition from modern forms of yoga but made yoga accessible to everyone who wishes to participate.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Burley, Mikel (2014) ‘A Purification of Ones Own Humanity’ Nonattachment and Ethics in Yoga Traditions. The Journal of Religion. Vol. 94, No. 2, P. 204-228. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press.

Feuerstein, Georg (2006) “A Short History of Yoga”. The Yoga Tradition. P. 1-10. Hohm Press.

Heerman, Grace (2014) “Yoga in the Modern World: The Search for the ‘Authentic’ Practice.” Sociology and Anthropology Theses. Paper 5, P. 1-45, Tacoma Washington: University of Puget Sound.

Jain, Antrea R. (2012) “The Malleability of Yoga: A Response to Christian and Hindu Opponents of the Popularization of Yoga”. Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 25, Article 4. P. 1-8, Indianapolis, Indiana: Butler University.

Krishnamacharya, Sir T. (1934) Yoga Makaranda: The Essence of Yoga (Part One). Kannada Edition, Madurai C.M.V. Press. P. 1-159.

Starbacker, Stuart R. (2014) “Reclaiming the Spirit through the Body: The Nascent Spirituality of Modern Postural Yoga”. Entangled Religions; Oregon: Oregon State University, Article 3, P. 95-114.

Singleton, Mark (2007) “Yoga, Eugenics, and Spiritual Darwinism in the Early Twentieth Century”. International Journal of Hindu Studies; Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 125-146. Springer.

RELATED TOPICS

Dharmic

Moksha

Bramanas

Aranyakas

Asana

Pranayama

Sattva guna

Tamasic

Yogabhyasa

Nidre

Yama

Niyama

Pratyahara

Dharana

Dhyana

Indriyas

Jaganmohan

Swami Vivekananda

Vinyasa krama

Krishnarajendra Wodeyar

Maharaja

 siddhis

Samadhi

NOTEWORTHY WEBSITES

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tirumalai_Krishnamacharya

http://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ananda_Bhavanani/publication/241276617_UNDERSTANDING_THE_YOGA_DARSHAN/links/0046351fcf7cb2a45b000000.pdf

http://www.academia.edu/638083/The_Development_of_Modern_Yoga_A_Survey_of_the_Field

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indriya

 

Article written by: Monica Johnson (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

a. Hinduism for the West

Auroville

Inaugurated in 1968, the city of Auroville began with the goal to promote future unity and understanding among people of all backgrounds. At the time of its development, architecturally speaking, the city was modern and innovative. The founder, Mirra Alfassa, – better known as the Mother – had a vision for the basic concept of the city and chose architect Roger Anger to make this vision come true. This resulted in the “galaxy concept,” named for its appearance of having everything fanning out from the city center. At the center of Auroville is the Matrimandir, a ball shaped structure “representing the soul of the city” (Kundoo 51), as well as some surrounding gardens and waters. From there spirals the four zones: cultural, industrial, international, and residential. Each of these represent aspects of life the Mother deemed important to creating a universal city and are connected through a circular road called the Crown, which cuts through all the sections while housing the important buildings for each zone (Kundoo 51). Branching off of the Crown are twelve roads which provide accessibility for all residents to the city center. Finally, surrounding the city is an area of green space called the Green Belt, which holds the necessary settlements and land space for activities involving green work.

One of the most important structural components of Auroville is also one of the smallest. In 1968, young people representing 124 countries placed a handful of their native soil in an urn shaped like a lotus bud to represent the establishment of the city (Kapoor 633). Also placed inside the urn was the Auroville charter as prescribed by the Mother, which set out the four main goals for which the city will strive to achieve. [See Shinn 241 or Kapoor 633 for an English-translated version of the charter]. This urn remains in the center of the city, near the location of the Matrimandir, as a reminder of the message and objectives laid out for the citizens of this unique city.

While the Mother was the person who implemented Auroville and made it a reality, the following philosophies for which the concept was built upon came from the revolutionary Sri Aurobindo. His core contributions to the foundations of Auroville can be attributed to four insights, which relate and connect to one another. First, Aurobindo claimed the existence of a divine feminine energy at the core of reality to which he called a Shakti or The Mother. When Aurobindo met Mirra, he sensed that she was the incarnation of the Divine Mother which contributed to her title as “The Mother,” given to her when she developed Aurobindo’s ideas into a city. Second, Aurobindo believed that all beings were involved in a process leading them towards a transformed consciousness that will reflect their Shakti. His third insight was that for the evolution of humankind, there must be a joining of the physical and conscious worlds such that a transformation of both body and mind can occur together. As his fourth insight, Aurobindo proposed integral yoga as a way of quickening the evolution of humankind into its final and inevitable end of human transformation (Shinn 239-240).

From Aurobindo’s insights, it was up to the Mother to apply these to the planning and building of a community. In one of her writings from 1954, she described a dream she had of a utopia that is believed to have led to the creation of Auroville. [For a description of her dream, see Shinn 240]. She envisioned a place where money would be obsolete as citizens’ work would be considered a form of integral yoga, one of the insights Aurobindo believed would hasten the evolution of humans. Education would be voluntary for children in order to allow for individual growth. Social titles and positions would be based on the respect of others and the service of Shakti. Ultimately, every aspect about this dream city emphasized the goal of unity and transformation of humankind.

In 1966, the Sri Aurobindo Society was granted support from the United Nations to begin building the utopian society imagined by the Mother. A spot was chosen near Pondicherry in southern India and on February 28th, 1968, Auroville was established. The Mother constructed the Auroville Charter, which as previously mentioned, resides in the urn which holds handfuls of soil from multiple nations. While the ideal human transformation set out by Sri Aurobindo is the ultimate goal, the city was designed as a sort of experiment in developing a society that could eventually attain the goals set out by the Mother in the Charter. It was not expected that the city will immediately achieve perfect unity among peoples and nature, but that it would shape a process by which the individual and the collective can obtain perfection (Shinn 241).

Almost 50 years after its creation, Auroville is still thriving and progressing towards an enlightened future. As Sri Aurobindo claimed, the path to transformation involves both the physical and the conscious worlds, so the city has spent a lot of time focusing on improving the environment around them. Before the city was implemented, the land in that area was barren and covered in red laterite soil but has since been regenerated and stabilized. Over two million trees have been planted in the area and thanks to similar green works projects, the Green Belt is actually green and full of life. Preservation of the environment is very important to Aurovilians so constant progress is being made with water and soil conservation. A couple of Auroville centers that are involved with environmental work have been recognized as Medicinal Plant Conservation Parks and maintain botanical parks and plant gardens within the area (Kapoor 635). There has also been effort put into reestablishing the original ecosystem of the area by conserving natural species of vegetation and propagating them.

Renewable energy is also a main focus in Auroville. The first source of renewable energy was windmills used for pumping water, which came into the possession of Aurovilians after the Government of India discarded them following a failed project. As of 2004 over 200 residences in Auroville were using solar energy to power their homes and heat their water. One of the most impressive renewable energy projects developed for Auroville was the Solar Bowl. This spherical solar concentrator was installed at Auroville’s collective kitchen, the Solar Kitchen, and could generate enough steam to cook about 1200 meals on a clear day, and was built with two diesel heaters for the cloudy days (van den Akker 27). A solar power plant was built at the city center, and at the time of its installation, this power plant was one of the first of its kind in India and continues to provide clean energy for the Matrimandir and surrounding gardens. Any research and knowledge developed in Auroville is made accessible to the outside world in accordance with maintaining the city’s goal of progressing towards a better future for all humans. Many of the buildings in Auroville were constructed using environmentally friendly building technologies such as compressed mud bricks, recycled materials, or other natural substances (Kapoor 635).

Although it is often referred to as a city, the population of this utopian society is less than 3000 citizens. This is nowhere close to the 50000 person goal but the slow population increase allows for the settlement and adaption of the city for each new resident it welcomes. Anyone may become a citizen of Auroville as long as they are willing to participate in reaching the final goal of human unity as set out in the Charter. However, an entry group that regulates the acceptance of new residents will determine the final admission status based on spiritual inclinations and legal requirements (Kapoor 635). Most people visit Auroville first and once they have made the decision to join the community, they must get legal papers to apply for an entry visa. For the first year of their duration, an individual works and participates in the community but is considered a newcomer until their full citizenship is established. Newcomers and Aurovilians both contribute a monetary amount towards the maintenance of Auroville roads, services, facilities, and existing infrastructures. Also, newcomers are expected to provide financially for themselves and their accompanying persons for at least the first year of their residence. It is estimated that the basic cost of living is around 6000 Indian Rupees per person per month. [For more information on living requirements, see auroville.org]. Once one has been granted the title of Aurovilian, it is very unlikely that this status will be withdrawn.

An Aurovilian may choose to work based on whatever they have an inclination for even if they do not have the formal training for the job. This socio-economic organization allows for individualism at the same time as considering the collective as a whole. It works towards balancing the work required for transforming oneself and reflecting one’s Shakti while providing for the needs of everyone in the community. Although never stated as such, the principles outlined by the Mother can be easily connected to communist ideals. The idea of abolishing money and private property as well as ensuring the fulfillment of every citizen’s needs falls in line with left-wing political systems. Auroville is supposed to be self-supporting but most of the production and commercial units responsible for providing funds do not produce enough profit. Instead, most funds for Auroville are provided through donations and grants received from people and organizations around the world.

As envisioned by the Mother, there is no compulsory schooling in Auroville. The Mother stated that “education would be given not for passing examinations or obtaining certificates and posts but to enrich existing faculties and bring forth new ones” (cited in Kapoor 637). This concept is difficult for a lot of new Aurovilians, as it differs so much from the mainstream school system evident in most of the world. There are still schools within the city but they are also open to children in the neighbouring villages. Most people living in these surrounding villages are Dalits and many are illiterate, and while the Auroville Village Action Group has worked towards providing programs for these people, it is difficult due to their socio-economic background (Kapoor 640).

For those wishing to visit Auroville, it is recommended to give oneself plenty of time to fully experience and participate in the lifestyle. There is no entrance fee to get into Auroville and to maintain the ideal of no money circulation, guests must purchase an Aurocard to which they can deposit money onto and later use in exchange for goods and services. Just like any other destination, it is recommended to book housing and transportation in advance. It is important that travelers abide by the cultural lifestyle present in Auroville, such as learning appropriate body language, dressing modestly, and behaving in a suitable manner. English is the most commonly spoken and written language in Auroville but many other languages may be spoken there as well so translation facilities exist if one requires assistance.

For a long time, the possibility of human unity was only a dream; however, through the leadership and foundations laid out by Sri Aurobindo and Mirra Alfassa this dream is closer to becoming a reality. “The City of Dawn,” as Auroville has often been referred to as, still has a long way to go before achieving unity and understanding among people of all backgrounds but as it develops innovative systems and faces new challenges, it progresses that much closer to becoming to the utopian society imagined by the Mother. Citizens of Auroville continue to uphold the same ideals prescribed in the Auroville Charter and as the city receives more support and more residents, it will hopefully allow for the final transformation of humankind into the enlightened being described by Sri Aurobindo.

 

References and Further Recommended Reading

Kapoor, Rakesh (2007) “Auroville: A Spiritual-Social Experiment in Human Unity and Evolution.” Futures Vol. 39, May: 632-643.

Kundoo, Anupama (2007) “Auroville: An Architectural Laboratory.” Architecture Design Vol. 77, No. 6: 50-55.

Shinn, Larry D. (1984) “Auroville: Visionary Images and Social Consequences in a South Indian Utopian Community.” Religious Studies Vol. 20, No. 2: 239-253. Cambridge University Press.

 

van den Akker, Jos and Judith Lipp (2004) “The Power of Human Unity.” Refocus Vol. 5, No. 3: 26-29.

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Sri Aurobindo

Mirra Alfassa

Shakti

Utopian Societies

Sri Aurobindo Ashram, Pondicherry

The Mother

Matrimandir

 

 

Noteworthy Websites Related to Auroville

www.auroville.org

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Auroville

www.auroville.com

www.aurovilletv.org

http://en.wikivoyage.org/wiki/Auroville

 

Article written by: Erin Hunter (April 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

I. The Hindu Temple and Worship Rituals, Other Rituals

Sraddha: Death Rituals and Ancestral Rites

Sraddha is a Sanskrit word meaning ‘faith’ and can be perceived as a state of mind employed when performing Vedic rituals (Cush, Robinson and York 822).  There are in fact two different meanings for the term sraddha, which differentiate themselves by the position of the long vowel on the ‘a’. To best understand the term sraddha, it is essential to highlight the associations between the two words, as they are to an extent intertwined. Sraddha, without intonation of the ‘a’ has been found in many Vedic writings, including a Vedic hymn where sraddha is referred to as a “goddess whom fire is kindled and offerings made, who is invoked at morning, noon, and sunset” (Cush, Robinson and York 822). It can be noted, that sraddha in this instance is referred to as a goddess, to whom ritual offerings are expected to be made morning, noon, and sunset. The Sanskrit commentator Ramanuja in the Bhagavagita describes sraddha as “zeal in a course of action, based on confidence that it will produce a desired result.” (Cush, Robinson and York 822). This is a reference to ‘faith’ in a desired ‘result’, alluding to the second meaning of sraddha as an ‘action’ with the same result. As mentioned in the Mahabharata and Visnu Purana, sraddha is the daughter of daksa and wife of dharma, who represents generosity to brahmanas. This example emphasizes the representation of sraddha as the giving of gifts or offerings to the brahmana who symbolize the dead. These periodical offerings to the dead occur twelve days after a death and annually on the anniversary of the death. This meaning of sraddha that is the topic of this article, the first given with the intonation on ‘a’,is translated to ‘belonging to sraddha’ refering to the ritual offerings to the deceased but also intertwined with ‘faith’ in the goddess sraddha, who can be understood as the source of these rituals (Cush, Robinson and York 822).

Furthermore, sraddha can be understood as rites for the dead or ancestral worship, consisting of texts, prayers and food offerings, and oblation of pindas (rice balls) to the deceased and their forefathers (Krishan 97). Sraddha rituals can thus be perceived as comparable to the last of the samskaras or life-cycle rituals, akin to antiyesti or the ‘final sacrifice’ of a ‘twice-born’ Hindu male.  Sraddha is regarded as inauspicious, meaning a certain level of impurity surrounds a deceased person. Impurity is thought to develop through direct contact with the body,that connects the living family members to the spirit of the deceased as they are buried (Nicholas 374). Impurity, pollution, and release from these apprehensions are the questions that surround the sraddha rites.

To fully understand sraddha one must first investigate the significance behind death and what it symbolizes in the Hindu religion. Belief in bhutas and pretas, meaning spirit and soul respectively, is the base of the sraddha rite. It is believed that after death, the soul wanders the earth aimlessly, unable to attain rebirth or reach the realm of the ancestors (pitr-loka) until the prescribed rites are performed (Krishan 97). Death is understood as one of the single most polluting actions that will affect the deceased and their relatives. Sraddha is used to amend this, as it prescribes the appropriate purifications of the corpse, cremation as an offering to the sacred fire, and the appropriate ritual actions to be performed after death. Rodrigues states that “in a world view that sees existence as cyclical, death marks a transition to another state of existence, and as such needs to be commemorated and guided through ritual action” (Rodrigues 87). This emphasizes the importance of sraddha in death, guiding ritual action.

Certain restrictions surround sraddha rites, including who may perform and receive them. The rites may only performed for those who have died a natural death, yet even then women and children are not as likely to be honored as are adult males. Through sraddha, the natural dead become ancestors sustained through annual rituals and sacrifice until they are reborn. Some Hindu cults ‘deify’ those who were victims of violent deaths, died prematurely, or who sacrificed themselves which qualifies as dying a ‘hero’s death’. This differs slightly from classical sraddha ceremony, but is still similarly intertwined, as the family moves from worship of an ancestor to worshipping the deceased as though they are god-like. In this case, ancestral shrines evolve into cult centers for clan gods. Sraddha rituals are often deemed more complicated than the details of ritual god worship (Crooke 265). Deification offers insight into the interpretations that people of different regions and backgrounds may take towards ancestral worship, similar to the fine lines and restrictions that surround the sraddha practice itself.

To further expand upon the specific details and goals of the sraddha ritual, the decacesed person or preta, is in need of a bodily vehicle to continue its transcendence into the realm of the ancestors. The rites themselves are thought to be auspicious, as sraddha is performed for the benefit of the deceased. The pinda (food offering) is fed to the spirit or preta, giving it strength for its upcoming journey to the ‘next’ realm. If the spirit is not properly fed, then it will linger in the human realm, reminding the living of their presence (Nicholas 374). This body or vehicle known as pinda, made of barley or wheat flower, symbolizes the various body parts or bodily needs of the preta, ranging from finger nails to legs, and hunger to thirst. The sraddha ritual is meant to span a year but has since been condensed to twelve days. It is prescribed that the pinda be prepared for each of the twelve days after cremation, but often the ritual offering is performed only on the tenth day. Many symbolic actions ensue, including the release of a bull or cow that symbolizes the freeing of the preta to cross over to the next realm. Priests of particular jatis are often invited to these rites and asked to eat part of a pinda containing some of the diseased relatives ground up ashes and bones to aid in removing the sinfulness or impurity of the deceased spirit (Rodrigues 88). In doing so, it symbolizes that the priest takes on and transmutes any of the sinfulness that remained in the dead person.

There are three principal types of sraddhas. Parvana sraddha or anvaharya sraddha is the first model of sraddha in which Brahmins are given the food offerings made monthly by male descendants of the deceased. Ekoddista sraddha differs from parvana: the ritual is perfomed monthly for a full year after the death of the individual, Brahmins are not invited and the ceremonies can be performed by women. Finally, sapindikarana is a mix of parvana and ekoddista sraddha (Krishan 97).

The sapindikarana rite, which takes place on the twelfth day after death, has been highlighted by multiple scholars. This sraddha can be described as the blending of the deceased with his forefathers (Knipe 111). The symbolization of sapindikarana has been emphasized as elevating the preta from disembodied spirit to member of the ancestral realm. By elevating the newly deceased spirit, the father, grandfather, and great-grandfather are each moved up, pushing the latter beyond the ancestral realm. Each ancestor, aforementioned, receives a pinda, including the newly deceased which symbolizes the bodily vehicle of the ancestor. These pindas are divided into three and joined equally, symbolizing the preta being joined or merged with the other three ancestral spirits, acknowledging the newly received preta with ancestral status. Once this status is received through sapindikarana, the ancestor is no longer at risk to wander the world of the living, to haunt the living, or to fall into a demonic realm or an unfortunate rebirth. The ancestor is eligible to receive worship regularly, typically at the anniversary of their death and specified days during the year, including Pitr-Paska which occurs September and October (Rodrigues 88). The cycle begins with death and cremation, and ends with the deceased release.

Impurity and pollution are apprehensions that surround death rituals and ancestral rites and have been considerably investigated by scholars. In the family, births and deaths are both impure actions. Impurity does not always affect all the members of a family, sometimes only a select few. Birth mainly affects the mother, while death can follow all the relatives of a family wherever they may be, thus providing a reason for the cleansing rituals and worship that embody sraddha. Like most samskara or life-cycle rituals, rites vary regionally, by caste, socially, and linguistically. The impurity (asauca) that surrounds sraddha rites is not an exception.  Duration for birth-impurity and death-impurity vary between castes or varnas. For the Brahmins, impurity lasts ten days, in the Kshatriya caste twelve days, in Vaishya caste fifteen days and in Shudra caste thirty days (Nicholas 368). These time periods would qualify as full-impurity, where partial-impurity can also occur in shorter durations. Special cases of impurity durations ensue in accordance with different kinds of deaths. If a women miscarries a baby, it is only the mother that is affected by impurity for the duration of the time of her pregnancy. For the death of a child, impurity varies on caste and time of death of the child. If the child dies shortly after birth during the birth-impurity time then the parents have only one day of impurity. Differences in impurity due to sex are also noted. A girl is considered less closely related to her relatives and ancestors than a boy would be, so the rituals would incorporate less of her kinsman (Nicholas 372). As exemplified, impurity can touch all members of a family for variable amounts of time due to death but the appropriate performance of sraddha rites cleanses the deceased of impurity and, therefore, the relatives of the deceased.

Overall, the sraddha rituals are rich in tradition and unmask the Hindu conceptions towards death, impurity, and what realms lie outside of the living. Sraddha rituals are an establishment of the relationship between the living and the deceased. With death comes initial shock, quick preparations of the body, followed by cremation, and resolved finally with sraddha rituals the following day. The rituals begin with symbolic assembly of the deceased body as vehicle for travel into the ‘next’ realm, followed by the appropriate prayers and ritual offerings for the prescribed amount of time. The sraddha rituals provide the family with a means and a sanctioned period of time to mourn their loss. They provide assurance that the deceased will successfully transition into the realm of the ancestors, where they will continue to be remembered and appropriately worshipped for generations to come.

References and Further Recommended Readings:

Crooke, William (1909) Death; Death Rites; Methods of Disposal of the Dead among the Dravidian and other Non-Aryan Tribes of India. Sankt Augustin: Anthropos Institute.

Cush, Denise, Catherine Robinson and Michael York (2008) “Sraddha (Faith)” Encyclopedia of Hinduism (p. 822). New York: Routledge.

Knipe, David M. (1977) “Sapindikarana: The Hindu Rite of Entry into Heaven” In Frank E. Reynolds, and Earle H. Waugh eds., Religious Encounters with Death (p.111). London: Pennslyvania State University Press.

Krishan, Y. (1985) The Doctrine of Karma and Sraddhas. Pune: Bhandakar Oriental Research.

Ralph, W. Nicholas (1982) “Sraddha, Impurity and relations between the living and the dead” In: Way of Life: King, Householder, Renouncer: Essays in Honour of Louis Dumont (p.368-374). New Delhi: Montilal Bonarsidass.

Rodrigues, Hillary (2006) Introducing Hinduism. New York: Routledge.

Noteworthy Websites of Related Topics:

http://www.hinduism.co.za/rituals.htm#The%20ritual%20of%20sraddha

http://www.beliefnet.com/Faiths/Hinduism/2001/02/Rites-Of-Transition-Hindu-Death-Rituals.aspx?p=3

http://hinduism.about.com/od/deathdying/a/Pitri-Paksha-Annual-Ancestor-Worship.htm

http://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php?itemid=1428

http://www.drikpanchang.com/shraddha/info/shraddha.html

http://www.dadabhagwan.org/scientific-solutions/relationship/death-and-relationships/understanding-shraddha-ceremony/

 

Related Topics for Further Investigation:

Samskaras

Antiyesti

Sapindikarana Sraddha

Bhutas

Pretas

Pitr-loka

Parvana Sraddha

Ekodistana Sraddha

Asauca
Article written by Elisha Hunter (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

Sanskrit Grammarians

Bhartrhari

Bhartrhari (pronounced: BHUHR-tur-HUH-ree) was a famous Indian grammarian, philosopher, and poet. Many regard him as a linguistic philosopher (Bronkhorst 479).  He should not to be confused with the Ujjain ruler Bhartrhari, mentioned in many Indian folk stories, although there has been debate that the two men are linked in some way. The grammarian’s work is very well known, and many grammarians have often referred to his work when discussing a linguistic phenomenon (Murti 9). His most influential writings are the Vakyapadiya and the Satakatraya. The Satakatraya is a book based on his three collections of poems on political passion, renunciation, and wisdom (Coward 1976:12), while the Vakyapadiya is a Sanskrit treatise on semantics and the philosophy of language (Wright 388).

The tomb of Bhartrhari, who is here reputed to be the brother of an ancient king of Ujjain (Chunar Fort, Uttar Pradesh, India)
The tomb of Bhartrhari, who is here reputed to be the brother of an ancient king of Ujjain (Chunar Fort, Uttar Pradesh, India)

The “Personal” Life of Bhartrhari

There are very few records that contain information on the grammarian’s personal life, and his writings tend to avoid the subject as well. However, although exact dates are still unknown, it has been determined that Bhartrhari was alive during the 6th century CE. This was confirmed based on references made by Chinese traveller Yijing (635-713CE), who mentioned Bhartrhari in his travelogues (Murti 9). According to his notes, Bhartrhari was indecisive on choosing a life in the world of pleasure or the isolated life of a monk (Miller 766).

Due to the lack of information provided for his personal life, many narratives have been created to fill in the missing gaps of Bhartrhari’s private life. For example, in a drama written by Harihara, Bhartrhari is portrayed as a disciple of Goraksanatha from whom he learned yoga and renounced the world (Murti 9).

Famous Writings

The Satakatraya

Also referred to as Satakatrayam, this poetic ensemble is split into three parts (centuries): the Srngarasataka, the Nitisataka and the Vairagyasataka. In English, these subjects are: Passionate Encounters, Man in the World of Villains and Kings, and Refuge in the Forest (Teele 348). In the Srngarasataka you will find both bitter and affectionate stanzas dedicated to women. The ones that show fondness are similar to romantic poetry based on their soppy, compassionate qualities (More 9).  However, while these writings may be beautiful, they are not written to an individual woman, but to every woman. The stanzas treat women as “a symbol of sensual pleasure to be flattered or reviled” (More 10). The stanzas within the Nitisataka are designed to teach knowledge of men as individuals and instil sayings of worldly prudence (Tawney xii). This worldly wisdom occasionally contains sarcastic pitches at fools, pedants, flatterers, and babblers, sometimes to the point of highest morality (More 13). While the first two parts of the Satakatraya seem to agree with their English translations, the Vairagyastaka seems to have some different views. According to More, it seems to give the impression that Bhartrhari put his heart and soul into it, proven by the songs of true wisdom and finding peace, along with songs about the happiness of his new life (More 13). However, Tawney states that the Vairagyasataka contains poems about the king of Ujjain who was disgusted with his wife’s faithlessness (Tawney xiii). He also mentions that ‘vairagya’ translates to “disgust with the world,” indicating that both authors might be thinking of two different men that go by the name Bhartrhari.

The Vakyapadiya

The Vakyapadiya is thought to be Bhartrhari’s magnum opus (Aklujkar 547), and is based on his questioning of why something that exists comes into being and how something that does not exist comes into being (Bronkhorst 479). For him, language is the manifestation of Brahman, and it constitutes the world (Collins 230). His work of art is split into three kandas, respectively called Brahma-kanda (Agama-kanda), Vakya-kanda, and Prakirna-kanda, all of which are composed in karikas (Murti 11). The first two chapters discuss metaphysical ideas concerning the concept of sabdabrahman and the structure and meaning of sentences, while the third deals with issues relating to words (Coward 1976:31).  According to Bhartrhari, the sentence is indivisible and is the unit of expression, which is why the focus of first two kandas is on the vakya sentence (Murti 11). The real structure of language is formed from the words and sentences in our speech and written records (Murti 22), and from this, Bhartrhari notes that knowledge and the proper use of words reveals spiritual dharma, which leads to an understanding of pratyaya (Coward 1976:32). According to the Vakyapadiya, there are eight subjects within grammar that must be dealt with. These subjects are: sentences and words, word and sentence meanings, fitness or compatibility, spiritual merit, stems/suffixes (etc.), meanings of stems/suffixes (etc.), causality, and knowledge of the meaning of the correct words (Murti 23). These are each discussed in their respective chapters of the Vakyapadiya.

Sphota Theory

An important theory discussed in the Vakyapadiya is the Sphota Theory. Meaning “to burst forth,” this concept further analyzes word meanings and how the words’ knowledge is shown and communicated in everyday experience (Coward 1980:11). Modelled off the pranava, Bhartrhari states that the sphota is the cause of the actual word, while dhvani conveys the meaning (Coward 1976:36). Consider a person saying a word to you. Before they speak, the word exists as a unity (sphota). When they tell you the word, a series of different sounds are produced, which gives the impression of differentiation. At first you only hear the different sounds, but eventually you distinguish the utterance as a unity, the same sphota that the person talking to you began with, therefore indicating that the meaning has been transmitted (Coward 1976:36). Put even more simply, when you hear the word “baboon,” you initially hear the different sounds for the letters/syllables, before they are recognized as one word (baboon) that contains meaning (ex. animal). In this sense, the word-meaning (artha) and word-sound (dhvani) are what constitute the sphota (Coward 1980:12).

Under this theory, it is written that, aside from perception, means of knowledge will either reveal an object, or conceal it entirely (Coward 1976:37).  The Vakyapadiya as a whole functions on two levels, pratibha (sometimes pasyanti vak), an instinctive understanding of what something is and how to use it (Ho 404) and vaikharu vak, the uttered sounds that group together to form a sentence, book or poem (Coward 14). There is also a middle section, termed madhyama vak, the level of thought. At this level, the sphota is fragmented into a sequence of thoughts, words, and phrases that still have to reach the level of uttered sounds (Coward 15).

Bibliography

Aklujkar, Ashok (1969) “Two Textual Studies of Bhartrhari.” Journal of the American Oriental Society. Vol. 89, No. 3:547-563. Michigan: American Oriental Society.

Bronkhorst, Johannes (2001) “The Peacock’s Egg: Bhartrhari on Language and Reality.” Philosophy East and West. Vol. 51, No. 4:474-491. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.

Collins, Randall (2009) The Sociology of Philosophies. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Coward, Harold (1976) Bhartrhari. Boston: Twanye Publishers

Coward, Harold (1980) The Sphota Theory of Language: A Philosophical Analysis. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Miller, Barbara (1978) Review of Harold Coward’s Bhartrhari. The Journal of Asian Studies. Vol. 37, No. 4:766-767.

More, Paul (1898) A Century of Indian Epigrams: Chiefly from the Sanskrit of Bhartrhari. New York City: Harper.

Murti, Mulakaluri (1997) Bhartrhari, the Grammarian. New Delhi: Sahitya Akad.

Tawney, Charles (1877) Two Centuries of Bhartrihari. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, and CO.

Teele, Roy (1968) “Review of Far Eastern Chronicle.” Poetry. Vol. 112, No. 5:347-352. Chicago: Poetry Foundation.

Wright, J.C. (1980) Bhartrhari’s Vakyapadiya by Wilhelm Rau: Bhartrhari: The Vakyapadiya of Bhartrhari, Kanda II. London: Cambridge University Press.

Other Sources of Interest

Kennedy, J.M (1913) The Satakas or, Wise sayings of Bhartrihari. London: T.W Laurie

Todeschini, Alberto (2010) “Bhartrhari’s view of the pramanas in the Vakyapadiya.” Asian Philosophy: An International Journal of the Philosophical Traditions of the East. Vol. 20, No. 1:97-109

Related Websites of Interest

http://www.blackcatpoems.com/b/bhartrhari.html

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/64051/Bhartrihari

http://www.cgjungpage.org/learn/articles/literature/916-tracking-the-hermits-soul-a-jungian-reading-of-bhartriharis-satakatraya

Bhartrihari

http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095503660

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhart%E1%B9%9Bhari

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spho%E1%B9%ADa

Related Terms of Interest

Anangasena

artha

Brahman

dhvani

Goraksanatha

kanda

karikas

pramanas

pranava

pratyaya

Sabdabrahman

yoga

vaikharu vak

Vikranaditya

Yijing

Article written by: Sydney Haney (March 2015), who is solely responsible for its content.

1. Sankhya, 6. Vedanta

Maya: The Concept of Illusion

Maya is the term for “cosmic/worldly-illusion,” “multiplicity,” “that which is not” within the Hindu religion. Though Maya’s etymology is unclear, we can trace through the ancient scriptures and texts to discover its origin and its myriad of meanings and uses.

In early Vedic literature, specifically the Rg Veda, we see the term is used to represent “intelligence,” (prajna/buddhi) “extraordinary power,” and “deception” (kapata) in its simple and compound forms. This idea was developed and conveyed to humanity by the God Indra, who took on many forms with his Maya or “extraordinary willpower”, in which he did marvelous things that mortal humans could not comprehend. Since his “extraordinary willpower” defies normal human understanding, it is considered a phenomenon and we accept it as a form of “deception” from what we think we know as true, or what we are familiar with (see Shastri 10-11). In other Vedic scripture such as the Atharvaveda, the term has more influence as a supernatural element, portraying Maya as “great illusion” and “magic” in which embodies a person and the world. In the Brahmanas the word is again used for “intelligence” (prajna/buddhi). In the Upanishads, the grand philosophical texts that have been sometimes used to describe the esoteric values of the Vedas as a whole, we see the term expand its illusionary meaning to “cosmic illusion”. The Upanishads also recognize Maya as something the Atman creates and controls, thus being deluded by multiplicity that arises from within the self. There is only one true reality, and all plurality and multiplicity is Maya which the Atman creates. The Sankhya philosophy identifies Maya with Prakrti (primordial matter) as the source of the universe, with the distinct difference that the latter is real. It is the equilibrium of the three qualities of Sattva, Rajas and Tamas. (Shastri 29). The Sankhya philosophy tells us that Maya’s influence on humankind is through the use of the three gunas. Maya appeals to our senses, and through the three gunas we become deluded by matter, energy, mass and mistakenly take them to be something on their own.

Maya was conveyed in early Vedic literature, specifically the Rg Veda and Atharvaveda, by describing “the one reality” “Brahman,” and “Atman”. The term is conveyed not through literal use at first, but by the representation of multiplicity, deception or illusion from the one true reality, Brahman. Maya is something that embodies the Atman and deludes it by believing that we are something entirely on it’s own, independent of Brahman. The early story of Svetaketu is a prime example; it shows how after Svetaketu completed his sacred education, he remained conceited, pedantic and opinionated. As this was also apparent to his father, his father asked him firstly whether he learned anything about the unheard being heard, the unseen being seen. Svetaketu failed to respond and asked for his fathers knowledge, his father said, “My son, as everything made of clay is known by a single clump of clay, being nothing more then a modification of speech, a change, a name, while the clay in the only truth” (see Gough 43). Maya embodies Atman and Brahman, and creates an illusion to the cosmic perspective. Knowing the many is being deluded, knowing the one is vanquishing the many. Every atom, molecule, cell, being, planet is all multiplicity from the One. As Indian philosophers say: if we know Brahman, we know all things (Gough 43). In the Upanishads Maya is the appearance that distinguishes all from true reality. He who sees as it were a plurality actually existing is never saved, but is over and over the subject to the pangs of birth and death in this samsara. The conception of Maya exhibits itself in such passages clearly, and yet many do not see it (Shastri 56). A high point of the Upanishads was that the reference to an “other”, which was a broad reference to anything in our daily natural lives, which is in turn multiplicity, was meant to be meaningless because anything that which is multiplied cannot be Brahman or the One. It also perceived that with multiplicity, no one true meaning can exist. For something to exist independently of Brahman would imply that it has another purpose or meaning that Brahman does not, which is false because Brahman is the only true reality (see Shastri 38-39)

The Atman is the ultimate goal and reality in life within the Hindu tradition. The Atman is the true self and the only self. It is said to be waiting just beneath the skin, waiting to be discovered. Maya embodies Atman and deludes the self into believing our natural realms of multiplicity are independent from the self. Not only does Maya’s illusion extend externally, it also confuses humans to recognize with their bodies and their identities, mistaking them as our own and independent from the One true reality. In the Upanishads, Atman is sometimes used to represent the earth, water, wind, men, and the natural world. This unity shows how all beings, elements and things are Atman. Atman can be seen as pure consciousness, unifying your conscious with the one of Brahmans, which is true consciousness. This means that all things exist only so far as they are my consciousness, which is a unity; hence the multiplicity, which seems to exist independent of my consciousness, is not real but only a mere name (Shastri 63). Maya embodies Atman, because all cows, earth, men, wind are portions of our conscious, but Maya confuses our Atman into believing they are entirely creations and beings on their own. This extends into our interaction with people, believing that being is completely independent from you. We believe he is he, she is she, they are they, I am only I, and all I can ever be is I. This is false, we are all Brahman, and we are deluded into seeing and believing plurality. Maya inspires a chain of events that are extremely hard to stop once they have begun. We begin becoming attached to the elements, such as fine metal and jewels, our aesthetics, what makes us unique and individual, where we reside, what we eat, how we are represented, how others think of us, the clothes we where, our status, etc. All these things are brought on by our multiplicity and continuously take us farther and farther away from the true One reality. People who latch onto plurality or multiplicity do not achieve liberation, and will continue the cycle of samsara until their lives are filled with understanding and desire to unify one self.

It is by a multiple concentration that the one self assumes the aspect of a multitude of selves, and it is by a multiple exclusive concentration that it loses sight, in each self, of its identity with the other selves and with the self of all selves. The result is avidya, the great ignorance, the thick veil hiding from us not only our true self but also a broad tangle of subliminal influences both acting on us and exerted by us (Mohrhoff 6).

Avidya is used in Vedic philosophy subjectively to represent the natural form and matter of the world that we perceive, distinguishing self from non-self, and then leading into preferences, likes and dislikes, egoism and more. Avidya is different from Maya because it is referring to the process of not knowing our true self, being ignorant and unwise due to Maya’s illusion, and not representing the illusion itself, only the process of forgetting our true nature. When one discovers his Atman, Avidya is destroyed along with Maya freeing himself from the cycle of samsara and realizing one’s true self.

Moksa or Mukti is the central concept in Hinduism and refers to the liberation from Maya’s illusion, the freedom of the cycle of samsara and the unification with Brahman. Thus all things melt into the original self, as the darkness faints and melts away before the rising sun. Its fictitiously limiting mind with all its modes has been dissolved, and the soul is the Self again; the jar is broken, and the ether that was in it is one with the one and undivided ether, from which the jar once seemed to sever it. The sage has seen the Self, and passed into oneness with it, lost like a drop in water (see Gough 60). Moksha is also known as Nirvana in the other heterodox Indian philosophies such as Buddhism and Jainism. Once a person is liberated, enjoying the glory of enlightenment, they seek to help others also unify with the self. Thus liberated from metempsychosis, but still living in the body, the sage is untouched by merit and de-merit, unsoiled by sinful works, uninjured by what he has done and by what he has left undone, unimplicated in his actions good or evil (Gough 61).

Maya is an extremely crucial and frequently misunderstood concept within Hinduism. Maya is the cosmic illusion which arises from the self’s consciousness which uses the three gunas of nature to delude us from what we truly are, giving us the idea that we are entirely independent and separate from anything else. Maya is multiplicity on every level, from a microscopic level of atoms to the universal size of planets; it is all in some shape or form, a variation and change to the “One” true reality and given its own identity. Maya develops ignorance, termed Avidya, which signifies the descent into the delusion, where we are completely lost from our Atman, even though he is just beneath the skin. Maya encompasses Brahman, therefore it encompasses our whole existence, everything we perceive is a creation of Maya and only with mental fortitude and spiritual willpower may we free ourselves from this ever-repeating cycle of samsara and illusion from the one. Once Maya has faded from our perception and we are finally realizing Atman and seeing the true reality of existence, we have achieved the state of moksa, the highest state of consciousness and existence within most Hindu religions. Maya is the necessary opposite to moksa, for without the delusion, there is nothing for one to realize.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bhaskar, Roy (2000) From East to West: Odyssey of a Soul. Oxfordshire: Taylor & Francis Books.

Dallapiccola, Anna (2002) Dictionary of Hindu lore and legend. London: Thames & Hudson.

Gough, Edward (1979) The Philosophy of the Upanishads and Ancient Indian Metaphysics. New Dehli: Cosmo Publications.

Johnston, Charles (1912) The Yoga Sutras of Patanjali. New York: The Quarterly Book Department.

Morhoff, Ulrich (2007) “The Veil of Avidya” Pondicherry: Sri Aurobindo International Centre of Education.

Shastri, Prabhu Dutt (1911) The Doctrine of Maya. London: Luzac and Co.

Simoni-Wastilla. Henry (2002) “Maya and Radical Particularity: Can Particular Persons Be One with Brahman?” International Journal of Hindu Studies Vol. 6, No. 1 (April): 1-18.

Sivanada, Sri Swami (2000) The Bhagavad Gita. Himalayas: The Divine Life Society.

Straight, G Carroll (2001) “Quantum Underpinnings of Religious Currents.” The World & I  Vol. 16, No. 1 (January): 154.

van Buitenen, Johannes Adrianus Bernardus (1964) “The Large Atman.” History of Religions Vol. 4, No.1 (Summer) 103-114.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Moksha

Avidya

Brahman

Samsara

Atman

Upanishads

Rig Veda

Atharva Veda

Vedanta Philosophy

Sankhya System

Jnana Yoga

Sannyasa

Three Gunas

Prakrti

Svetaketu

Noteworthy Websites:

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/maya.asp

http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/essays/maya.asp

http://www.yogabasics.com/learn/the-3-gunas-of-nature/

http://www.dlshq.org/download/bgita.pdf

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maya_%28illusion%29

http://www.oocities.org/neovedanta/a87.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jnana_yoga

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moksha#S.C4.81mkhya.2C_Yoga_and_mok.E1.B9.A3a

Article written by: Forrest Freihaut (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.

 

e. Other Sects

The Mahanubhavas

The Mahanubhavas are a Hindu sect whose members are mostly located in Maharashtra. The people who live in this region are known as Maharashtrians and the language they speak is called Marathi. The sect was founded in 1267 by Harapala, who was from Gujarat, a state in the Western part of India. He is otherwise known as Chakradhara, because he began his career as an ascetic in Vidarbha under this name. It is here where he gathered many disciples and moved to Paithan. This would become the headquarters of the sect (Feldhaus 422). Their sacred text is the Sutrapatha, which consists of 1172 sutras and is divided into thirteen sections (Feldhaus 422). This sect has faced many controversies. One controversy concerning the Sutrapatha, is not about what the text entails, but about the language used to write it. It is written in an old form of Marathi and not in the usual Sanskrit language. Therefore, only people educated in this old way of writing are able to understand it.

Chakradhara was the son of a Gujarati royal minister. He became disgusted with his wife and, despite his father’s objections, set out on a pilgrimage (Bakker 88). Chakradharas’ guru was named Govindaprabhu and he is the fourth of the five avatars [For more information on Govindaprabhu refer to Raeside (1976)]. Chakradhara wandered the wilderness as a naked ascetic. During this journey he acquired his first female disciple. This meeting took place in 1266 (Raeside 587).  This Hindu sect did a great job of documenting their history. Two fundamental pieces of writings are the Purvardha and Uttarardha. These texts are written by Chakradhara’s disciples and give a detailed account of his wanderings. Also the texts explain how he is constantly teaching his doctrine and getting many more disciples, the majority of them are women (Raeside 587).  The elaborate account of Cakradharas death is quite striking. He was accused of living immorally with his female disciples, for this he was arrested and had his nose cut off. His enemies were still not satisfied with this punishment. Chakradhara was then arrested again and beheaded. [For more information on these events refer to the rajya karitam, this episode elaborates on the final event and how Chakradhara went north (Raeside 1976)].

The death of a leader has a profound effect on his/her subjects. Nagadeva became a very important figure for the Mahanubhavas and was the obvious choice as the successor because of his close relationship with the founder Chakradhara. He held the sect together and he stated that it was only him who could give initiation and teaching to the new recruits (Raeside 588). A leader is a person who needs to be able to assert his/her authority, take charge of the group and not be questioned by anyone. When the leader loses this authority, he/she also loses respect and members of the group will begin to look elsewhere for a stronger leader. This failure in leadership would happen to Parasaramabasa, who became the leader of the sect around 1390. By this time the sect was growing rapidly. He could not remain in control of the growing society and the result was a split from one unified Hindu sect into thirteen sub-sects (amnayas) (Raeside 588).  By the nineteenth century all of the remaining sects merged into two of the main sub-sects that had survived. The Upadhye and the Kavisvara: the differences between these two sub-sects were minimal. Kavisvara represented orthodoxy, the Upadhye did not, but had proven to be the strongest group, and the reason for the Upadhye being stronger is unknown. Each group only had slightly differing views on points of doctrine and dress details (Raeside 588).

All of the Mahanubhava beliefs and practices were written down shortly after the death of Chakradhara. The most important writings come from the Lila caritra, which was composed by Mhai-Bhatta and the text recorded all of Chakradhara’s life and sayings (Dalal 234). This was an enormous task as Mhai-Bhatta wrote down everything Chakradhara had said and all of his movements too. This was all done by memory and with the help from some of Chakradhara other disciples (Raeside 589). This text was divided into three parts and despite holding the spoken words of Chakradhara, it is not considered the ‘bible’ of the Mahanubhavas. The ‘bible’ name is attached to the Sutrypatha, the text was written by Kesobasa and contains his own recollections of Chakradharas teachings in the form of sutras. Later he decided to add another section which entails all the stories Chakradhara had used to illustrate his teachings (Raeside 589).

In order for the leader of a religion or a religious sect to gain disciples, he needs to have a set of beliefs and values that his admirers will follow. Chakradhara had four everlasting, always independent components of the universe: Jiva, Devata, Prapanca and Paramesvara/Brahma (Raeside 589). The purpose of Jiva is to attain moksha and the Devata is a powerful impediment to Jiva [For more information on Moksha and Jiva refer to Dalal (2010), here the two concepts are elaborated on and used in many different examples]. Despite this connection between the first two components Chakradhara’s teaching was mainly concerned with the relationship between Jiva and Paramesvara, also he refers to the highest deity as Paramesvara (Raeside 591) [For further information on Paramesvara refer to Raeside (1976)]. Other beliefs involved in this sect are the worship of smarana (remembrance) of the five incarnations including their incidents, objects related to their lives and pilgrimages to places connected with them (Dalal 233). The incidents being worshiped refer to important events in people’s lives and they show a great amount of respect to these objects because of how influential the item is.

Physically seeing the founder of a religious sect can have a very strong effect on some disciples. The mere sight of Chakradhara is said to have induced a trance-like state in people (Raeside 561). A trance is referring to a person being in a specific state of mind; they are not asleep nor completely awake, resulting in an inability to function without another person directing them. For women in this Hindu sect, trance is an extremely important part of showing their devotion and loyalty to their God. Female problems are alleviated through trance, if the woman is unable to trance, she sees this as a curse or type of bad karma (Skultans 81). Men do not trance, this is related to the part they play in society. If men are in a trance like state then mentally they would be incapable of performing their job. This is why only women are able to trance (Skultans 88). To other religions, trancing is a serious effect on the mental health of the women. To the Mahanubhava women, the ability to enter a trance proves to them and to their family their devotion to their God. [Skultans (2008) explores the importance of trance and the connection the women feel with their God when they are in this state of mind].

The Mahanubhava have many practices that are accepted by other religions. They have gurus (teachers) and shishya (student), also they have a leader and many texts that explain the sects beliefs and values. However, there are also several parts of the sect that are questioned and looked down upon by other groups that practice Hinduism. What the Mahanubhava face persecution for is their non-acceptance of the caste system and their rejection of using the Sanskrit language (Dalal 233). Because they are part of the Marathi society, they speak and record all of their texts in an old form of the Marathi language. However, when writing poetry the people in this sect adhere to the high tradition of the Sanskrit court poetry [see the Medieval Indian Literature (1997) for more information]. The caste system is a huge part of the Hindu religion, each jatis (caste) is grouped into four varnas (classes): Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras, some people believe there is also a fifth caste for the Untouchables. Each caste has its own duties in society and must follow strict rules associated with their certain caste. The Mahanubhava rejected the caste system and allow anyone to join the Hindu sect. For some this was unthinkable; a Brahmin socially interacting with an Untouchable was not an event that happened a lot or at all and some thought of this as absurd. The Mahanubhavas also disregarded the teachings of the Vedas and do not recognize any deities except Krsna (Ranade 28). [For more information on the sects rejection of all deities except Krsna see Ranade (1982)]. The rejection of this system by the Mahanubhava’s founder Chakradhara brought a major change to society. This movement promoted equality among all varnas, instead of punishing the people for being born into a certain caste system.

Statistically thinking because anyone can join the Mahanubhavas Hindu sect regardless of their caste status, it would make sense if the number of members would be relatively high. The sect flourished towards the end of the thirteenth century (Feldhaus 201). However, from a membership estimation in 1901 there are only about 22,000 members and it is extremely hard to determine an accurate number for the past few years because the Mahanubhavas fall under the religion Hinduism, not a separate Hindu sect (Raeside 585). Even though the sect does not seem to have a huge following, the texts written by the disciples have received a huge amount of attention, especially over the past 50 years from Marathi scholars (Raeside 585). This sect feels a great deal of hatred from the Brahmin. They never complained about it until 1907 and it is here the mahantas (Mahanubhava religious leaders) began to defend their sect in court. They would need to present evidence in court to prove the Brahmins slander and the Mahanubhava presented multiple scriptures as evidence against the Brahmins. Some of which dated as far back as the fourteenth century and this was the same time era as the oldest Marathi literature known up to that time so it was a very impressive piece of evidence (Raeside 586). Certain members or groups in society could not accept the admission of all people regardless of their caste status, in spite of this the Mahanubhavas continue to worship their God.

The Mahanubhava is a Hindu sect that was founded by a man who rejected many aspects of the traditional Hindu society. Chakradhara was a powerful leader who taught his disciples his ideas about the universe. He asked his disciples to follow four precepts: non-violence, asceticism, celibacy and bhakti (Dalal 234). [For an in-depth look at Bhakti refer to Dalal (2010)]. Much controversy took place surrounding the founder’s death. He allegedly broke the rule of celibacy, but still the event was documented in great detail. This indicates the importance of recording all acts Chakradhara performed no matter what the outcome was and the negative impact it had on the Mahanubhava. Today the creation of this Hindu sect continues to be seen as a major change in society. Though the impact was located in a relatively small area in northern and eastern Maharashtra, between the old districts of Khandesh and Napur, they are strongest of all in Berar (Raeside 585). There is no question that the sect has produced some of the oldest forms of Marathi writing ever known, and for this reason scholars of the 20th century have become very intrigued with understanding the sect and all of their documentations.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READING

Bakker Hans (1990) The History of Sacred Places in India As Reflected in Traditional    Literature: Papers on Pilgrimage in South Asia. The Netherlands. Leiden: Brill.

Feldhaus, Anne (1996) Images of women in Maharashtrian Literature and Religion. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Feldhaus, Anne (1985) “The Religious System of the Mahanubhava Sect: The Mahanubhava Sutrapatha.” The Journal of Asian Studies P. 422.

Raeside I.M.P (1976) “The Mahanubhavas.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. 39, No. 3. P585-600.

Raeside I. (1988) “Investigating Mahanubhava Practice and Beliefs.” Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. 23, No. 3 p. 561-562.

Ranade R.D (1982) Mysticism in Maharashtra: Indian Mysticism. New Delhi: Motilal  Banarsidass Publisher.

Roshen, Dalal (2010) Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide. Penguin Books India.

Panikar, Ayyappap (1997) Medieval Indian Literature: An Anthology, Volume 2 Surveys and selections; New Delhi: Elegant Printers.

Skultans Vieda (2008) Empathy and Healing: Essays in Medical and Narrative Anthropology. United States: Berghahn Books.
Related topics for further investigation

Mahanubhava

Sect

Marathi

Chakradhara

Mhai-Bhatta

Maharashtra

Nagadeva

Krsna

Jiva

Devata

Prapanca

Paramesvara/Brahma

Kesobasa

Caste system

Sanskrit

Brahmins

Kshatriyas

Vaishyas

Shudras

Noteworthy websites related to the Topic

https://www.flickr.com/photos/100gurus/6272856175/in/photostream/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahanubhava

http://www.krishna.com/

http://www.ushistory.org/civ/8b.asp

Article written by Heidi Elsley (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its contents.

Assorted Aspects of Hindu Culture

Magicians and Sorcerers in Hinduism

Magicians and sorcerers have a long history in Hinduism. The ancient Atharva Veda’s most salient teaching is sorcery (Bloomfield xxix). This Veda contains mainly mantras used in witchcraft or sorcery, in the curing of diseases, for destruction of enemies, etc. (Whitney vi). Many scholars have categorized the hymns of the Atharva Veda in different classes, as the hymns are meant to: secure long life, get good wishes of the deities, ward off misfortune, pardon the misdeeds, obtain the kingship, as well as others (Whitney ix). Other examples of these hymns include: charms to cure diseases and heal wounds; imprecations against demons, sorcerers, and enemies; charms to obtain a husband, wife, or son; and charms to obtain prosperity in house, field, cattle, business, gambling, and kindred matters (Bloomfield vii-xiii).

Many of the modern performances of Indian magic are simply tricks. Perhaps the best known of all the feats performed by Indian conjurers is the mango-tree trick (Carrington 5). A seed is placed in some earth and a mango-tree miraculously grows in mere moments (Carrington 6-8). The secret of this trick is the pliability of the tree; the leaf and twigs of the mango-tree are exceedingly tough, and can be folded into a very small space without breaking (Carrington 9). Thus they will resume their former expanded condition very rapidly, without any traces of the folding process (Carrington 9). Perhaps another of the best known tricks is the dry-sands trick (Carrington 26). A handful of sand is placed into a bucket of water, yet when removed it is completely dry (Carrington 26). This trick relies on the preparation of the sand; the sand must be cooked with a small amount of lard which covers the grains of sand with a slight coating of grease, rendering it impervious to water (Carrington 26-27).

The folk understandings of tribal magic among the Oraons of West Bengal and the Chotanagpur area is quite different from modern street magic-tricks. Kali Mai has traditionally been the major goddess of the village black magician (McDaniel 231). When Kali Mai’s power is sought, he erects a mud altar for her and sacrifices a red chicken and a black goat, thereby granting the magician what he wishes (McDaniel 231). Among the Savara people, a tribal group known for their skill at snake charming, Chandi may be evoked for both love magic and exorcism (McDaniel 38). A man who desires a woman collects the dust from her footsteps and brings it to the shaman (ojha) who chants an incantation three times; afterwards he sprinkles the dust upon the woman and she finds herself attracted to him (McDaniel 38).

A good example of folk tantra is a small handbook called the Dakini Tantra (McDaniel 78). It is written in Bengali, though it contains many Sanskrit mantras and is used by local tantric healers (McDaniel 78). It contains various instructions on how to enchant people, cure various bites, how to deal with ghosts and witches, as well as practices to gain vak siddhi, so that whatever a practitioner says comes true (McDaniel 79). The krisna satkarma or black magic rituals, traditionally teach the tantrika how to control both the physical world and other people (McDaniel 80). This includes varieties of hypnosis, creation of paralysis, bringing disease or madness, and other rituals to gain supernatural powers (McDaniel 80).

Faith healing has long been practiced in India. The Atharva Veda refers to amulet use on many occasions; an amulet is a sacred thing charged with the strength of a spirit (Niyogi 26). Amulets could not only heal, but also protect the wearer from any evil consequences (Niyogi 26). The materials used to construct such amulets were of the utmost importance, along with certain preparations and certain observances of ritual formalities (Niyogi 26). Amulets made of rice could grant the wearer long life and to protect against demon possession splinters from ten holy trees were to be worn (Niyogi 26-27). Spirit possession also has a very crucial role to play in the area of faith healing (Niyogi 91). Most spirit possession occurs on Tuesdays and Saturdays, though in some villages such phenomena occur on Fridays or Mondays (Niyogi 91). Bhar Haoya is a type of possession trance, typically a passive experience in which the medium opens his/her body so that the expected spirit being may enter into it and express himself or herself through it, usually by using the medium’s vocal organs (Niyogi 92). The mediums emphasize that “nothing will be effective without faith, nor even the best doctors; but with sufficient faith one can be cured with plain water” (Niyogi 94). Other mediums do not need to enter into a possession trance, as they can heal the discomforts with the aid of healing spirits (Niyogi 111). It appears that these spiritual healers can identify the sickness of a patient just by having a look at him or her. However, it is difficult to confirm if these healers can actually heal the patients (Niyogi 111).

A Sanskrit fragment in a collection of Balinese hymns and fragments called the Mahamaya describes the supranormal effects of meditation upon Visnu’s maya, here to be understood as that god’s ability to change his appearance at will (Goudriaan ix). Maya is an important element in Indian religious history, essentially meaning ‘magic’ (Goudriaan 1). Very often in the Vedas the word maya stands for the creation of a real, material form, be it human or non-human, by means of which the creator of that form shows his incomprehensible power (Goudriaan 2). Maya is a neutral force; when used by the gods it is a force for good though in the human environment maya is liable to degenerate into deceit or illusions (Goudriaan 2). Maya can be used by sorcerers to present themselves in the guise of wild animals, as when the demon Marica confronts Rama and his companions in the form of a gazelle in the Ramayana (Goudriaan 4). The Jatakas describe Brahmins who act as sorcerers; they can create a rain of precious stones, they know the languages of animals, they understand the science of conjuring demons and spirits and they ward off diseases and snakebites (Goudriaan 230).

Some modern accounts of sorcery have received media attention in recent years. A tantrik in a Bankura village confessed to beheading a newborn and licking the blood dripping from its severed head; he performed this act in public and police had to rescue him from being lynched by the locals (“The Times of India” 2012 February 3). Such events are not uncommon in rural India, nearly 2,100 people accused of witchcraft have been killed between 2000-2012 (“The Washington Post” 2014 July 21).

Not all accounts of modern sorcery are malevolent. In November 1993, a small group of Swedish tourists was taken to the Bank of the Ganges to watch an exorcism (Glucklich 141). A young woman, who had previously had a miscarriage, feared that her neighbour had thrown a curse on her to abort yet another child (Glucklich 141). The exorcist, Ram Prasad, laid out a wreath of marigold flowers in a circle and took three clay pots to the river (Glucklich 141). One of the pots was filled with water, the second with water and wine, and the third with only wine (Glucklich 141). He then lit three lumps of camphor inside the circle of flowers and proceeded on to the clove ritual, which was the main part of the exorcism (Glucklich 141). He touched her head with the clove and said, “You are the Goddess of Religion (Dharma), I will not stay here, I will not stay here, I will completely not stay here,” (Glucklich 142). He then touched the clove to her stomach and added, “I will tell you again, Mother of Religion, if she has any problem in her stomach or a headache or anything else, it will go out” (Glucklich 142). He then changed his voice to that of the goddess and said, “I am finishing everything, it is completely clear (as milk of milk and water of water), you will be clear and pure like milk” (Glucklich 142). He then made a guttural grunt as he pulled the clove away from the girl’s stomach and said, “This sickness will be gone, look I am taking out the witchcraft” (Glucklich 142). He then placed the clove into the mouth of a live fish and released it into the river while repeating, “I will never come (again), I will never come” (Glucklich 142). He ended the ritual after the fish was gone and then told the girl to touch the water where the puja had taken place (Glucklich 142). Later that night, at his house, Ram Prasad performed another puja and chanted, “It has gone completely,” seven times, offered wine to Ma Sakti and a necklace of flowers (Glucklich 142). He put a divination rod on the floor and lit seven pieces of camphor on it (Glucklich 142). Later he asked it if the illness was completely out of the girl, and it indicated that it was (Glucklich 142).

Magicians and sorcerers have long had a place in India, and they shall continue to for the foreseeable future as they are so ingrained in the fabric of Indian traditions, beliefs, and society.

 

REFERENCES AND FURTHER RECOMMENDED READINGS

Banerjee, Falguni (2012, February 3) “Tantrik confesses to child sacrifice in Bankura.” The Times of India. Retrieved from http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/Tanktrik-confesses-to-child-sacrifice-in-Bankura/articleshow/11735141.cms?referral=PM

Bloomfield, Maurice (1969) Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, Together With Extracts From the Ritual Books and the Commentaries. New York: Greenwood Press.

Brunton, Paul (1934) A Search in Secret India. London: Rider & Co.

Carrington, Hereward (1913) Hindu Magic: An Expose of the Tricks of the Yogis and Fakirs of India. Kansas City: The Sphinx Publishing Co.

Frost, Thomas (1876) The Lives of the Conjurers. London: Tinsley Brothers.

Glucklich, Ariel (1997) The End of Magic. New York: Oxford University Press.

Goudriaan, Teun (1978) Maya Divine and Human. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Kapferer, Bruce (1997) The Feast of the Sorcerer: Practices of Consciousness and Power. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Keshavan, M. S.; H. S. Naravanan; B. N. Gangadhar (1989) “‘Bhanamati’ Sorcery and Psychopathology in South India A Clinical Study.” British Journal of Psychiatry; Vol. 154: p.218.

McDaniel, June (2004) Offering Flowers, Feeding Skulls: Popular Goddess Worship in West Bengal. New York: Oxford University Press.

McCoy, Terrence (2014, July 21) “Thousands of women, accused of sorcery, tortured and executed in Indian witch hunts.” The Washington Post. Retrieved from http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/morning-mix/wp/2014/07/21/thousands-of-women-accused-of-sorcery-tortured-and-executed-in-indian-witch-hunts/

Niyogi, Tushar K. (2006) Faith Healing: Studies in Myths and Rituals in Medicine and Therapy. Kolkata: R. N. Bhattacharya.

Shah, Tahir (2011) Sorcerer’s Apprentice: An Incredible Journey into the World of India’s Godmen. New York: Arcade Publishing.

Sorcar, P. C. (1950) Hindu Magic. Calcutta: S. Gupta.

Unknown (2014, July 11) “3 arrested for murder of suspected sorcer.” The Hindu. Retrieved from http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/3-arrested-for-murder-of-suspected-sorcerer/article6200534.ece

Whitney, William Dwight (2000) Atharva-Veda-Samhita. Delhi: Parimal Publications.

Yelle, Robert A. (2003) Explaining Mantras: Ritual, Rhetoric, and the Dream of a Natural Language in Hindu Tantra. New York: Routledge.

Related Topics for Further Investigation

Rsi

Svastayana

Marana

Ucchatana

Vasikarana

Stambhana

Vidveshanna

Siddha

Siddhi

Jadu-Tona

Totaka

Muth

Tantra-Mantra

Noteworthy Websites Related to the Topic

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/266312/Hinduism/9024/Tantric-ritual-and-magical-practices

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magic_%28paranormal%29#Magic_in_Hinduism

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_magicians

 

Article written by: Jesse Elliott (March 2015) who is solely responsible for its content.